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Representative Mansfield gives a brief biographical sketch and then discusses the economic development of Montana, including dams, retention of the air base at Great Falls, and rural electrification. He also discusses his record on public power, Rural Electrification Administration, and agricultural issues. ; https://scholarworks.umt.edu/mansfield_audio/1010/thumbnail.jpg

Maps and table attached to back cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article aims to identify and analyze the variations of Nicolae Ceauşescu's rhetoric concerning the "co-inhabiting nationalities" during the 1970s as a legitimacy-seeking gambit. The article argues that two of the key explanatory variables that influenced the escalation of anti-minority discourse and measures were the Romanian-Hungarian interstate relations and the resistance of the ethnic Hungarians in Romania to aggressively assimilationist strategies. This analysis is inscribed into a wider field of research (Critical Discourse Analysis), and is aimed at ascertaining political discourse as a key generator and projector of political-societal developments and determinant of identity formation.

"This book examines the ways in which ghosts haunt and shape cultural identities and memory, considering the manner in which the fluctuations of such identities sometimes imply the rethinking or rewriting of the past. Drawing on case studies in historical, political, literary and linguistic studies, it explores the narratives that produce imagined communities and identities and the places in which cultural identities are constructed through memory, asking how far these identities and memories disinherit or exclude otherness, and how far ghosts disturb orderly narratives, inviting multiple readings of the past. Thematically organised to consider the persistence of ghosts within present memory and identity, the creation of new identities through intertwining narratives of the past, and the reclamation of identities in postcolonial contexts, Memory and Identity offers a multi-disciplinary examination of the concept of haunting. Memory and Identity will appeal to scholars of sociology, anthropology, cultural studies and history with interests in memory and identity"--

Yolk sac tumor or endodermal sinus tumor is a rare malignant ovarian germ cell tumor (is a borderline tumor) diagnosed in young females up to 25 years old. Histopathological it resembles the mesenchyme of the primitive yolk sac. Microscopically it presents the following triad: Schiller-Duval bodies, reticular aspect and PAS+ hyaline droplets (α-fetoprotein). The diagnosis of Yolk sac tumor is made by dosing serum α-fetoprotein, ultrasound and MRI – DWI imaging. It requires surgical treatment, followed by chemotherapy (new therapies – platin or carboplatin, etoposide, bleomycin) [1]. Survival prognosis at 5 years is of 80% for stage I. Differential diagnosis is with Brenner tumor, ovarian clear cell carcinoma, dysgerminoma, malignant teratomas, androblastoma, dermoid cyst.

The rise of nativist parties in Europe has been accompanied by an increase in religious rhetoric. There is no reason to suggest that voters for nativist parties are motivated by religion; to the contrary, more Christian voters tend to vote for Christian Democratic parties. This article argues that religious rhetoric allows nativist parties to pursue ethno-centric agendas in an acceptable way and differently from Christian Democratic parties. Through the compilation of an original dataset of religious appeals from Austrian, German, and Swiss nativist and Christian Democratic party platforms between 1990–2021, this article demonstrates that changes in the distribution of the religious demographics of Muslims rather than Christians provide a catalyst for religious rhetoric but not an explanation for type of appeal. Instead, the historical role religious identities played in the development of nationalities explains how nativist parties deploy religious rhetoric in the present.

Der Verfasser behandelt einleitend Begriff und Anzahl der Gewerkschaftsfunktionäre, um dann Typus und Sozialprofil des traditionellen Gewerkschaftsfunktionärs zu beschreiben. Hier werden zunächst seit 1945 keine bedeutenden Veränderungen sichtbar, die Funktionäre stammen in der Regel aus dem Organisationsbereich der jeweiligen Gewerkschaft und blicken auf eine lange innergewerkschaftliche Karriere zurück. Dies trifft auf Funktionäre auf Orts- und Kreisebene ebenso zu wie auf Spitzenfunktionäre. Das wichtigste für den Gewerkschaftsfunktionär ist sein soziales Kapital, das Vertrauen der Basis. Von ihrem Selbstbild her üben die Funktionäre eher eine Mission aus als einen Beruf. Neben diesen nach wie vor dominierenden Typus des Gewerkschaftssekretärs tritt in den 1990er Jahren im Zuge der Entwicklung des nachindustriellen Dienstleistungsgesellschaft und der Pluralisierung von Sozialmilieus der neue Typus des "modernen" Gewerkschaftssekretärs. Es handelt sich hierbei im meist jüngere Seiteneinsteiger mit akademischer Ausbildung, die zu ihrer Organisation in "kritischer Halbdistanz" stehen, sich selbst als Moderatoren und Prozessberater sehen und für die es berufliche Alternativen auch außerhalb der Gewerkschaft gibt. (ICE). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1945 bis 2000.

