Suchergebnisse

The thesis analyzes types of English-Hindi interference, from socio-linguistic and linguistic perspective. In the first and second chapter, the question of interference and the influence of one language onto another variety is presented. Short overview of language policy politics in India after its independence in 1947, with an emphasis on Hindi and decisions related to its promotion, sheds light on the sociolinguistic situation in contemporary India. One should bear in mind, however, that English is but the last dominant language on the Subcontinent, if one takes into account proposal by Sheldon Pollock and Zdravka Matišić on the existence of Sanskritic culture and its reflections in language usage on the Subcontinent (Chapter 3, Appendix 2.1.). Analysis consists of two parts: linguistic analysis (Chapter 4) and socio-linguistic analysis (Chapter 5). Both parts of analysis are followed by conclusions. Results reflect communicative strategies of Hindi speakers in the Parliament. They also show which English elements are inserted in Hindi. Analysis also introduces the non-linguistic characteristics of speakers such as their age, gender, political and regional affiliation etc. in the period 1950-2010 in order to decipher whether speakers with the same communicative strategy share same or similar non-linguistic characteristics as well. Speakers with EH elements represent constituencies of various regions in India. However, for the bigger part of them it is possible to assume that they come from Hindi speaking areas, particularly from Central and Eastern Hindi states. Speakers are mostly men, with high level of education. Many of them are aged between 46 and 65 and have various occupations. They also belong to various political parties. English interference in Hindi is described as EH interference of type 0, 1, 2, 3 or the sub-types EH 3;1 or 3;2. EH type 0 represents the absence of English interference in Hindi while EH type 3 stands for the code-switching type of interference. EH types 1 and 2 stand for code-mixing type of interference. The results confirm some of the already described characteristics of English-Hindi interference. The new element is the description of negation in combination with English verbs. English nouns code-mixed in Hindi have been described in detail as the most numerous interfering elements. The statistical analysis of collected data shows that 2 out of 3 Hindi speakers show elements of EH interference in his/her speech pattern throughout the analyzed period (1950-2010). Those elements are mostly of EH types 1 and 2. The analysis also suggests that the number of speakers with English elements is increasing, particularly after year 2000, in comparison to the amount of analyzed data. In the final chapter results are analyzed from the perspective of language policy and language identity. Since the simultaneous translation from English into Hindi and vice versa is available at all times in the Parliament, the question is why do speakers choose to communicate in Hindi with EH interference. The assumption that speakers cannot recollect a particular word during the speech is questionable as explanation since debate topics are known in advance and thus speakers have time to prepare for them. Another assumption that speakers try to make themselves understood by everyone in the communication act with code-mixing and code-switching as strategies is also not found as suitable explanation. Hence the question of language identity and language's social roles are introduced, having in mind particularly relations of language and power as well as of language and social status. From there it seems that the assumption of two language policies is in order. One language policy would then be overt and official and the second covert and unofficial. The assumption is that speakers base their communicative strategies taking in consideration both language policies. ; Tema je ovoga doktorskoga rada lingvistička i sociolingvistička analiza tipova miješanja engleskoga jezika u hindski jezik. Kao uvod u temu razmatra se općenito pitanje jezičnoga kontakta i teorijske pretpostavke o djelovanju jezičnoga kontakta na strukturu jezika (uvodno poglavlje i drugo poglavlje). U trećem poglavlju predstavlja se kratak pregled jezične politike općenito u Indiji nakon njezina osamostaljenja 1947., s naglaskom na odluke o hindskome jeziku. Važno je uočiti kompleksnost indijske sociolingvističke stvarnosti, prije svega u obrazovanju. Prema obrazovnoj politici, svaki učenik u Indiji dužan je za svoga školovanja ovladati trima jezicima. Kako učenici napreduju u obrazovanju, odnosno kako idu prema visokoškolskome obrazovanju, broj se jezika u nastavi smanjuje. Pri tome sve veću ulogu dobiva poznavanje engleskoga jezika. Neke od struka moguće je studirati jedino uz dostatno poznavanje engleskoga jezika budući da je on dominantan alat u tim strukama. Sličnu situaciju moguće je pratiti i u državnim institucijama, unatoč odluci da se hindski upotrebljava u državnim institucijama na sveindijskoj razini. Mediji i pravni sustav prate takvu sociolingvističku raspodjelu moći među jezicima. Iz svega toga može se zaključiti da je engleski posljednji u nizu dominantnih jezika slijedom pretpostavki Sheldona Pollocka i Zdravke Matišić o postojanju sanskrtske civilizacije i njezinu ogledanju u jezičnoj uporabi na Potkontinentu (treće poglavlje, dodatci 2.1.-2.3.). Razumijevanje postavki sanskrtske civilizacije važno je za praćenje zaključaka u završnome šestome poglavlju kao i za razumijevanje rezultata jezičnoga kontakta između engleskoga i hindskoga. U trećem poglavlju predstavljena su i jezična pravila i odredbe kojima je uređena upotreba jezika u indijskome parlamentu, odnosno u Donjem domu (Lok Sabhi). Sama je analiza podijeljena na lingvističku (četvrto poglavlje) i sociolingvističku (peto poglavlje) i popraćena zaključcima. Rezultati lingvističke analize odnose se na komunikacijske strategije govornika hindskoga jezika u Parlamentu i uočavanje vrste engleskih elemenata koji se miješaju s hindskim elementima u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. U sociolingvističkoj se analizi prate izvanjezične karakteristike govornika kao što su dob, spol, politička i regionalna pripadnost itd. u razdoblju od 1950. do 2010. ne bi li se ustanovilo postojanje zajedničkih karakteristika govornika koji dijele određenu komunikacijsku strategiju. Istraživačica polazi od teze da se odnos engleskih i hindskih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga mijenja od 1950. prema 2010. prema kompleksnijem unosu engleskih elemenata. U sociolingvističkoj analizi pretpostavlja da će mlađa populacija govornika u parlamentu dominirati u upotrebi engleskih elemenata u hindskome jeziku. Utjecaj engleskoga na hindski opisan je kao EH interferencija tipa 0, 1, 2, 3 ili međutipova EH 3;1 ili 3;2. Pri tome se EH tip 0 odnosi na nulti stupanj interferencije tj. njezin izostanak, a EH tip 3 na interferenciju tipa prebacivanje kodova dok se EH tip 1 i EH tip 2 odnose na interferenciju tipa miješanje kodova. Rezultati analize potvrđuju neke od već uočenih i opisanih elemenata miješanja engleskoga koda u hindski kao i prebacivanja engleskoga i hindskoga koda. Novouočeni element je opis negacije u spoju s engleskim glagolima, a pobliže je opisano miješanje engleskih imenskih riječi kao najbrojnijih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika u analiziranom materijalu. Statistička analiza pokazuje da u pregledanim dokumentima 2 od 3 govornika imaju elemente EH interferencije u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika, pretežito elemente EH tipa 1 ili EH tipa 2. Analiza također pokazuje da je broj govornika s umetnim elementima iz engleskoga jezika u porastu u odnosu na omjer materijala te da veći broj govornika nakon 2000. godine pokazuje takve karakteristike u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. Govornici s engleskim elementima u hindskome govoru dolaze iz različitih krajeva Indije, ali se može pretpostaviti da većina ipak dolazi iz područja hindskoga govornoga područja, poglavito iz centralnih i istočnih hindskih saveznih država. Govornici su pretežno muškarci, s visokim stupnjem obrazovanja, u dobi od 46 do 65 godina, različitih zaposlenja. Pripadaju također različitim političkim strankama. U završnome šestome poglavlju rada rezultati analize se preispituju iz perspektive jezične politike i jezičnih identiteta. Kako je u parlamentu omogućen simultani prijevod s engleskoga odnosno hindskoga u svakome trenutku (vidi treće poglavlje za više detalja), postavlja se pitanje zašto govornici pribjegavaju komunikaciji na hindskome jeziku s elementima iz engleskoga jezika (EH interferencija). Pretpostavka da se ne mogu sjetiti u svakome trenutku kako se nešto kaže na hindskome dovodi se u pitanje, budući da su teme rasprave poznate unaprijed te se govornici mogu pripremiti za njih. Druga pretpostavka da govornici miješanjem ili prebacivanjem kodova žele omogućiti svim sudionicima da ih razumiju ponavljanjem poruke također ne zadovoljava. Stoga se uvodi pitanje jezičnoga identiteta i društvenih funkcija jezika – osiguravanje moći, utvrđivanje te potvrđivanje društvenoga statusa govornika. Iz te perspektive nadaje se zaključak kako treba pretpostaviti da uz službenu, javnu jezičnu politiku postoji i neslužbena jezična politika koju govornici uzimaju u obzir pri odabiru komunikacijskih strategija. Doktorski rad analiza jedan segment hindskoga korpusa političkoga diskurza. Kao takav doprinosi novim istraživanjima u istoj domeni te isto tako otvara prostor za analizu korpusa koji pripadaju drugim funkcionalnim stilovima hindskoga jezika. Rad također nudi mogućnost komparativne usporedbe utjecaja engleskoga jezika u hindskome i drugim indijskim jezicima budućim istraživačima.

