Suchergebnisse

Adolescence is a peak period for risk‐taking, but research has largely overlooked positive manifestations of adolescent risk‐taking due to ambiguity regarding operationalization and measurement of positive risk‐taking. We address this limitation using a mixed‐methods approach. We elicited free responses from contemporary college students (N = 74, Mage = 20.1 years) describing a time they took a risk. Qualitative analysis informed the construction of a self‐report positive risk‐taking scale, which was administered to a population‐based sample of adolescents (N = 1,249, Mage = 16 years) for quantitative validation and examination of associations with normative and impulsive personality. Sensation seeking predicted negative and positive risk‐taking, whereas extraversion and openness were predominantly related to positive risk‐taking. Results provide promising evidence for a valid measure of adolescents' engagement in positive risks.

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to demonstrate how a lack of policy attention has exacerbated the extreme circumstances faced by the Rohingya and how they can contribute to deterioration of their health, livelihood, and education, as well as their repatriation to their homeland. This article is based on data collected from field observations and interviews prior to and during the pandemic. This study confirms that the Rohingya refugee populations endure a higher level of suffering from lack of food security and livelihood, lack of basic amenities and financial resources, and accommodation is overcrowded compared with the pre‐pandemic period. The lack of a specific policy for the Rohingya has compounded the current situation in Bangladesh. This research is crucial for countries receiving refugees as well as the countries from which they flee and other actors.

AbstractBuilding on recent developments in the literature, this article addresses a prominent research question in the study of civil conflict: what explains violence against civilians? We use a novel computational model to investigate the strategic incentives for victimization in a network setting; one that incorporates civilians' strategic behavior. We argue that conflicts with high network competition—where conflict between any two actors is more likely—lead to higher rates of civilian victimization, irrespective of the conflict's overall intensity or total number of actors. We test our theory in a cross-national setting using event data to generate measures of both conflict intensity and network density. Empirical analysis supports our model's finding that conflict systems with high levels of network competition are associated with a higher level of violence against the civilian population.

In the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Israeli government paid little attention to its impact on the Palestinian population. Allocations of state aid under-funded Palestinian communities, and all state communications and public announcements were delivered in Hebrew, effectively excluding native Arabic speakers from vital safety information. In response, Muslim volunteers and organisations filled the service and information gaps created by government neglect. In this article, we describe how Muslim volunteers organised and responded in order to support the Muslim community in Israel. Based on in-depth interviews with 19 volunteers in the early days of the pandemic, we show that their motivation was both religious and political, and firmly grounded in Muslim theology. We describe new services provided by volunteers and show that they were uniquely suited to meet Muslim community needs in the moment.

ABSTRACT The political-economic development that Chile has had in recent decades has allowed the evolution of its health institutions, where hospital coverage, management, and infrastructure have been improved. The health policy organization is highly centralized and structured by the State, and this has allowed the rapid implementation of several programs. On the other hand, participation is maintained within the spaces allowed by institutionality. However, there is permanent pressure from non-governmental groups asking for different governance. Therefore, moving from a participatory reactivity in health matters to permanent proactivity is desired, although this requires a constant dialogue between the State and citizens. This paper analyzes the Chilean health system and how it relates to subsequent citizen participation, highlighting the elements that, under the current social reality, require a change to satisfy the population adequately.

This article presents an exercise whose objective is to measure the quality of the daily relationships experienced by the migrant population in Chile, based on the 2019 Voces Migrantes survey, which is representative at a national level. From an intercultural perspective, a statistical index of relational inclusion (INIR, for its acronym in Spanish) is proposed that addresses three dimensions: settling in Chile, coexisting with the receiving society, and the presence of support networks. The main results show three fundamental elements for the experiences of inclusion of migrants in Chilean society: projected time in the receiving country, having experienced discrimination, and having local support networks. It also highlights the prevalence of low INIR scores among migrants without residence permits and those born in Haiti. This index was developed from an exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis that presents important strengths and elements to be adjusted in future studies.

AbstractBackgroundThe adaptive ability performance test (ADAPT) was developed to assess adaptive skills in individuals with intellectual disabilities and borderline intellectual functioning, with or without mental disorders. As a follow‐up to earlier research on the ADAPT, a factor analytic study was conducted.MethodOne thousand and sixty six ADAPTs from clients with (suspected) intellectual disabilities or borderline intellectual functioning and 129 ADAPTs from participants from the general population were collected along with other characteristics (e.g., IQ, psychiatric classifications, living situation).ResultsAn exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was performed and resulted in good fit indices. Subsequent confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and multigroup CFA showed acceptable to good fit indices. This resulted in an instrument with eight factors and 62 items.ConclusionFactor analytic results suggest that the ADAPT is a valid instrument that measures adaptive skills in individuals with intellectual disabilities or borderline intellectual functioning.