PART ONE. PRINCIPLES OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE --. - 1. G-20 Summit at Five : time for strategic leadership / Kemal Dervis and Peter Drysdale --. - PART TWO. MANAGING THE G-20. Adapting to the new normal : the G-20 and the advanced economies five years after Washington / Paola Subacchi --. - 3. The role of emerging economies in major G-20 initiatives / Changyong Rhee and Alok Sheel --. - 4. The G-20 in crisis? Or the G-20 on crises? / Bruce Jones --. - PART THREE. THE CORE G-20 ECONOMIC AGENDA. 5. Monetary policy coordination : the role of central banks / Rakesh Mohan and Muneesh Kapur --. - 6. Global rebalancing and systemic risk assessment : the G-20 and the International Monetary Fund / Colin I. Bradford and Wonhyuk Lim --. - 7. Fiscal policy responses during crises in Latin America and Europe : implications for the G-20 / Carlos A. Vegh and Guillermo Vuletin --. - 8. The G-20 and financial market regulation / Yoshio Okubo --. - 9. The G-20 and sustainable development / Homi Kharas --. - PART FOUR. OTHER ISSUES FOR REFORM OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE. 10. A G-20 agenda for the global trade regime / Mari Pangestu and David Nellor --. - 11. The G-20 and international cooperation on climate change / Ross Garnaut --. - 12. The Chinese economy and the future of the G-20 / Huang Yiping --. - 13. Global infrastructure opportunities for the G-20 and regional organizations in the Asia Pacific Region / Andrew Elek, Mahendra Siregar and Maria Monica Wihardja

Today we are witnessing the increasing interest in the argumentative rhetoric because of its close relationship with the public discourse. Two points have been highlighted in this regard: 1, the contribution of rhetoric to the critical revision of the ongoing programs of the so-called "deliberative democracy"; 2, the reading of Aristotle's Rhetoric in line with these critical purposes. The aim of my paper is to develop this second point through an examination of the Aristotelian conception of rhetoric and his vindication of public deliberation. ; Hoy estamos asistiendo a un creciente interés por la retórica argumentativa debido a su estrecha relación con el discurso público. Tienen especial relieve dos puntos a este respecto: 1, la contribución de la retórica a la revisión crítica de los programas en curso de la llamada "democracia deliberativa"; 2, la lectura de la Retórica de Aristóteles en la línea de estos propósitos críticos. Mi artículo se propone desarrollar este segundo punto a través de un examen de la concepción aristotélica de la retórica y de su vindicación de la deliberación pública.

UNTIL RECENTLY, MOST POLITICAL SCIENTISTS DOWNPLAYED THE ROLE OF RHETORIC IN DETERMINING THE OUTCOME OF ELECTION CAMPAIGNS. HOWEVER, IN THE LAST FEW YEARS A NUMBER OF COMMENTATORS HAVE CONCLUDED THAT RHETORIC IS ONE OF THE CRUCIAL DETERMINANTS OF POLITICAL SUCCESS. IN THIS VIEW FOR EXAMPLE, MUCH OF THE BLAME FOR REPUBLICAN LOSSES IN THE 1982 MID-TERM CAMPAIGN LIES WITH PRESIDENT REAGAN FOR FAILING TO DEAL WITH THE UNEMPLOYMENT ISSUE. WHILE RHETORIC PLAYS AN UNDENIABLY IMPORTANT ROLE IN POLITICS WE BELIEVE THAT SOME ANALYSTS UNDERESTIMATE THE IMPORTANCE OF SITUATIONAL FACTORS IN INFLUENCING POLITICAL RHETORIC. THE 1982 CAMPAIGN ILLUSTRATES THIS POSITION. NO PRESIDENT COULD HAVE REMOVED UNEMPLOYMENT FROM THE POLITICAL AGENDA IN 1982. REAGAN RECOGNIZED THIS FACT AND ADAPTED HIS RHETORIC TO MITIGATING THE IMPACT OF THE UNEMPLOYMENT ISSUE ON POTENTIAL REPUBLICAN VOTERS. AS A RESULT, THE REPUBLICANS AVOIDED A POSSIBLE DEMOCRATIC LANDSLIDE. THE MAJOR THEORETICAL CONCLUSION TO BE DRAWN FROM THIS ANALYSIS IS THAT ALTHOUGH RHETORIC IS A POWERFUL POLITICAL TOOL, ITS EFFECTIVENESS IS STRICTLY LIMITED BY CONTEXT.