The current regional development strategies require mountain regions to specialise in their landscape resources and to value them independently. The hypothesis is that this strategy has to be questioned in view of increasing spatial inequality in Europe. In the peripheral areas, this inequality is mainly due to differences in development opportunities. It finds its expression in an increasing social cleavage, which in turn is expressed in polarized voting practices of the population: Rich regions are acting regionalist in order to leave the larger community of solidarity of the nation state. Poor regions see nationalist and openly racist currents spreading. Cities, including those in the Alps, attract an educated and more prosperous population and are able to handle social conflicts more generously. The gap between the large core cities and their hinterlands is widening. In the interest of cohesive societies, it does not seem very expedient in this situation to further intensify regional competition by selectively valorising landscape resources. On the one hand, not all regions are in a position to do so. On the other hand, the valorisation of landscape resources, especially in the Alps, means that it must be profitable for their inhabitants so that they do not out-migrate. However, average benefits are only achievable through large economic structures. In turn, they fuel global mobility, are problematic for ecological reasons and often exclude the local population from use. The current division of European societies confirms the historical work on the resource character of social relations (Bourdieu's concept of capital, interpreted as territorial capital) and the positive effect of many but flat lines of conflict in a society (Rokkan's cross-cutting cleavages). In this light, the focus of regional development on a narrowly defined Alpine identity, which refuses to serve the interests of the neighbouring metropolitan regions, appears increasingly counterproductive. On the one hand, because it cancels out the many conflicts in favour of one single deep conflict between extra-Alpine metropolitan regions and an alpine pseudo-rurality, and on the other hand, because it cuts off the peripheral regions from external knowledge, which they need if they want to be "sustainable". Social innovations, which are particularly important for sparsely populated regions, only arise if there is an open mind towards external knowledge in addition to regional self-confidence. This is the only way to defend structures and ways of life worth preserving against the majority of the population living outside the Alps. The concept of European macro-regions could offer a way out of the tension between identity and openness, provided that these macro-regions seriously attempt to bridge prosperity gaps and national borders with their geographically wide demarcation. In order to do so, they need sufficient competence and the willingness to shape the relationship between the Alps and the plain in such a way that the interests to work and live in the mountain regions under the special conditions of topography are safeguarded. This will not be possible without cross-subsidisation; to achieve this, mountain areas will have to some extent respond to the needs of urban areas. The task remains to renegotiate relations between the Alps and the plains in order to redefine complementarity between them on the basis of a new territorial solidarity. ; Die heute vorherrschenden Regionalentwicklungsstrategien verlangen von den Gebirgsregionen, sich auf ihre Landschaftsressourcen zu spezialisieren und diese selbständig in Wert zu setzen. Angesichts zunehmender räumlicher Ungleichheit in Europa, so die Hypothese, muss diese Strategie in Frage gestellt werden. In den peripheren Gebieten besteht diese Ungleichheit hauptsächlich in unterschiedlichen Entwicklungschancen. Sie findet ihren Ausdruck in einer zunehmenden gesellschaftlichen Spaltung, die sich wiederum in polarisiertem Abstimmungsverhalten der Bevölkerung äussert: Reiche Regionen agieren regionalistisch, um die grössere Solidargemeinschaft des Nationalstaates zu verlassen. In ärmeren Regionen machen sich nationalistische und offen rassistische Strömungen breit. Städte, auch in den Alpen, ziehen eine gebildete und wohlhabendere Einwohnerschaft an und sind in der Lage soziale Konflikte grosszügiger zu handhaben. Es vertieft sich der Graben zwischen den grossen Kernstädten und ihren Hinterländern. Im Interesse kohäsiver Gesellschaften erscheint es in dieser Situation wenig zielführend, den regionalen Wettbewerb durch eine selektive Inwertsetzung von Landschaftsressourcen weiter zu verschärfen. Zum einen sind nicht alle Regionen dazu in der Lage. Zum andern bedeutet die Inwertsetzung von Landschaftsressourcen, insbesondere in den Alpen, dass sie für die Bevölkerung rentabel sein muss, damit sie nicht in andere Regionen abwandert. Durchschnittliche Rentabilität lässt sich aber in der Regel nur durch Grossstrukturen erreichen. Sie treiben die globale Mobilität an, sind aus ökologischen Gründen problematisch und oft schliessen sie die einheimische Bevölkerung von der Nutzung aus. Die aktuelle Spaltung der europäischen Gesellschaften bekräftigt die historischen Arbeiten zum Ressourcencharakter sozialer Beziehungen (Bourdieus Kapitalbegriff, interpretiert als territoriales Kapital) und der positiven Wirkung von vielen, dafür aber flachen Konfliktlinien in einer Gesellschaft (Rokkan's cross-cutting cleavages). Die Fokussierung der Regionalentwicklung auf eine eng begrenzte Alpenidentität, die sich den Interessen der angrenzenden Metropolregionen verweigert, erscheint in diesem Licht zunehmend kontraproduktiv. Zum einen, weil sie die vielfältigen Konflikte aufhebt zugunsten eines einzigen tiefgehenden Konflikts zwischen ausseralpiner Metropolregion und alpiner Schein-Ruralität; zum andern, weil sie die peripheren Regionen von externem Wissen abscheidet, das diese jedoch brauchen, wenn sie «nachhaltig» sein wollen. Soziale Innovationen, die für dünn besiedelte Regionen besonders wichtig sind, entstehen nur, wenn neben regionalem Selbstbewusstsein eine Öffnung zu externem Wissen besteht. Nur so lassen sich erhaltenswerte Strukturen und Lebensweisen gegenüber der Bevölkerungsmehrheit ausserhalb der Alpen verteidigen. Einen Ausweg aus dem Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Identität und Öffnung könnte das Konzept der europäischen Makroregionen bieten, sofern diese ernsthaft versuchen, mit ihrer geographisch weiträumigen Abgrenzung Wohlstandsgräben und nationale Grenzen zu überbrücken. Damit sie dies auch tatsächlich tun, bedarf es ausreichender Kompetenzen und die Bereitschaft, das Verhältnis zwischen Alpen und Ebene so zu gestalten, dass die Interessen der Bergbevölkerung, unter den besonderen Bedingungen der Topographie in den Berggebieten zu arbeiten und zu leben, gewahrt bleiben. Dies wird nicht ohne Quersubventionierung gehen und dafür müssen die Berggebiete auch bis zu einem gewissen Grad auf die Bedürfnisse der urbanen Gebiete eingehen. Es bleibt die Aufgabe, die Beziehungen zwischen den Alpen und den Ebenen neu zu verhandeln, um die Komplementarität zwischen ihnen auf der Grundlage einer neuen territorialen Solidarität neu zu definieren. ; Les stratégies de développement régional actuelles exigent des régions de montagne qu'elles se spécialisent dans leurs ressources paysagères et qu'elles les valorisent de manière indépendante. L'hypothèse est que cette stratégie doit être remise en question compte tenu de l'accroissement des inégalités spatiales en Europe. Dans les zones périphériques, cette inégalité est principalement due aux différences dans les opportunités de développement. Elle trouve son expression dans un clivage social croissant, qui s'exprime à son tour dans les pratiques de vote polarisé de la population : les régions riches agissent de façon régionaliste afin de quitter la communauté plus large de solidarité de l'État-nation. Les régions pauvres voient se répandre des courants nationalistes et ouvertement racistes. Les villes, y compris celles des Alpes, attirent une population éduquée et plus prospère et sont capables de gérer plus généreusement les conflits sociaux. L'écart entre les grands villes centres et leur arrière-pays s'élargit. Dans l'intérêt des sociétés cohésives, il ne semble pas très utile dans cette situation d'intensifier davantage la concurrence régionale en valorisant sélectivement les ressources paysagères. D'une part, toutes les régions ne sont pas en mesure de le faire. D'autre part, la valorisation des ressources paysagères, notamment dans les Alpes, doit être rentable pour leurs habitants afin qu'ils n'émigrent pas. Cependant, des bénéfices moyens ne peuvent être obtenus que par le biais de grandes structures économiques. En retour, celles-ci alimentent la mobilité mondiale, sont problématiques pour des raisons écologiques et excluent la population locale de leur utilisation. Le clivage actuel des sociétés européennes confirme le travail historique sur le caractère de ressource des relations sociales (le concept de capital de Bourdieu, interprété comme capital territorial) et l'effet positif des différences nombreuses mais plates dans une société (les clivages transversaux de Rokkan). Dans ce contexte, l'accent mis par le développement régional sur une identité alpine étroitement définie, qui refuse de servir les intérêts des régions métropolitaines voisines, apparaît de plus en plus contre-productif. D'une part, parce qu'elle annule les nombreux conflits en faveur d'un seul conflit profond entre les régions métropolitaines extra-alpines et une pseudo-ruralité alpine, et d'autre part, parce qu'elle coupe les régions périphériques des connaissances externes, dont elles ont besoin si elles veulent être "durables". Les innovations sociales, qui sont particulièrement importantes pour les régions faiblement peuplées, n'apparaissent que si, outre la confiance en soi régionale, il existe une ouverture d'esprit à l'égard des connaissances extérieures. C'est la seule façon de défendre des structures et des modes de vie dignes d'être préservés contre la majorité de la population en dehors des Alpes. Le concept de macro-régions européennes pourrait offrir un moyen de sortir de la tension entre identité et ouverture, à condition que les macro-régions tentent sérieusement de combler les écarts de prospérité et de dépasser les limites des frontières nationales par leur large périmètre géographiques. Pour ce faire, elles ont besoin d'une compétence suffisante et de la volonté de façonner les relations entre les Alpes et la plaine de telle sorte que les intérêts de travailler et de vivre dans les régions de montagne dans des conditions topographiques particulières soient protégés. Cela ne sera pas possible sans subventions croisées ; pour y parvenir, les zones de montagne devront, dans une certaine mesure, répondre aux besoins des zones urbaines. Il reste à renégocier les relations entre les Alpes et les plaines afin de redéfinir la complémentarité entre elles sur la base d'une nouvelle solidarité territoriale.

The thesis analyzes types of English-Hindi interference, from socio-linguistic and linguistic perspective. In the first and second chapter, the question of interference and the influence of one language onto another variety is presented. Short overview of language policy politics in India after its independence in 1947, with an emphasis on Hindi and decisions related to its promotion, sheds light on the sociolinguistic situation in contemporary India. One should bear in mind, however, that English is but the last dominant language on the Subcontinent, if one takes into account proposal by Sheldon Pollock and Zdravka Matišić on the existence of Sanskritic culture and its reflections in language usage on the Subcontinent (Chapter 3, Appendix 2.1.). Analysis consists of two parts: linguistic analysis (Chapter 4) and socio-linguistic analysis (Chapter 5). Both parts of analysis are followed by conclusions. Results reflect communicative strategies of Hindi speakers in the Parliament. They also show which English elements are inserted in Hindi. Analysis also introduces the non-linguistic characteristics of speakers such as their age, gender, political and regional affiliation etc. in the period 1950-2010 in order to decipher whether speakers with the same communicative strategy share same or similar non-linguistic characteristics as well. Speakers with EH elements represent constituencies of various regions in India. However, for the bigger part of them it is possible to assume that they come from Hindi speaking areas, particularly from Central and Eastern Hindi states. Speakers are mostly men, with high level of education. Many of them are aged between 46 and 65 and have various occupations. They also belong to various political parties. English interference in Hindi is described as EH interference of type 0, 1, 2, 3 or the sub-types EH 3;1 or 3;2. EH type 0 represents the absence of English interference in Hindi while EH type 3 stands for the code-switching type of interference. EH types 1 and 2 stand for code-mixing type of interference. The results confirm some of the already described characteristics of English-Hindi interference. The new element is the description of negation in combination with English verbs. English nouns code-mixed in Hindi have been described in detail as the most numerous interfering elements. The statistical analysis of collected data shows that 2 out of 3 Hindi speakers show elements of EH interference in his/her speech pattern throughout the analyzed period (1950-2010). Those elements are mostly of EH types 1 and 2. The analysis also suggests that the number of speakers with English elements is increasing, particularly after year 2000, in comparison to the amount of analyzed data. In the final chapter results are analyzed from the perspective of language policy and language identity. Since the simultaneous translation from English into Hindi and vice versa is available at all times in the Parliament, the question is why do speakers choose to communicate in Hindi with EH interference. The assumption that speakers cannot recollect a particular word during the speech is questionable as explanation since debate topics are known in advance and thus speakers have time to prepare for them. Another assumption that speakers try to make themselves understood by everyone in the communication act with code-mixing and code-switching as strategies is also not found as suitable explanation. Hence the question of language identity and language's social roles are introduced, having in mind particularly relations of language and power as well as of language and social status. From there it seems that the assumption of two language policies is in order. One language policy would then be overt and official and the second covert and unofficial. The assumption is that speakers base their communicative strategies taking in consideration both language policies. ; Tema je ovoga doktorskoga rada lingvistička i sociolingvistička analiza tipova miješanja engleskoga jezika u hindski jezik. Kao uvod u temu razmatra se općenito pitanje jezičnoga kontakta i teorijske pretpostavke o djelovanju jezičnoga kontakta na strukturu jezika (uvodno poglavlje i drugo poglavlje). U trećem poglavlju predstavlja se kratak pregled jezične politike općenito u Indiji nakon njezina osamostaljenja 1947., s naglaskom na odluke o hindskome jeziku. Važno je uočiti kompleksnost indijske sociolingvističke stvarnosti, prije svega u obrazovanju. Prema obrazovnoj politici, svaki učenik u Indiji dužan je za svoga školovanja ovladati trima jezicima. Kako učenici napreduju u obrazovanju, odnosno kako idu prema visokoškolskome obrazovanju, broj se jezika u nastavi smanjuje. Pri tome sve veću ulogu dobiva poznavanje engleskoga jezika. Neke od struka moguće je studirati jedino uz dostatno poznavanje engleskoga jezika budući da je on dominantan alat u tim strukama. Sličnu situaciju moguće je pratiti i u državnim institucijama, unatoč odluci da se hindski upotrebljava u državnim institucijama na sveindijskoj razini. Mediji i pravni sustav prate takvu sociolingvističku raspodjelu moći među jezicima. Iz svega toga može se zaključiti da je engleski posljednji u nizu dominantnih jezika slijedom pretpostavki Sheldona Pollocka i Zdravke Matišić o postojanju sanskrtske civilizacije i njezinu ogledanju u jezičnoj uporabi na Potkontinentu (treće poglavlje, dodatci 2.1.-2.3.). Razumijevanje postavki sanskrtske civilizacije važno je za praćenje zaključaka u završnome šestome poglavlju kao i za razumijevanje rezultata jezičnoga kontakta između engleskoga i hindskoga. U trećem poglavlju predstavljena su i jezična pravila i odredbe kojima je uređena upotreba jezika u indijskome parlamentu, odnosno u Donjem domu (Lok Sabhi). Sama je analiza podijeljena na lingvističku (četvrto poglavlje) i sociolingvističku (peto poglavlje) i popraćena zaključcima. Rezultati lingvističke analize odnose se na komunikacijske strategije govornika hindskoga jezika u Parlamentu i uočavanje vrste engleskih elemenata koji se miješaju s hindskim elementima u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. U sociolingvističkoj se analizi prate izvanjezične karakteristike govornika kao što su dob, spol, politička i regionalna pripadnost itd. u razdoblju od 1950. do 2010. ne bi li se ustanovilo postojanje zajedničkih karakteristika govornika koji dijele određenu komunikacijsku strategiju. Istraživačica polazi od teze da se odnos engleskih i hindskih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga mijenja od 1950. prema 2010. prema kompleksnijem unosu engleskih elemenata. U sociolingvističkoj analizi pretpostavlja da će mlađa populacija govornika u parlamentu dominirati u upotrebi engleskih elemenata u hindskome jeziku. Utjecaj engleskoga na hindski opisan je kao EH interferencija tipa 0, 1, 2, 3 ili međutipova EH 3;1 ili 3;2. Pri tome se EH tip 0 odnosi na nulti stupanj interferencije tj. njezin izostanak, a EH tip 3 na interferenciju tipa prebacivanje kodova dok se EH tip 1 i EH tip 2 odnose na interferenciju tipa miješanje kodova. Rezultati analize potvrđuju neke od već uočenih i opisanih elemenata miješanja engleskoga koda u hindski kao i prebacivanja engleskoga i hindskoga koda. Novouočeni element je opis negacije u spoju s engleskim glagolima, a pobliže je opisano miješanje engleskih imenskih riječi kao najbrojnijih elemenata u ostvaraju hindskoga jezika u analiziranom materijalu. Statistička analiza pokazuje da u pregledanim dokumentima 2 od 3 govornika imaju elemente EH interferencije u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika, pretežito elemente EH tipa 1 ili EH tipa 2. Analiza također pokazuje da je broj govornika s umetnim elementima iz engleskoga jezika u porastu u odnosu na omjer materijala te da veći broj govornika nakon 2000. godine pokazuje takve karakteristike u svome ostvaraju hindskoga jezika. Govornici s engleskim elementima u hindskome govoru dolaze iz različitih krajeva Indije, ali se može pretpostaviti da većina ipak dolazi iz područja hindskoga govornoga područja, poglavito iz centralnih i istočnih hindskih saveznih država. Govornici su pretežno muškarci, s visokim stupnjem obrazovanja, u dobi od 46 do 65 godina, različitih zaposlenja. Pripadaju također različitim političkim strankama. U završnome šestome poglavlju rada rezultati analize se preispituju iz perspektive jezične politike i jezičnih identiteta. Kako je u parlamentu omogućen simultani prijevod s engleskoga odnosno hindskoga u svakome trenutku (vidi treće poglavlje za više detalja), postavlja se pitanje zašto govornici pribjegavaju komunikaciji na hindskome jeziku s elementima iz engleskoga jezika (EH interferencija). Pretpostavka da se ne mogu sjetiti u svakome trenutku kako se nešto kaže na hindskome dovodi se u pitanje, budući da su teme rasprave poznate unaprijed te se govornici mogu pripremiti za njih. Druga pretpostavka da govornici miješanjem ili prebacivanjem kodova žele omogućiti svim sudionicima da ih razumiju ponavljanjem poruke također ne zadovoljava. Stoga se uvodi pitanje jezičnoga identiteta i društvenih funkcija jezika – osiguravanje moći, utvrđivanje te potvrđivanje društvenoga statusa govornika. Iz te perspektive nadaje se zaključak kako treba pretpostaviti da uz službenu, javnu jezičnu politiku postoji i neslužbena jezična politika koju govornici uzimaju u obzir pri odabiru komunikacijskih strategija. Doktorski rad analiza jedan segment hindskoga korpusa političkoga diskurza. Kao takav doprinosi novim istraživanjima u istoj domeni te isto tako otvara prostor za analizu korpusa koji pripadaju drugim funkcionalnim stilovima hindskoga jezika. Rad također nudi mogućnost komparativne usporedbe utjecaja engleskoga jezika u hindskome i drugim indijskim jezicima budućim istraživačima.