AbstractCentral Europe is often seen as the "exceptional case" in the sociology of religion with a high degree of secularization, traditional religions in a process of decline, and fundamentalist movements small in numbers. However, this may not have always been the case. This article elaborates the analytical advantages to conceive late 19th century Catholicism and early 20th century National Socialism as two distinctive fundamentalist formations in Germany. Seen in this light, in between 1850 and 1945, fundamentalist movements were able to attract large strata of the population in Germany. This article includes four parts. First, I outline what I mean by the term "fundamentalism". Second, I will describe 19th century German Catholicism, and thirdly, early 20th century National Socialism as a fundamentalist movement. In the conclusion I will discuss if their labelling as fundamentalist formations may be justified.

Les buts de la guerre dite classique ou régulière sont connus, généralement précis et limités. En revanche, la guerre révolutionnaire, comme la révolution elle-même, a des objectifs très larges. Le pouvoir complet, sur les corps et les esprits, en particulier. Elle ne vise pas nécessairement la conquête d'objectifs militaires, mais le contrôle des populations. Il s'agit de changer le système politique et la société. Cependant, définir ce type de guerre n'est pas si simple, car les points de vue divergent, et les stratégistes, pas toujours d'accord entre eux, nombreux. Révolution de la guerre ou simple évolution ? Guérilla, guerre insurrectionnelle ou subversive, guerre révolutionnaire elle-même sont souvent confondues. A tort. Il s'agit donc de distinguer : la technique, la forme du conflit et l'entreprise. Mao et les théoriciens français nous y aideront.

Comment soulever une population quand on est non seule­ment une minorité mais parfois même une simple secte comme les Bolcheviks en 1917, Al-Qaeda en 2001, l'État islamique de nos jours ? L'actualité inter­nationale est naturellement la première raison d'accorder une importance au sujet. La seconde est que le vocable « terroriste », peut-être utile dans le registre de la communication politique, joue cependant le rôle de réducteur de la réflexion stratégique, un effet de sidération que ses auteurs n'avaient peut-être pas prévu. Cet article revisite la notion de guerre révolutionnaire pour réfléchir sur l'usage de la terreur, dont Lénine est le grand apôtre. À l'équilibre de la terreur a succédé le retour de la terreur en tant que « propagande en acte », selon le mot de Kropotkine, moyen de communi­cation politique plus que de progrès militaire.

Commonly referenced as corporate citizenship or sustainability, the initial idea of corporate social responsibility (CSR) matured from the 1987 seminal Brundtland Report, which the United Nations is credited for spearheading. The steady progression of CSR highlights the need for organizations to coordinate the fulfillment of legal, philanthropic, moral, and financial obligations to ensure appropriate strategies toward sustainability initiatives and positive behaviors toward environments, the population, and monetary gain. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the causation by which organizations adapt green organizational cultures. Some findings suggest organizational cultures are forced to adopt new philosophies in a changing environment governed by corporate sustainability efforts. These green conceptual models transform human resources (HR) role in changing and creating organizational cultures that influence organizational strategies in ways that support sustainability and influence the organizational impact concerning climate change.

AbstractThis article interprets Michel Foucault as a thinker of political coalition. While Foucault is often associated with a localist "micro-politics," he also sought to help dispersed struggles "generalize" themselves into bigger, cohesive movements. Foucault gave his fullest account of the politics of generalization in manuscripts and drafts associated with two courses at the Collège de France, entitled Security, Territory, Population (1978) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1979), which are well known to political theorists for their discussions of "governmentality." Intellectual historians have recently generated controversy by proposing that Foucault used his governmentality lectures to flirt with neoliberal positions. By reconstructing Foucault's coalitional project in the late 1970s, this article offers an alternative contextualist account of his purposes, while encouraging political theorists to reappraise the lectures as the basis for a Foucauldian theory of large-scale alliance politics.

Abstract
In the mid- to late twentieth century, the field of professional sports underwent drastic cultural and economic change. No sports association was impacted as much as the National Basketball Association, which grew monumentally from 1975 to 1990. This article argues that the NBA's growth stemmed from new collective bargaining agreements put in place during the 1980s to implement a workplace culture that fit within the broader conservative backlash during the decade. The NBA implemented punishments for drug-based and conduct-based offenses for its players and established a salary cap to regain control over players' remuneration. This not only raised revenue but assimilated its growing population of African American players to traditional workplace norms that simultaneously attempted to counter racist stereotypes about their "natural" talents and legitimized ideas that Black players needed to be carefully managed.

Existing studies on attitudes towards immigrants center White public opinion and do not account for the diversity within the immigrant population. I seek to fill these gaps by testing how an undocumented immigrant's country-of-origin shapes immigrant attitudes among White and Black Americans. Through an experimental survey to 180 Black and 694 White Amazon Mechanical Turk users, I find that White respondents had significantly negative reactions to Nigerian undocumented immigrants relative to Germans, South Koreans, and Mexicans. Yet, this negative sentiment dissipated once the model controlled for cultural similarity. The results demonstrate that cultural attitudes mediate White attitudes towards immigrants, citizenship, and belonging. This study adds to the literature on White and Black attitudes towards immigrants and highlights the enduring role of racialization in influencing both legal and ascriptive notions of citizenship.