The purpose of the study is: 1) to analyse the narratives of young people who have experienced a war, fled to Sweden and been taken care of and placed in institutions, 2) to analyse the narratives of institution personnel about the day-to-day work of taking care of young people who have experienced war. The material used in the study has been gathered by means of interviews with young people in care with experiences of war, and interviews with personnel at HVB homes who work with these young people. The previous research shows that the social pedagogic perspective is one of the perspectives in social sciences that stresses the importance of including the individual in the community. The individual is given confirmation of his or her identity by participating in the community, and successful interaction between individuals is a fundamental prerequisite for the successful integration of unaccompanied children and young people in Sweden. The researchers highlight the importance of interaction between those already established in the community and the individual who is on its margin. One of the most important dimensions from a social pedagogical perspective is to analytically investigate relationships between individuals needing help and the professional participants tasked with helping these individuals as part of their professional role. A social pedagogue works in a variety of social contexts in which individuals need professional help with integration and success in those contexts. This can involve students in school; inmates at youth institutions and prisons; children, young people and adults who are the subjects of intervention by social services; patients undergoing psychiatric treatment; and other individual categories where people find themselves in critical life situations and need professional help to overcome them. The writings of for example Lisbeth Eriksson, Juha Hämäläinen and Xavier Ucar provide insights into some expectations that come into play in the various social contexts of the role of a "social pedagogue." A social pedagogue is portrayed as an expert who works with a specific and defined goal. The goal is to help/guide the client to overcome obstacles that hamper integration and success in the context. In order to do this, social pedagogues are expected to possess specific professional qualifications in order to support and motivate their clients in overcoming obstacles and meeting their goals. A social pedagogue works in a socially oriented way and plays an educational fostering role. It is anticipated that this will help the client develop an understanding of how to act in accordance with desired expectations, norms and values and to resist peer pressure and involvement in anti-social activities. A social pedagogue is also expected to supervise other professional categories in the context of the various issues related to the client's living conditions. In addition, the social pedagogue is expected to act as a link between different professions with the goal of facilitating collaboration that supports the client's social and educational development (when the client is a child or young person, the social pedagogue is expected to also collaborate with parents). The social pedagogue sometimes has a limited scope for action; the role has low status and standing in relation to other professional categories involved. The role of the social pedagogue is portrayed as diffuse, unspoken and full of contradictions in relation to other professional categories in the organizational hierarchy. The role of social pedagogue tends to assume a controlling and repressive function as support for other professional categories in the context. In conclusion, there are major variations in what is expected of a social pedagogue. A common denominator is that the mission of a social pedagogue and the context in which the social pedagogue operates appears to be sufficiently flexible to enable an individual to play the role in a wide variety of ways. It is only when the individual social pedagogue adopts an active, assertive, independent, personal and relatively strong posture that he or she has a chance to be of importance to other professional categories and for the client. This means in practice that it is only when the individual social pedagogue transcends the expectations of the role presented above that he or she has a chance to be appreciated by other collaborators. Lisbeth Eriksson and Juha Hämäläinen illustrate four important dimensions of the social pedagogical perspective. The first of these focusses on goals in the context to be achieved by means of social pedagogy. In this dimension, the importance of the participants' socialisation is brought to the fore in the context by, among other things, integration and mobilisation of all forces in the community with the aim of helping the individual who is on the margin of the community. The second dimension focusses on the correct social pedagogic approach, especially in the relationship between the professional participants and the individual in need of help. The professional participants working in accordance with the social pedagogic perspective are empathic towards the individual requiring help, while also being aware of the specific expectations of the professional role. The third dimension focusses on appropriate social pedagogic methods in the work with the individual who is in need of help. Methods considered to be appropriate are the dynamic methods based on the individual as part of the group and part of a wider social context (such as environmental therapy). The fourth dimension focusses on social pedagogy as a resource for professional work with the individual who is on the margin of the community and in need of help. In this dimension, there is emphasis on the importance of the correct approach by the professional participants, with the goal of creating progress in the relationship with the individual in need of help by means of well thought-out dialogue and action. If we borrow analytical glasses from Hämäläinen and Eriksson, we can read the following from this study: 1) social pedagogic target groups - as represented by a) young people in care who have experiences of war and who were subsequently placed in HVB homes in Sweden, b) personnel at HVB homes who work with these young people; 2) social pedagogical arenas - as represented by various contexts that are brought to the fore in the study's empirical material (war context, migration context while fleeing to Sweden, migration context during integration into Sweden, institution context, school context etc.; 3) social pedagogical roles - as represented by various roles that are brought to the fore in the study's empirical material (victim of war, student, homosexual, empathic personnel, competent personnel, incompetent personnel etc.). Analysis of the study's empirical material shows that the lives of young people in Sweden are characterised by uncertainty; they do not know if they will be allowed to stay in Sweden, whether they will have the opportunity to keep attending school or whether they will ever get to see their parents again. The material provides a picture of a waiting period that involves a considerable adjustment for these young people, regardless of whether or not they are given leave to remain in Sweden. The time after first arriving in Sweden can seem like a prelude to starting a new life, a prelude which is sometimes characterised by a continuing flight. The war goes on and is present in stories. Interviews with personnel at HVB homes and young people in this study are sometimes extremely emotionally charged. There may be painful stories about, for example, someone's entire family and everyone living in the village fleeing from a Taliban attack, about how their best friend was killed in a suicide attack, about how Russian and government forces in Syria harass women ("sisters"). The stories are also about friends and relatives who are taken away and never return, a father who was executed, a difficult journey to Sweden, as well as about personnel at HVB homes who are empathic, who understand and try to help young people, but also about others who belittle and abuse young people and even contribute to the risk of worse mental health in young people. Analysis of empirical material has crystallised out the following themes in interviews with young people: a) war as a permanent social condition; b) school in the home country becomes demonstration, demonstration becomes school; c) learning war (war as pedagogical practice); d) normalising/ neutralising the condition of war ("playing football", "as normal"); e) flight from war is also war – or part of the war (deprivation of liberty/abduction, slave labour); f) the future in Sweden (struggle for social recognition/recognition of identity – for example as student, employee, person, breadwinner and homosexual). In interviews with institution personnel, the following themes have crystallised out: a) previous chaos in reception centres in Sweden, now more orderly; b) young people singled out and stigmatised by society; c) importance of empathic attitudes and humanity; d) no treatment is offered or given in the institution; e) main task: to help young people to integrate in society; f) there is collaboration with other professional categories, but it is limited (no more than what is essential); g) young people's age as a problem; h) young people are described as greedy (reason for coming to Sweden); i) maltreatment in institutions; j) (in)competence of personnel.

Twenty years have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Up until the point of dissolution, the Soviet authorities and intellectual elite had attempted to build a community in order to unite all Soviet citizens in the spirit of socialist modernisation. Although it is difficult to demonstrate that 'a Soviet nation' was successfully created [1], the attempt to build such a nation can serve as a case study through which to examine nation-building processes for constructivists as well as modernists . In addition to socialist modernisation, the Soviet nation aimed to be identified as a state, which would make it similar to the political nations dominant in western countries. Contrary to western tradition, however, it was not a nation state that provided full rights for all its citizens, but rather a socialist state that was 'ruled by workers and peasantry'. Nevertheless, the authorities aimed to give the Soviet nation the characteristics of a specific nation state. "It was a nation that in historical terms strived, or more accurately part of which strived, to form or proclaim a particular state" [2]. While at the time of proclaiming the USSR there was no such thing as the Soviet nation, it can be assumed that it was intended to become a constructed titular nation. The majority of national communities, even created ones, have an ethnic core. However academics cannot agree on the kind of state the USSR was, to what extent it took into account the ethnicity of its multinational population, how much it reflected the values, culture, and interests of its largest population group (i.e., the Russians) or even whether it was a Russian national state despite the strong influence of Russian ideology and politics. Some Russian academics, especially those in nationalistic circles (e.g., Valerij Solovej) as well as western scholars such as Terry Martin and Geoffrey Hosking stressed that Russians dominated demographically and politically. However, the USSR did not aim to nurture traditional Russian values. It rather fostered the deethnicisation of Russians and the ethnicisation of non-Russian. Another group of scientists, including those from post-Soviet states (e.g., Žambyl Artykbaev, Otar Džanelidze, and Georgij Siamašvili) as well as western scholars (e.g., Rogers Brubaker) concede that positive processes such as the allotment of territory to republics and other territorial units, the constitution of authority and administrative apparatus, and the formation of the elites once characterised the ethnic history of the USSR. All these processes, however, were dominated by a lack of sovereignty, a loss of national identity, and damage to the living environment. Georgia rather than the USSR has always been regarded by the Georgian people as their mother country. The Soviet Union, which was considered to be a voluntary union of equal republics, was in fact an artificial creation that non-Russian nations were forced to join. The majority of Georgians did not therefore claim the USSR as their homeland: 'The USSR was for its nations a socio-political state not a homeland' [3]. Non-Russian citizens in the Soviet Union perceived the Russians to be a state-building 'nation' and the USSR a Russian state. The Soviet authorities, who predicated internationalism on the Russian language and new Russian culture, actively combated ethnic nationalism (including Russian nationalism, which was associated with chauvinism and a tsarist legacy). Although Russkost was considered to be a remnant of a disgraceful past, it was nonetheless used as a tool to sovietise society. Indeed, Russian language and culture were both conducive to the assimilation of non-Russians. 'The Great Russian nation' was to be 'the first among equals' and thus Russia provided. Soviet state with certain features of ethnicity. However, Russian characteristics were never treated as instrumental to the USSR, because the aim was to form a new socialist, national community, that was beyond ethnicity, rather than to convert the citizens of the former USSR into Russians. Soviet ideology and science thus set the direction for nationality policy in the USSR, especially in terms of forming a Soviet nation. Based on the foregoing, the present paper identifies how the ethnic character of both the Soviet nation and the state. ; Twenty years have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Up until the point of dissolution, the Soviet authorities and intellectual elite had attempted to build a community in order to unite all Soviet citizens in the spirit of socialist modernisation. Although it is difficult to demonstrate that 'a Soviet nation' was successfully created [1], the attempt to build such a nation can serve as a case study through which to examine nation-building processes for constructivists as well as modernists . In addition to socialist modernisation, the Soviet nation aimed to be identified as a state, which would make it similar to the political nations dominant in western countries. Contrary to western tradition, however, it was not a nation state that provided full rights for all its citizens, but rather a socialist state that was 'ruled by workers and peasantry'. Nevertheless, the authorities aimed to give the Soviet nation the characteristics of a specific nation state. "It was a nation that in historical terms strived, or more accurately part of which strived, to form or proclaim a particular state" [2]. While at the time of proclaiming the USSR there was no such thing as the Soviet nation, it can be assumed that it was intended to become a constructed titular nation. The majority of national communities, even created ones, have an ethnic core. However academics cannot agree on the kind of state the USSR was, to what extent it took into account the ethnicity of its multinational population, how much it reflected the values, culture, and interests of its largest population group (i.e., the Russians) or even whether it was a Russian national state despite the strong influence of Russian ideology and politics. Some Russian academics, especially those in nationalistic circles (e.g., Valerij Solovej) as well as western scholars such as Terry Martin and Geoffrey Hosking stressed that Russians dominated demographically and politically. However, the USSR did not aim to nurture traditional Russian values. It rather fostered the deethnicisation of Russians and the ethnicisation of non-Russian. Another group of scientists, including those from post-Soviet states (e.g., Žambyl Artykbaev, Otar Džanelidze, and Georgij Siamašvili) as well as western scholars (e.g., Rogers Brubaker) concede that positive processes such as the allotment of territory to republics and other territorial units, the constitution of authority and administrative apparatus, and the formation of the elites once characterised the ethnic history of the USSR. All these processes, however, were dominated by a lack of sovereignty, a loss of national identity, and damage to the living environment. Georgia rather than the USSR has always been regarded by the Georgian people as their mother country. The Soviet Union, which was considered to be a voluntary union of equal republics, was in fact an artificial creation that non-Russian nations were forced to join. The majority of Georgians did not therefore claim the USSR as their homeland: 'The USSR was for its nations a socio-political state not a homeland' [3]. Non-Russian citizens in the Soviet Union perceived the Russians to be a state-building 'nation' and the USSR a Russian state. The Soviet authorities, who predicated internationalism on the Russian language and new Russian culture, actively combated ethnic nationalism (including Russian nationalism, which was associated with chauvinism and a tsarist legacy). Although Russkost was considered to be a remnant of a disgraceful past, it was nonetheless used as a tool to sovietise society. Indeed, Russian language and culture were both conducive to the assimilation of non-Russians. 'The Great Russian nation' was to be 'the first among equals' and thus Russia provided. Soviet state with certain features of ethnicity. However, Russian characteristics were never treated as instrumental to the USSR, because the aim was to form a new socialist, national community, that was beyond ethnicity, rather than to convert the citizens of the former USSR into Russians. Soviet ideology and science thus set the direction for nationality policy in the USSR, especially in terms of forming a Soviet nation. Based on the foregoing, the present paper identifies how the ethnic character of both the Soviet nation and the state.

Place branding strategies linking marketing to places have received increasing attention in practice and theory in the past two decades. It is generally assumed that place branding contributes to the economic, social, political and cultural development of cities, regions and countries. But there exists neither a commonly accepted definition nor a sound theoretical framework for place branding research. Studies have until now mainly focused on nations and cities, while the regional scale has rather been neglected, even more in the context of Mediterranean countries. In addition, little is yet known about the conditions, processes, and outcomes of place branding. The objective of this thesis is to contribute to the clarification of the place branding concept and to a broader understanding of this rich and complex phenomenon. The focus is on the underlying conditions, processes and dynamics of place branding in regions that contributes to territorial development. Place branding is related to local food products and tourism for sustainable territorial development in Mediterranean rural regions (in France and Morocco). The introduction chapter outlines the societal and theoretical context of place branding regarding this thesis. Place brands have emerged as attempts to respond to intertwined and multifaceted economic, political and socio-cultural challenges: to the externalities of globalisation, to local development challenges due to regionalisation and decentralisation processes, and to socio-economic tensions in the Mediterranean basin and its food domain. Accordingly, three established literature streams are mobilized: the marketing and branding of places, regional studies and sociology. It is supposed that insights from the three disciplines are needed to understand the conditions, processes and development outcomes of regional branding. This leads to three units of analysis: the first deals with place branding in a narrow sense, understanding it as marketing strategy for the development of places and their local assets based on a distinctive territorial identity; the second considers territorial development policies and public-private interactions; and the third analyses place-based, collective and embedded processes among various actors in rural areas. Chapter 2 comprises a case study of the Sud de France brand in the region Languedoc-Roussillon, which is mainly used for the valorisation and promotion of local wines, food and tourism, but also serving institutional aims. It is a study of local dynamics and the process of regional branding, leading to beneficial outcomes stemming from a public development intervention. It demonstrates various economic and non-economic benefits created by a place brand and unfolds some of its working mechanisms, such as horizontal and vertical relations among different territorial actors, a multiple stakeholder involvement, or the linkage of a place brand with its political, social and economic context. Chapter 3 is a continuation of Chapter 2, as it further investigates the kind of value that can be created by a place brand for different stakeholders, using the Sud de France case. Based on stakeholder and brand equity theory, it develops a measurement model and monitoring tool for the value of place brands. Results show that various place brand value dimensions coexist, according to the expectations of four identified key stakeholder groups. These value dimensions include economic, socio-cultural and environmental indicators. Chapter 4 offers a comparison of four regional branding initiatives in Europe, with the aim to gain insights into the general conditions, as well as context-dependent factors for successfully developing and maintaining place brands. It combines a marketing perspective with the sociology of food and endogenous rural development, and analyses strategic and operational brand management aspects, as well as contextual factors. Findings indicate the importance of various embeddedness dimensions for regional branding, such as public policies, cooperation and governance forms, territorial identity and the anchorage of local actors in their places. Chapter 5 is an explorative case study of place branding in the province of Chefchaouen, Morocco, in order to find out whether and how it would be possible to implement there a place brand as a coherent and collective territorial development project. Preconditions and various initiatives towards place branding are analysed at three action levels (macro, meso, micro). Specific attention is given to local cooperation and network activities, to leadership and political unity, being strongly related to the question of territorial governance. The main insight gained from the Chefchaouen case is that a collective place brand could be a useful tool for cross-sector cooperation, territorial governance and development, but that currently Moroccan regions still lack sufficient autonomy to fully develop their own territorial projects. The final chapter builds upon the research findings to highlight conceptual differences between diverse brands related to places. The main conclusion of this thesis is that place brands in regions – in order to be able to support agribusiness and local development – must be considered as more than mere marketing instruments, but as dynamic, collective and embedded territorial development processes. These insights lead to conceptual and theoretical, methodological, as well as policy and managerial implications, for place branding research and practice. A main suggestion for further research is to use complex systems theory to cover the complexity of place brands. ; Depuis deux décennies le marketing territorial a attiré l'attention, dans la pratique et la théorie. Mais il n'existe ni une définition généralement acceptée ni un cadre théorique solide. Jusqu'à maintenant, les travaux se sont surtout intéressés au marketing des pays et des villes, pendant que l'échelle régionale a été négligée. En outre, peu est encore connu sur les déterminants, les processus et les effets du marketing territorial. L'objectif de cette thèse est de contribuer à l'éclaircissement du concept du marketing territorial et à la compréhension de ce phénomène complexe. L'accent est mis sur les conditions, les processus et les effets des marques territoriales, qui sont ici liées aux produits de terroir et au tourisme dans des régions Méditerranéennes rurales (en France et au Maroc). L'introduction présente le contexte sociétal et théorique du marketing territorial qui a émergé comme réponse aux défis économiques, politiques et socio-culturels. Par conséquent, trois courants littéraires sont mobilisés : le marketing, la science régionale et la sociologie. On présume que les connaissances de ces trois disciplines sont nécessaires pour comprendre les déterminants, les processus et les effets d'un marketing territorial. Le chapitre 2 comprend une étude de cas de la marque Sud de France en Languedoc-Roussillon. C'est une étude des dynamiques locales et du processus de marketing territorial, qui ont conduit à des effets positifs de développement suite à une intervention publique. Ce cas montre les bénéfices divers créés par une marque territoriale et il révèle certains de ces mécanismes. Le chapitre 3 utilise le cas de Sud de France pour approfondir encore la question de la valeur qui peut être créé par une marque territoriale. Ce chapitre développe un modèle de mesure et un outil de contrôle de la valeur des marques territoriales. Les résultats montrent qu'ils coexistent de diverses dimensions de la valeur de ces marques, conformes aux attentes des parties prenantes clés identifiées. Ces dimensions incluent des indicateurs économiques, socio-culturels et environnementaux. Le chapitre 4 offre une comparaison de quatre marques régionales en Europe pour comprendre les conditions générales ainsi que les déterminants contextuels de succès de ces marques. Ce chapitre combine la perspective du marketing avec celle de la sociologie. Les résultats indiquent que plusieurs dimensions d'un encastrement jouent un rôle important pour les marques régionales, telles que l'influence des politiques publiques, les formes de coopération et de gouvernance locale, l'identité territoriale et l'ancrage des acteurs locaux dans leurs territoires. Le chapitre 5 est une étude de cas du marketing territorial à Chefchaouen au Maroc. Les préconditions et les diverses initiatives vers un marketing territorial sont analysées à trois niveaux d'action (macro, méso, micro). L'aperçu principal obtenu de ce cas est qu'une marque collective territoriale pourrait être un instrument utile pour stimuler une coopération entre différents secteurs, mais qu'actuellement les régions au Maroc manquent encore d'autonomie suffisante pour développer leurs propres projets territoriaux. Le chapitre final souligne les différences conceptuelles entre diverses marques liées aux territoires. La principale conclusion est que les marques régionales - pour pouvoir stimuler le développement agro-industriel et territorial - doivent être considérées comme plus que de purs instruments de marketing, mais comme des processus de développement dynamiques, collectifs et encastrés. Ces aperçus mènent à des implications au niveau conceptuel et théorique, méthodologique ainsi que politique et managérial pour la recherche et la pratique du marketing territorial. Une suggestion majeure pour la future recherche serait d'utiliser la théorie des systèmes complexes pour couvrir la complexité des marques collectives territoriales.

Il cantiere navale di Palermo nasce all'interno di un disegno organico che ha come protagonista l'impero industria- le della più importante famiglia imprenditoriale del XIX secolo in Sicilia, i Florio. L'impresa nasce con lo scopo di garantire alla produzione isolana un ruolo nel disegno politico e nei piani economici del nuovo Regno d'Italia. In questa prima fase, il cantiere navale è caratterizzato da valenze fortemente identitarie legate al territorio urbano e alle espressioni culturali della borghesia di ne '800 a Palermo. Il passaggio dello stabilimento navale ad uno dei più potenti gruppi industriali italiani, facente capo ad una dinastia familiare del settentrione d'Italia, determina un cambiamento nella visione gestionale e strategica che si slega dal contesto sociale e territoriale di Palermo. Le ragioni, le contingenze e le dinamiche delle trasformazioni e dell'espansione infrastrutturale si intrecciano con quelle di rappresentazione del sito industriale in un pezzo di città disegnato attraverso architetture che la stessa direzione del cantiere commissiona Lo studio dei linguaggi architettonici, che nell'arco di oltre mezzo secolo hanno de nito l'immagine dello stabilimento, è l'oggetto di una ricerca di dottorato in storia dell'architettura che struttura parte della sua indagine sulla documentazione conservata presso lo stesso cantiere navale. Sebbene la direzione generale della società che acquisì il cantiere nel 1912 e ne diresse le sorti no agli anni '70, si trovasse a Genova, la permanenza di un'amministrazione e di un uf cio tecnico locale, ha permesso la costituzione di un archivio in situ. Tuttavia, i passaggi di proprietà avvenuti successivamente, hanno smantellato e depauperato l'archivio storico dell'impresa. La documentazione gra ca ad oggi superstite, inizia dagli anni trenta del novecento. Grazie ad un lavoro di stretta collaborazione con la Fondazione Fincantieri, la ricerca ha proceduto alla consultazione e alla schedatura degli elaborati gra ci di immobili, arredi e planimetrie del cantiere navale. Lo studio e l'interpretazione attenta di tale documentazione, non si limita a ricostruire gli ampliamenti e le modi che che hanno interessato il sito nella sua vita produttiva. Questa analisi, mediata e coadiuvata dalle ricerche negli archivi pubblici della città e dalla storiogra a relativa agli ambiti teorici che strutturano l'intero studio, è indispensabile nella ricostruzione sia della relazione tra il sito e la città che di quella tra la città e la sua vocazione marittimo-produttiva. La storia del cantiere navale di Palermo racconta di momenti di crisi che ciclicamente si abbattono sul settore can- tieristico. Il baluardo della coesione sociale ha avuto nella navalmeccanica un presidio di identità che ha consentito di superare i periodi di crisi che si sono succeduti. La questione del lavoro, particolarmente importante in un con- testo storicamente debole come quello siciliano, è l'elemento attorno al quale si struttura questa questione sociale. Oggi, la sistematizzazione dell'archivio storico e l'accesso alle sue risorse per gli studiosi e il mondo della cultura, si pone come strategia obbligata per ricucire, in una prospettiva storica, il rapporto di coesione tra la città di Palermo e il suo ultimo avamposto di produzione industriale. ; The Palermo shipyard was conceived into an organic plan that featured the industrial empire of the most important business family of nineteenth century in Sicily, the Florio's family. The company was founded with the aim of making space for the Sicilian production activities within the political and economic plans of the new Kingdom of Italy. In its €early phase, the shipyard was characterized by greatly identity values linked to the urban context and the cultural expressions of the late XIX 19th Palermo's bourgeoisie. However, after 1907 when the ownership shifted to northern Italian industrial groups, the management and strategic vision changed leaving out both local and social issues. The reasons, and dynamics of the site transformation are intertwined with those of its representation inside the city's district which it belongs to. Indeed, the district is defi€ned by the same architectures that the yard's management commissioned. The study of the architectural languages defi€ning the image of the naval construction site over more than half a century, it is the subject of a PhD research in architectural history. The research structure is based mostly on the documentary collection kept inside the shipyard archive. Although since 1907, the general direction company moved in Genoa, the permanence of a local administration has led to the creation of an in situ archive. However, the following changes occurred in ownership, dismantled the historical documentary collection. Nowadays the surviving drawings included in the archive dates from 1930. Thanks to the collaboration of the Fincantieri Foundation, the research carried out a recording work of the site plans, buildings and furniture drawings. Together with public archive collections and historiography material research based, the Fincantieri archive of Palermo can mediate and support the reconstruction of boundaries changes and, beside, both the relationship between the shipyard and the city and the relationship between the city and its maritime-productive vocation. The history of Palermo shipyard tells of periodical crisis that strike the shipbuilding sector. The social cohesion garrisoned the shipbuilding's identity overcoming the periods of crisis. The job issue, especially important in a weak land like historically is Sicily, represents the bearing element of social issue. Today, the systematization of this historical archive and the grant to resources' access, stand as necessary strategy to mend, in a historical perspective and through the memory's tool, the cohesion between the city of Palermo and its last historical industrial site. ; El astillero de Palermo fue concebido en plan orgánico que presentaba el imperio industrial de los negocios familiares más importantes del siglo XIX en Sicilia, que era la familia Florio. La compañía fue fundada con el objetivo de dar espacio a las actividades productivas dentro de los planes económico-políticos del nuevo Reino de Italia. Durante la primera fase, el astillero se caracterizaba por el gran valor de identidad unido al contexto urbano y de expresión cultural burguesa en Palermo de €nales del siglo XIX, tras 1907 cuando la propiedad cambió a manos de grupos industriales del norte de Italia, la dirección y la visión estratégica cambió dejando fuera cuestiones sociales y locales. Las razones y las dinámicas de transformación del espacio están íntimamente ligadas con las mismas dentro del distrito de la ciudad al que pertenece. Ciertamente el distrito es de€nido por las mismas arquitecturas que la administración de la ota en cuestión encargó. El estudio de los lenguajes arquitecturales de€nían la imagen del espacio de la construcción naval durante más de medio siglo, es la materia de una investigación doctoral en historia de la arquitectura. La estructura de la investigación está basada en la recolección de documentación conservada en el archivo del astillero. A pesar de que en 1907 la dirección general de la compañía se trasladó a Génova, la permanencia de la administración local ha llevado a la creación de un archivo in situ. Lamentablemente, tras los continuos cambios de propiedad sufridos se produjeron desmantelamientos y el consiguiente empobrecimiento del histórico archivo de la empresa. Hoy por hoy, los planos y dibujos incluidos en el archivo datados en 1930 y gracias a la colaboración con la Fundación Fincatieri, las indagaciones llevadas a cabo se han centrado en la documentación de los planos, edi€cios y diseños de muebles. Conjuntamente con las colecciones de archivos públicos y el material de investigación en los que se basó, el archivo Fincantieri de Palermo puede mediar y apoyar la reconstrucción de cambios en sus límites, además de las relaciones entre el astillero y la ciudad, y por otra la relación entre la ciudad y su vocación por la actividad marítima. La historia del astillero de Palermo es reejo de las crisis periódicas que tambalearon al sector en repetidas ocasiones. La cohesión social fue quien ha guarecido la identidad de la construcción naval en estos períodos de recesión. El empleo que es una cuestión de continua preocupación en una tierra históricamente débil en este aspecto como es Sicilia, representa el elemento a mejorar en el ámbito social. Actualmente la sistematización de este archivo histórico y la accesibilidad al mismo son las principales medidas a completar para su éxito, desde una perspectiva histórica y con la ayuda de la herramienta de la memoria, la cohesión entre la ciudad de Palermo y su último enclave histórico e industrial puede ser posible.

El 4 de enero de 1943 el NO-DO (Noticiarios y Documentales Cinematográficos) inició la andadura del que sería el proyecto audiovisual más importante que se había llevado a cabo, y que no ha sido superado en España hasta la fecha. Su objetivo principal fue conducir las estrategias de propaganda del Régimen del General Franco, entendiendo, como ya se había hecho en otros países, que el cine era uno de los medios más apropiados para los propósitos de difusión de sus ideas. El presente estudio surge de la necesidad de arrojar luz sobre los modos de representación audiovisual en la España del franquismo a través de los materiales locales, concretamente de los realizados por NO-DO en la Región de Murcia. De este modo, se pueden establecer los aspectos que van a configurar la iconografía de la época. Estos materiales determinarán la trascendental importancia del noticiario para los intereses ideológicos del General Franco y de su gobierno, que desde pronto buscaron los mecanismos que permitieran controlar la información, en todos sus formatos y canales, como una clave imprescindible para dominar a la sociedad e implantar los valores que definían su espíritu, en definitiva, para construir una identidad nacional basada en el "glorioso pasado histórico", en la religión y en el espíritu militar. Esta función adoctrinadora es una de las bases donde se asienta la política de intervención estatal que dominó la sociedad española de posguerra. El régimen franquista, por tanto, empleó el cine como instrumento fundamental de propaganda y creó, a su gusto, un semblante de la España del momento y, por supuesto, de cada una de sus regiones. En este advenimiento de la cultura de masas que fue el cine, Franco encontró la herramienta perfecta de control de su ideario y desde pronto lo aplicó, no solo a nivel nacional sino también en lo referente al ámbito internacional. El propósito central de la tesis es determinar qué imagen de Murcia se quiso proporcionar desde la maquinaria franquista a través de esta plataforma de difusión, avalada por la existencia de una férrea censura informativa, sobre todo en los primeros años. Esta construcción identitaria, basada en la tradición, lo religioso y lo militar fundamentalmente, sirvió de referencia a la hora de definir y exportar una serie de valores ligados inexorablemente a la imagen de Murcia. Así, las fiestas locales celebradas en diferentes puntos de la Región, la Semana Santa y las importantes infraestructuras militares definieron la presencia murciana. No obstante, los intereses fueron cambiando a lo largo de su existencia. La preocupación última del estudio supone demostrar la transformación que esta propuesta ejerció en la sociedad murciana y en señalar cómo los distintos mecanismos fílmicos empleados influenciaron en el devenir de nuestra comunidad autónoma. La instrumentalización de la imagen, su potencial alienador, se hizo más que evidente durante este período histórico. Ésta es una de las premisas principales que se ponen de manifiesto en la investigación, donde hemos pretendido destacar los significados que subyacen detrás de las imágenes de una sociedad en la que la visualidad se convirtió en la transmisora de una ideología rígida y obstinada. El NO-DO es un vestigio visual irrenunciable para conocer la Historia de España en el siglo XX, poco dado hasta ese momento a la tradición documentalista, y por extensión a recoger los sucesos de las periferias. Por su valor estrictamente documental, estas imágenes ayudarán a completar la visión histórica de la Región de Murcia, sus tradiciones, su urbanismo, los acontecimiento que marcaron su devenir social, cultual y político durante todo el período que duró la Dictadura. Por ello pensábamos necesario realizar un estudio que examinara las estrategias de comunicación, homogéneas como comprobaremos más adelante, que se utilizaron en la realización de este noticiario. En este sentido, el punto fundamental de la investigación es la recopilación y catalogación de los materiales relacionados con la Región de Murcia; 173 noticias con una duración total de 5 horas, 12 minutos y 33 segundos, así como el análisis de las imágenes que nos ofrecen y su estudio donde se han tenido en cuenta diversas disciplinas como la historia, la antropología o la sociología. De este modo, lo visual, lo ideológico, lo político, lo tradicional, y por supuesto, lo cinematográfico están presentes en el trabajo. Murcia, Junio de 2014. PhD ABSTRACT On January 4, 1943 NO-DO (Noticiarios y Documentales Cinematográficos: News and Documentary Films) began the journey which would be the most important audiovisual project that had taken place, and that has not been surpassed in Spain to date. Its main objective was to conduct propaganda strategies of the General Franco regime, understanding, as had been already done in other countries, that film was one of the most appropriate ways to reach the purpose of disseminating their ideas. This study arises from the need to give light on ways of audiovisual representation in Franco's Spain through local materials, specifically those made by NO-DO in the Region of Murcia. Thus, we can set the aspects that will shape the iconography of that time. These materials determine the critical importance of the news to the ideological interests of General Franco and his government, which has sought soon the mechanisms to control information, in all formats and channels, as an essential key to dominate society and implement values that defined his spirit, ultimately, to build a national identity based on the "glorious passed history" on religion and the military spirit. This indoctrinating function is one of the bases where the policy of state intervention that dominated postwar Spanish society. The Franco regime, therefore, used the film as an essential tool of propaganda and created at will, a semblance of Spain at the time and, of course, in each of its regions. In the advent of mass culture that was the film industry, Franco found the perfect tool for monitoring his ideology and from soon applied, not only nationally but also in relation to the international arena. The central purpose of this thesis is to determine what image of Murcia wanted to provide Franco´s government through this platform, supported by the existence of a strong information censorship, especially in the early years. This identity construction, based on tradition, religion and military aspects essentially served as a reference for defining and export a series of inextricably values linked to the image of Murcia. Thus, local celebrations held in different parts of the Region, Easter and military infrastructure defined Murcia. However, the interests changed throughout its existence. The final concern of the study involves to demonstrate the transformation that this proposal had on Murcia´s society and to point out how the use of different film mechanisms influenced the future of our region. The manipulation of the image, its alienating potential became more evident during this historical period. This is one of the main premises that raises our research, where we have tried to highlight the underlying meanings behind the images of a society in which visuality became the transmitter of a rigid and stubborn ideology. The NO-DO is an indispensable visual vestige in order to know the history of Spain in the twentieth century, bit so far given to the documentary tradition, and by extension to reflect events of the peripheries. On the strictly documentary value, these images will help to complete the historical vision of the Region of Murcia, its traditions, its planning, the events that marked their social, cultural and political development throughout the period that lasted Dictatorship. Therefore we believe necessary to conduct a study to examine the communication strategies, heterogeneous as see later, that were used in the making of this news program. In this sense, the fundamental point of the research is the collection and cataloging of film materials related to the Region of Murcia; 173 news with a total duration of 5 hours, 12 minutes and 33 seconds, and the analysis of the images that they provide and their study, where we have considered various disciplines such as history, anthropology or sociology. Thus, visual, ideological, political, traditional, and of course, the film aspects are present on this research. Murcia, June 2014.

At first glance, it may be surprising to consider the German-Jewish born sociologist Norbert Elias (Breslau, 1897–Amsterdam, 1990) as a reference of primary importance for thinking about the future of democracy and citizenship in Europe and beyond. Until recently, 'classics' of historical sociology as a whole have rarely been considered as highly relevant for investigations of the present state and future of relations between political communities in the age of globalisation. Moreover, in Elias's work, which focuses on very long-term social (including political) processes in pre- modern and modern Europe, the major terms used in European Studies and in political theories on European Union – such as 'legitimacy', 'sovereignty', 'citizenship' or 'democracy' – are rarely mentioned. Elias was obviously not first and foremost a theorist of nationalism or a post-nationalist author. He would even have refused to be considered mainly as a political or social theorist, and even less as a theorist or as a philosopher tout court. Elias's first doctorate was in philosophy but he was to abandon that discipline in favour of sociology, an intellectual break that deeply shaped his subsequent thinking (Elias 1994; Mennell 1998: 7-9). Elias's sociology was then marked by the opposition between positive, descriptive or 'reality congruent' social sciences, on the one hand, and normative philosophy, sometimes denounced as unrealistic or utopian, on the other. In addition, he refused to consider politics or policy as a distinct sphere. Moreover, Elias's historical sociology, in its more political aspects, mostly seems interested in the genesis of the state (Elias 1996; 1997), as were such sociologists as Anderson (1977) and Tilly (1993). However, a closer examination of his work reveals the undoubtedly central character of the question of social and political integration beyond the nation state. This preoccupation is already present in the conclusion of Über den Prozess der Zivilisation (1997, completed in 1939), often considered as his magnum opus, which reveals that, at this early stage in his writings, Elias questioned the relationship between nation-states and democracy. He continued to do so in later essays, especially in the crucial text, 'Changes in the We–I Balance' (1991, written in 1987), on which I will focus in the following discussion, and in Humana Conditio (2010, written in 1985). Now, the nature of this 'link' – historical and contingent, or, alternatively, conceptual or necessary – has led in the past twenty years to a well-known opposition between the so-called 'post-nationalist' authors and the 'national republicans', in France, or the 'liberal' or 'civic nationalists', in Great Britain (see Lacroix 2002; 2004). Even though Elias did not directly confront the problem of transcending national borders in conceiving of, and implementing, democracy in European Union, his intuitions can be read in relation to these recent debates about the pertinence of the national-democratic and post-national paradigms. It is true that Europe in the sense of the actual European Union does not really receive close attention in his writings. Quite obviously in Elias's view, European integration, if it would really take place, should rather be considered as a first step or as a transitional phase towards a more global, worldwide integration. Nevertheless, he demonstrated through all his work how much historical sociology is relevant for thinking about European integration and the very nature of the European Union. In 'Changes in the We–I Balance', Elias did not explicitly examine whether democracy can, or should, exist beyond the nation state, although it appears quite obvious, as in Humana Conditio (2010), that the nation-state is not the end of history. The originality of Elias's sociology lies elsewhere, and is twofold. On the one hand, it is to be found in Elias's forceful suggestion that any immediate political problem has to be considered in the light of long-term developments (see Déloye 2000; 2008) and in an all-embracing sociological perspective. Recently, Stefano Bartolini's book Restructuring Europe (2005) is an exceptional attempt to adopt a genuinely long-term socio-political perspective in order to understand the centralising processes that led to nation-states and to European integration. However, it remains focused on politics whereas Elias's more comprehensive approach includes the domains of psychology and the emotions. On the other hand, Elias's originality consists of his determination not to turn observations into norms or values that could legitimate particular conceptions of politics. If one forgets that sociological, self detached, standpoint, then Elias's propositions might sometimes seem similar to nationalist ideas, of course referring to civic or liberal nationalism (see Miller 1995; 2000) that considers the nation as the 'ultimate horizon of a political identity', or at least to the notion that democracy cannot be detached from the national frame. First of all, Elias strongly insists on the importance of affects and emotions for all kinds of collective identities, including political ones, and for every social and individual process of integration. Furthermore, his writings lay great stress on the enduring importance of the 'national habitus' (Elias 1991; 1996), particularly in the case of the old European countries. Finally, Elias sometimes seems to define the community as founded on conflicts with outsiders, both inside the community (Elias 2008), at the cultural or national level (Elias 1996), and beyond (Elias 1991), which at first glance resembles the fashionable idea (after Edward Said) of 'the Other'. In this paper, I will challenge this 'national' or culturalist reading of Elias's work, a reading that insists on the importance of belonging to a national community that one can find in the French sociologist Dominique Schnapper's essay La communauté des citoyens (1994). I will show that Elias's intuitions, by giving a crucial role to democratisation processes, contribute much more to deepen, from a sociological standpoint and in a critical way, the conceptions articulated by the post-nationalist authors – first of all the concept of 'constitutional patriotism' advocated by Jürgen Habermas[2] (1998; 2000) and that of 'post-national identity' presented by Jean-Marc Ferry (1992; 2000; 2005). And yet, according to Elias, European union, European unity or European integration, is not, first of all, a matter of values or ideals, political will or belief. More generally and less consciously, the growing repulsion towards suffering and pain would reveal a growing emotional identification between human beings over the centuries, though most obviously within their particular nation-states. However, just like Habermas, Elias suggests that a democratic political community could not be entirely based on such a feeling, although it is a 'civilising' one. This is because of his rational preferment that leads him to argue that people should rather base their acts on an understanding of the reality of their social relations. Moreover, there is no reason to consider as typically European in any meaning of the term that conscience-formation process associated with a widening circle of mutual identification. Elias admittedly studied the civilizing process by focusing on modern Western Europe at first, but it has never signified that European people have to be considered as 'civilized', compared to others, or even 'more civilized' thanks to cultural specific features, or in the vanguard of such a decentred conscience-formation process thanks to a specific European process. Not only did Elias severely criticise all nationalist and Eurocentric positions but, in the twentieth century more than ever before, humanity as a whole has to be considered as the real social unit of reference in a wholly interdependent world. In what follows, I firstly propose to review briefly the main ideas of the theory of the civilising process from state formation to globalisation that provides the framework for a long-term historical sociology. In this first part I will emphasize the crucial question of the links between the nation-state and democracy in the twentieth century that constitute the background of the current discussion between (liberal, civic) nationalists and post-nationalists. Second, I will show how the question of post-national interdependence and integration appears as a central problem in Elias's 'political' sociology, that always considers distinctly and together national, European, and global levels in a processual way. Third, I will tackle what are, according to Elias, the main obstacles to post-national political integration in terms of the endurance of national habitus, and will insist on the importance of not conflating the sociological study of such a phenomenon with its political justification. I will end with some comments on Eliasian post-nationalism and on his 'realist cosmopolitanism'. My opinion is that the stimulating tension between Hobbesian and Kantian inflexions in Elias's work, already analysed by Andrew Linklater in the field of international relations theory (Linklater 2004; 2011), is interestingly questioned when post-national integration in Europe or civic patriotism is at stake. My hypothesis is that, from an 'Eliasian' standpoint, the sociological study of long-term historical processes would not only reveal what separates Europeans from each other, but also what (temporarily) binds them together, 'for better and for worse', and what (more definitely) binds Europeans to the rest of the world.

At first glance, it may be surprising to consider the German-Jewish born sociologist Norbert Elias (Breslau, 1897–Amsterdam, 1990) as a reference of primary importance for thinking about the future of democracy and citizenship in Europe and beyond. Until recently, 'classics' of historical sociology as a whole have rarely been considered as highly relevant for investigations of the present state and future of relations between political communities in the age of globalisation. Moreover, in Elias's work, which focuses on very long-term social (including political) processes in pre- modern and modern Europe, the major terms used in European Studies and in political theories on European Union – such as 'legitimacy', 'sovereignty', 'citizenship' or 'democracy' – are rarely mentioned. Elias was obviously not first and foremost a theorist of nationalism or a post-nationalist author. He would even have refused to be considered mainly as a political or social theorist, and even less as a theorist or as a philosopher tout court. Elias's first doctorate was in philosophy but he was to abandon that discipline in favour of sociology, an intellectual break that deeply shaped his subsequent thinking (Elias 1994; Mennell 1998: 7-9). Elias's sociology was then marked by the opposition between positive, descriptive or 'reality congruent' social sciences, on the one hand, and normative philosophy, sometimes denounced as unrealistic or utopian, on the other. In addition, he refused to consider politics or policy as a distinct sphere. Moreover, Elias's historical sociology, in its more political aspects, mostly seems interested in the genesis of the state (Elias 1996; 1997), as were such sociologists as Anderson (1977) and Tilly (1993). However, a closer examination of his work reveals the undoubtedly central character of the question of social and political integration beyond the nation state. This preoccupation is already present in the conclusion of Über den Prozess der Zivilisation (1997, completed in 1939), often considered as his magnum opus, which reveals that, at this early stage in his writings, Elias questioned the relationship between nation-states and democracy. He continued to do so in later essays, especially in the crucial text, 'Changes in the We–I Balance' (1991, written in 1987), on which I will focus in the following discussion, and in Humana Conditio (2010, written in 1985). Now, the nature of this 'link' – historical and contingent, or, alternatively, conceptual or necessary – has led in the past twenty years to a well-known opposition between the so-called 'post-nationalist' authors and the 'national republicans', in France, or the 'liberal' or 'civic nationalists', in Great Britain (see Lacroix 2002; 2004). Even though Elias did not directly confront the problem of transcending national borders in conceiving of, and implementing, democracy in European Union, his intuitions can be read in relation to these recent debates about the pertinence of the national-democratic and post-national paradigms. It is true that Europe in the sense of the actual European Union does not really receive close attention in his writings. Quite obviously in Elias's view, European integration, if it would really take place, should rather be considered as a first step or as a transitional phase towards a more global, worldwide integration. Nevertheless, he demonstrated through all his work how much historical sociology is relevant for thinking about European integration and the very nature of the European Union. In 'Changes in the We–I Balance', Elias did not explicitly examine whether democracy can, or should, exist beyond the nation state, although it appears quite obvious, as in Humana Conditio (2010), that the nation-state is not the end of history. The originality of Elias's sociology lies elsewhere, and is twofold. On the one hand, it is to be found in Elias's forceful suggestion that any immediate political problem has to be considered in the light of long-term developments (see Déloye 2000; 2008) and in an all-embracing sociological perspective. Recently, Stefano Bartolini's book Restructuring Europe (2005) is an exceptional attempt to adopt a genuinely long-term socio-political perspective in order to understand the centralising processes that led to nation-states and to European integration. However, it remains focused on politics whereas Elias's more comprehensive approach includes the domains of psychology and the emotions. On the other hand, Elias's originality consists of his determination not to turn observations into norms or values that could legitimate particular conceptions of politics. If one forgets that sociological, self detached, standpoint, then Elias's propositions might sometimes seem similar to nationalist ideas, of course referring to civic or liberal nationalism (see Miller 1995; 2000) that considers the nation as the 'ultimate horizon of a political identity', or at least to the notion that democracy cannot be detached from the national frame. First of all, Elias strongly insists on the importance of affects and emotions for all kinds of collective identities, including political ones, and for every social and individual process of integration. Furthermore, his writings lay great stress on the enduring importance of the 'national habitus' (Elias 1991; 1996), particularly in the case of the old European countries. Finally, Elias sometimes seems to define the community as founded on conflicts with outsiders, both inside the community (Elias 2008), at the cultural or national level (Elias 1996), and beyond (Elias 1991), which at first glance resembles the fashionable idea (after Edward Said) of 'the Other'. In this paper, I will challenge this 'national' or culturalist reading of Elias's work, a reading that insists on the importance of belonging to a national community that one can find in the French sociologist Dominique Schnapper's essay La communauté des citoyens (1994). I will show that Elias's intuitions, by giving a crucial role to democratisation processes, contribute much more to deepen, from a sociological standpoint and in a critical way, the conceptions articulated by the post-nationalist authors – first of all the concept of 'constitutional patriotism' advocated by Jürgen Habermas[2] (1998; 2000) and that of 'post-national identity' presented by Jean-Marc Ferry (1992; 2000; 2005). And yet, according to Elias, European union, European unity or European integration, is not, first of all, a matter of values or ideals, political will or belief. More generally and less consciously, the growing repulsion towards suffering and pain would reveal a growing emotional identification between human beings over the centuries, though most obviously within their particular nation-states. However, just like Habermas, Elias suggests that a democratic political community could not be entirely based on such a feeling, although it is a 'civilising' one. This is because of his rational preferment that leads him to argue that people should rather base their acts on an understanding of the reality of their social relations. Moreover, there is no reason to consider as typically European in any meaning of the term that conscience-formation process associated with a widening circle of mutual identification. Elias admittedly studied the civilizing process by focusing on modern Western Europe at first, but it has never signified that European people have to be considered as 'civilized', compared to others, or even 'more civilized' thanks to cultural specific features, or in the vanguard of such a decentred conscience-formation process thanks to a specific European process. Not only did Elias severely criticise all nationalist and Eurocentric positions but, in the twentieth century more than ever before, humanity as a whole has to be considered as the real social unit of reference in a wholly interdependent world. In what follows, I firstly propose to review briefly the main ideas of the theory of the civilising process from state formation to globalisation that provides the framework for a long-term historical sociology. In this first part I will emphasize the crucial question of the links between the nation-state and democracy in the twentieth century that constitute the background of the current discussion between (liberal, civic) nationalists and post-nationalists. Second, I will show how the question of post-national interdependence and integration appears as a central problem in Elias's 'political' sociology, that always considers distinctly and together national, European, and global levels in a processual way. Third, I will tackle what are, according to Elias, the main obstacles to post-national political integration in terms of the endurance of national habitus, and will insist on the importance of not conflating the sociological study of such a phenomenon with its political justification. I will end with some comments on Eliasian post-nationalism and on his 'realist cosmopolitanism'. My opinion is that the stimulating tension between Hobbesian and Kantian inflexions in Elias's work, already analysed by Andrew Linklater in the field of international relations theory (Linklater 2004; 2011), is interestingly questioned when post-national integration in Europe or civic patriotism is at stake. My hypothesis is that, from an 'Eliasian' standpoint, the sociological study of long-term historical processes would not only reveal what separates Europeans from each other, but also what (temporarily) binds them together, 'for better and for worse', and what (more definitely) binds Europeans to the rest of the world.

This work examines the social construction of migrants living with HIV/AIDS in the Finnish welfare state through the concepts of postmodern illness, social memory and human rights. Taking a qualitative approach, the study explores how narratives of AIDS have been articulated in public policymaking and social practices concerning HIV/AIDS. Through a close reading of Finnish law and health information texts, the thesis examines how the interaction between cultural practices and social structures articulated meanings and absences on the issue of migrants and HIV in Finland. In-depth interviews of people living with HIV, as well as policymakers and practitioners, are also presented. The four primary research questions are: How has HIV/AIDS been constructed as an exceptional health issue internationally and how has it emerged out of globalized trends in socio-economic development, migration, and the traditions of public health and social work? What kinds of stories have been told about HIV/AIDS and how have they been organized as narratives to emplot AIDS in global and local social and health policies? How are migrant identities and rights constructed in Finland, specifically in the intersection of legal, social and health definitions for migrants living with HIV/AIDS? What sense of cultural identity and belonging is constructed at the core of access to Finnish social and health services for people living with HIV/AIDS and how is it manifested? The dissertation first examines how the meanings of globalization and accompanying socio-economic transformations have been articulated towards the end of the twentieth century. HIV/AIDS is considered as the first disease of globalization where patterns of the pandemic mirror global inequalities. The work examines the fragmenting pressures of the neoliberal push for privatization on public health and the welfare state. It then moves on to explore the growth of transnational migration as a consequence of increasing global income inequality and structural violence, which raises new challenges to citizenship, democracy and the basis of the welfare state. Through a discussion of how the AIDS pandemic was storied, the work suggests that the public policy that emerged in the early days of the AIDS pandemic reflected the complexity of diverse narrative plots. Many of the narrative invisibilities and erasures reveal the inequalities of globalized societies on local levels. HIV/AIDS became an exceptional health issue through the common efforts of community action groups and public health professionals. Despite these efforts to construct HIV/AIDS as an exceptional disease requiring special care as well as unique prevention and harm reduction interventions, it remains highly stigmatized disease in most societies and very expensive to treat. This presents great challenges to social work with people living with HIV/AIDS. Finally, the work focuses on the local level of the global story of AIDS. Through an analysis of Finnish texts, such as newspaper articles and academic theses, as well as personal interviews, it traces the chronology and development of the Finnish epidemic. International narratives of AIDS are tied to the shaping of articulations of AIDS policy in Finland. The work moves on to explore how immigration policy in Finland is mediated through social memory. It then locates migrants in Finnish social and health law, arguing that migrants occupy an ambivalent location in constructions of equality in the Finnish social and health care system. Interviews of Finnish people and migrants living with HIV/AIDS as well as professionals and policymakers in the field are juxtaposed to explore the complex terrain of migrants social and health needs as well as the realities of social care in Finland. Through a close reading of health information material produced by AIDS agencies, the work explores the invisibility of migrants in these activities and policies of these agencies and their material. It argues that migrants access to social care can be seen as limited by the lack of recognition of their needs. The paucity of migrant stakeholders and researchers in the development of HIV/AIDS care policy and national prevention strategy can also be seen as a barrier to empowering migrant communities. The interaction between cultural practices and social structures in the Finnish welfare state tends to articulate a culturally normative consensus on care needs. The lack of acknowledgment of cultural competence as an essential element of care and professional training can be seen as articulating indirect discriminatory practices. Finally, the silence and invisibility of migrants in Finnish HIV services is considered through a reflection of two in-depth interviews with migrants living with HIV/AIDS. ; This work examines the social construction of migrants living with HIV/AIDS in the Finnish welfare state through the concepts of postmodern illness, social memory and human rights. Taking a qualitative approach, the study explores how narratives of AIDS have been articulated in public policymaking and social practices concerning HIV/AIDS. Through a close reading of Finnish law and health information texts, the thesis examines how the interaction between cultural practices and social structures articulated meanings and absences on the issue of migrants and HIV in Finland. In-depth interviews of people living with HIV, as well as policymakers and practitioners, are also presented. The four primary research questions are: How has HIV/AIDS been constructed as an exceptional health issue internationally and how has it emerged out of globalized trends in socio-economic development, migration, and the traditions of public health and social work? What kinds of stories have been told about HIV/AIDS and how have they been organized as narratives to emplot AIDS in global and local social and health policies? How are migrant identities and rights constructed in Finland, specifically in the intersection of legal, social and health definitions for migrants living with HIV/AIDS? What sense of cultural identity and belonging is constructed at the core of access to Finnish social and health services for people living with HIV/AIDS and how is it manifested? The dissertation first examines how the meanings of globalization and accompanying socio-economic transformations have been articulated towards the end of the twentieth century. HIV/AIDS is considered as the first disease of globalization where patterns of the pandemic mirror global inequalities. The work examines the fragmenting pressures of the neoliberal push for privatization on public health and the welfare state. It then moves on to explore the growth of transnational migration as a consequence of increasing global income inequality and structural violence, which raises new challenges to citizenship, democracy and the basis of the welfare state. Through a discussion of how the AIDS pandemic was storied, the work suggests that the public policy that emerged in the early days of the AIDS pandemic reflected the complexity of diverse narrative plots. Many of the narrative invisibilities and erasures reveal the inequalities of globalized societies on local levels. HIV/AIDS became an exceptional health issue through the common efforts of community action groups and public health professionals. Despite these efforts to construct HIV/AIDS as an exceptional disease requiring special care as well as unique prevention and harm reduction interventions, it remains highly stigmatized disease in most societies and very expensive to treat. This presents great challenges to social work with people living with HIV/AIDS. Finally, the work focuses on the local level of the global story of AIDS. Through an analysis of Finnish texts, such as newspaper articles and academic theses, as well as personal interviews, it traces the chronology and development of the Finnish epidemic. International narratives of AIDS are tied to the shaping of articulations of AIDS policy in Finland. The work moves on to explore how immigration policy in Finland is mediated through social memory. It then locates migrants in Finnish social and health law, arguing that migrants occupy an ambivalent location in constructions of equality in the Finnish social and health care system. Interviews of Finnish people and migrants living with HIV/AIDS as well as professionals and policymakers in the field are juxtaposed to explore the complex terrain of migrants social and health needs as well as the realities of social care in Finland. Through a close reading of health information material produced by AIDS agencies, the work explores the invisibility of migrants in these activities and policies of these agencies and their material. It argues that migrants access to social care can be seen as limited by the lack of recognition of their needs. The paucity of migrant stakeholders and researchers in the development of HIV/AIDS care policy and national prevention strategy can also be seen as a barrier to empowering migrant communities. The interaction between cultural practices and social structures in the Finnish welfare state tends to articulate a culturally normative consensus on care needs. The lack of acknowledgment of cultural competence as an essential element of care and professional training can be seen as articulating indirect discriminatory practices. Finally, the silence and invisibility of migrants in Finnish HIV services is considered through a reflection of two in-depth interviews with migrants living with HIV/AIDS.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

[EN] The traditional financial theory proposes that the main objective of a company should be to maximize the wealth of its shareholders, which, in practice, means maximizing the market price of the securities they hold. This objective has generated an abundant literature and a wide controversy about the effects of financial decisions on the value of companies. In this sense, far from the situation of perfect markets analysed by Merton Miller and Franco Modigliani in their seminal works of 1958 and 1961, research in recent decades has shown the relevance of frictions in capital markets such as transaction costs, agency costs, bankruptcy costs or the taxes on the value of firms. In this context, there are many studies that have shown the tax consequences of the company's financial policies. From this perspective, the static trade-off theory establishes that the value of a company will reach its peak when the opposing effects of two forces are balanced: the tax deductibility of interest payments and the increase in bankruptcy costs associated with an increase of the level of debt. Likewise, dividends are also affected by the tax laws of the countries, given the different tax treatment of the distribution of cash compared to its retention. Within the imperfections of the financial markets, deserves special mention the agency theory approach, according to which dividends and debt can be effective instruments to reduce conflicts between the different stakeholders of the company. More specifically, the distribution of dividends or the increase of firm debt are believed to mitigate the possibility of opportunistic behaviour into the firms as dividends and debt reduce the resources under managers' control and are susceptible to be used in search of their interests and not to maximize the wealth of the investors. Precisely, the agency approach allows to incorporate informational asymmetries between insiders and outsiders, which endows the decisions of dividends and capital structure of a new function. Thus, these financial policies become signals that convey reliable information about the profitable investment opportunities available to the company. A feature of recent research in business finance and corporate governance is the international dimension that these studies have taken, addressing various institutional and legal environments. In this sense, the Law & Finance approach proposed by La Porta et al. (1999, 1997, 1998, 2000), according to which, two types of legal systems can be distinguished: countries whose legal systems come from the Anglo-Saxon or common law tradition tend to offer more adequate protection to investors than countries whose laws they are born in the context of civil or continental law. Taking this approach to the field of dividend policy, there are two hypotheses that explain the relationship between the legal structure of countries and the distribution of profits of companies. The first states that a legal system that offers adequate protection to investors boosts the distribution of dividends as a form of compensation for those shareholders (the outcome hypothesis). The alternative explanation raises that poor legal protection leads companies to distribute higher dividend ratios as a way to make up for the shortcomings of the environment (the substitute hypothesis). Both hypotheses have received considerable empirical support in different places and times. Combining the different theoretical approaches outlined above, it is worth asking whether the incidence of taxes on financial decisions can be modelled by the level of protection enjoyed by shareholders. In other words, the question arises about the relationships between the information transmitted by financial decisions in situations of low legal protection and the effect of taxes on such decisions. All this highlights the convenience of jointly analysing the mechanisms of corporate governance and taxes when investigating financial policies. In parallel with these investigations, there is another line of research that has studied the interaction between the institutional environment and the financial structure of the company, showing how the quality of corporate governance practices influences the relationship between taxes and indebtedness decisions. According to this view, the possible transfers of resources between shareholders and creditors are translated into variations in the flows subject to tax. And, given that the institutional environment modifies the possibility of such transfers, a concatenation is established between the three elements (taxes, legal environment and financial policy) that advise their joint study. Starting from the theoretical foundations previously outlined, this doctoral thesis seeks to perform an analysis of the dividend policy and the capital structure of Brazilian companies. Somehow, paradoxical as it may seem, a doctoral thesis is the result of the doctoral student's individual work and the imprint that his directors, professors and colleagues leave on the Doctorate Program. Therefore, it is not surprising that this doctoral thesis is inscribed in a field of corporate finance broken by professors of the Interuniversity Doctorate Program in Research in Business Economics. When writing these pages, it is inevitable to evoke previous doctoral theses such as that of professors Valentín Azofra Palenzuela on the explanatory factors of the capital structure of Spanish companies, Alberto de Miguel Hidalgo on the interrelation of investment decisions, financing and dividends, Juan Antonio Rodríguez Sanz on the ownership structure or Chabela de la Torre and Ignacio Requejo on the influence of the ownership structure on the company's financial strategy. This means the choice of research topic, with which I have tried to benefit from the knowledge of those who preceded me and, at the same time, take a step forward in the path of knowledge. The choice of Brazil is not capricious but this country is a unique case for the joint study of the tax and institutional effects on corporate decisions since, despite offering relatively little legal protection to minority shareholders and suffering from certain shortcomings in terms of corporate governance, in recent years it has made a considerable effort to improve the quality of its institutional environment while at the same time implementing significant changes in its fiscal order. Both actions have mutual implications and constitute a unique opportunity to advance our knowledge on the subject. Thus, in order to compensate for the deficient protection of minority shareholders the Stock Exchange of the State of Sao Paulo (B3), which is the official Stock Exchange of Brazil, created in 2000 the so-called Novo Mercado (NM). Companies voluntarily joining it are obliged to adopt corporate governance practices that are stricter than those required by national legislation. This process is based on the idea of "functional convergence" proposed by Coffee (1999), according to which, in countries with institutional deficiencies, due to the difficulties of reforming national legislation, it must be the capital markets that take the initiative in adopting government improvement measures. Aiming at granting companies a certain margin of time to gradually improve their operation until they were able to meet the requirements of the NM, the B3 launched the Level 1 and Level 2, which are intermediary categories with stricter requirements of corporate governance than those required by Brazilian legislation and, at the same time, less demanding than those of the NM. In this way, the Brazilian setting constitutes a unique environment for studying the effects of corporate governance on the financial decisions of companies by bringing together companies that, despite being subject to the same institutional framework, are exposed to different requirements of corporate governance. Therefore, the present doctoral thesis prevents the results and conclusions from being biased by institutional and cultural differences between countries. Likewise, the Brazilian case allows us to assess the extent to which a market-level reform that did not have the support of national legislative changes, can replace or amend the institutional deficiencies of the country as a whole. Another institutional aspect in which we deepen in this doctoral thesis is related to the influence of the Brazilian tax legislation in the financial decisions of companies. Specifically, Brazil is the only emerging country that has implemented a system of Allowance for Corporate Equity (ACE), called "interest on equity (IOE)", whose purpose is to allow companies to deduct a notional interest rate for the use of own resources and not only for the use of the debt. A peculiar feature of the IOE is that companies can only enjoy tax deductions by its use when they distribute part of their equity to shareholders. Thus, the IOE is a clear alternative to payout and, in spite of presenting features and functions quite similar to dividends, such as its usefulness to reduce agency conflicts, to signal investment opportunities, to attract shareholders who value the feeling of security, and to provide shareholders liquidity, its tax treatment presents great differences, since, when considered a financial expense, it can be deducted in the balance of the company before the calculation of taxes, thus generating a tax deduction. On the other hand, in the case of dividends, the tax base is determined by the adjusted net profit, without the company being able to obtain tax deductions for the distribution of dividends. The tax treatment of personal income is also different for dividends and for IOE. While shareholders are tax exempt when they receive dividends, they taxed on incomes from IOE and this tax varies according to the type of beneficiary shareholder. Therefore, the tax advantages derived from the use of IOE depend not only on the capital structure of the company but also on its ownership structure. This feature opens the door to consider whether the importance of fiscal considerations in the payout policy may be conditioned by the identity of the company's shareholders. In the same way, the existence of the IOE allows companies to have an alternative non-debt tax shield, with lower bankruptcy costs and that also retains the non-fiscal characteristics of the debt, such as, its signalling effect or its capacity to mitigate agency conflicts. Based on the framework described above, the main objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyse, using the idiosyncrasies of the Brazilian institutional framework, the influence of corporate governance, taxes and the ownership structure on dividends and capital structure decisions of companies. This general objective is specified in two more specific objectives: 1- To analyze if and how the adoption of the NM affects the dividend policy and the capital structure of Brazilian companies. 2- Based on the relevance of taxes in payout decisions and the capital structure of companies, to analyze the moderating role of the ownership structure in said relationship. This sequence of objectives structures this doctoral thesis. Thus, after this introduction, in Chapter 2 we consider the effect of the incorporation into the NM on financing and dividend decisions. This chapter describes the characteristics of the Brazilian institutional environment and the reform undertaken by B3 to improve the protection of investors through the creation of different market levels. Then, we verify if and how the incorporation to the NM and the intermediate levels affects the decisions of dividends and corporate financing, both as mechanisms used by companies to mitigate their agency conflicts. Next, we incorporate the differences in taxation between dividends and IOE to verify the moderating effect of firms' ownership structure. This analysis is carried out in Chapter 3, in which we detail the tax consequences of the use of dividends and IOE for companies and shareholders and, subsequently, we verify whether and how the identity of the dominant shareholders affects the relationship between taxes and payout decisions. A similar study is undertaken in Chapter 4, in which the effect of the IOE on the capital structure is extended. In this chapter, we expose the similarities between leverage and the IOE and also the differences in their tax treatment, which depend on the ownership structure of firms. Subsequently, in this chapter we analyze the effect of taxes on financing decisions, incorporating the moderating role of the identity of the shareholders in this relationship. This doctoral thesis is closed with a chapter that contains the main conclusions, the results are discussed from a critical perspective and future lines of research are suggested. To facilitate the overview of our research, in Figure 1 we propose a simplified scheme. By way of advancement of our results, we find that Brazilian companies voluntarily incorporated into the NM distribute less dividends and are less leveraged than their counterparts operating in the other segments of B3. This suggests that the NM plays an important role and can be an element that replaces other mechanisms aimed at improving trust between companies and shareholders, namely, dividends and debt. The results also indicate that the incidence of taxes on payout and capital structure decisions depends on the ownership structure of the companies. We have detected that in companies with a predominant presence of individual (or family) shareholders or with pyramidal structures in their chain of owners, taxes seem to be a determining factor in financing or payout decisions. Contrariwise, in companies owned by institutional shareholders, fiscal considerations appear to be irrelevant in the formulation of financial policy. Given the above, this doctoral thesis posits that reforms undertaken in the capital markets stand as an alternative mechanism to overcome the legal deficiencies that prevent countries from improving the quality of the corporate governance. We also conclude that the importance of taxes in corporate decisions is affected by the ownership structure. This indicates that the effectiveness of the efforts undertaken to reduce the debt tax bias is conditioned by the corporate shareholding structure.

Il Volontariato nella Governance dei Servizi Sanitari Toscani: Dall'Aggregazione all'Integrazione di Modelli Sociali, Organizzativi ed Individuali Il fenomeno del Volontariato sta ricevendo progressivamente attenzione dagli studiosi di management, con particolare riferimento al ruolo che le Organizzazioni Non-profit (NPO) svolgono nella società moderna, oltre alla modalità con cui i cittadini si impegnano attivamente nel Terzo Settore al fine di far fronte ai cosiddetti 'fallimenti' dello Stato (government failures) e dei mercati (business failures). La letteratura di riferimento studia come la Società Civile sia in grado di fornire efficacemente i servizi socio-umanitari, rappresentando in tal modo un importante attore sociale al pari dell'Ente Pubblico, rappresentato dalle Istituzioni Governative (GOV), e del mercato, rappresentato dalle imprese ed i business commerciali (BUS). Nella presente ricerca il fenomeno del Volontariato è concettualizzato ed analizzato empiricamente attraverso tre prospettive – macro, meso, micro – le quali corrispondono alle tre sezioni della tesi di ricerca. A tal fine, abbiamo preso in considerazione l'area geografica della Regione Toscana, che rappresenta uno standard di riferimento ed eccellenza per l'implementazione da parte delle NPO di servizi socio-sanitari, in particolare nell'ambito dell'emergenza ed urgenza (Servizio 118). Infatti, il Terzo Settore toscano ha un'antica tradizione storico-culturale sviluppatasi fin dal Medioevo – la nascita della prima associazione di Volontariato fiorentina risale al 1244 – e durante i secoli è stato in grado di contribuire in modo significativo all'evoluzione del social welfare regionale, grazie all'implementazione di servizi socio-sanitari nei confronti della propria comunità locale. Quali sono le ragioni essenziali, le caratteristiche peculiari, e le leve strategiche che permettono il successo di tale realtà filantropica regionale? Per rispondere a tale domanda, abbiamo in primo luogo analizzato l'evoluzione storica delle interazioni istituzionali tra GOV e NPO toscane. Facendo riferimento alla letteratura di partnership ed alleanze strategiche, il focus è stato sul fenomeno delle partnership sociali cross-settoriali (CSSP – Cross-Sector Social Partnership), che si riferiscono ad alleanze strategiche tra i tre attori sociali, ossia lo Stato, le imprese for-profit ed il Terzo Settore, al fine di perseguire obiettivi sociali capaci di creare valore per la comunità di riferimento e soddisfarne le esigenze. La letteratura pertinente concettualizza tale fenomeno attraverso tre fasi, denominate 'formazione', 'implementazione', 'risultati'. Inoltre, tali fasi sono costituite da stage i quali a loro volta sono suddivisi in micro-processi. Uno dei gap della letteratura fa riferimento agli aspetti dinamici e contingentali che influenzano l'evoluzione delle CSSP in relazione a tali fasi, stage e micro-processi. Il nostro obiettivo è stato di contribuire a tale letteratura analizzando la specifica fase di 'implementazione' della partnership sociale cross-settoriale tra Regione Toscana e Associazioni di Volontariato, indagando l'evoluzione dei tre stage definiti 'selezione', 'design' e 'istituzionalizzazione'. Attraverso la metodologia della 'critical event analysis', abbiamo analizzato archivi storici, documenti, report, norme legislative, interviste con Presidenti e Direttori delle NPO toscane e responsabili della Regione Toscana, al fine di esaminare l'evoluzione della CSSP toscana negli ultimi 35 anni, ossia dal 1978 (creazione del Sistema Sanitario Nazionale) ai giorni d'oggi (2013-2015). Per tale livello 'macro' di analisi, è emerso come la partnership sociale sia stata caratterizzata dal cosiddetto 'isomorfismo coercitivo' il quale ha imposto alle Associazioni di Volontariato di adattarsi dinamicamente al contesto ambientale di riferimento per essere in grado di rispondere a pressioni contestuali esterne. Tali fattori hanno scaturito 5 principali criticità, ossia la legittimazione, il potere, la fiducia, l'identità, l'absorptive capacity, che sono evolute dinamicamente nel corso delle interazioni storiche tra i partner regionali. Nella seconda sezione della tesi abbiamo utilizzato una prospettiva 'meso', in particolare l'analisi di uno specifico modello di business e governance che sempre più caratterizza le organizzazioni non- profit, ossia il modello 'ibrido'. Tale modello fa riferimento alla compresenza di attività filantropiche/non-profit e commerciali/for-profit nella stessa organizzazione. Il fenomeno dell'ibridizzazione è sempre più un elemento significativo per le moderne realtà organizzative, poiché molte imprese sia for-profit che non-profit stanno sempre più convergendo verso un modello di 'impresa sociale', che sottolinea l'orientamento e l'attitudine imprenditoriale verso la responsabilità sociale delle strutture organizzative nei confronti di stakeholder e ambiente di riferimento. In particolare, tale fenomeno sta progressivamente caratterizzando le Associazioni di Volontariato toscane le quali devono organizzare innovativi modelli di business e governance al fine di essere autonome finanziariamente, divenendo così sempre più indipendenti dalle Istituzioni Governative e più sensibili ai bisogni di volontari e comunità locale. La letteratura ha individuato due tipologie di modelli ibridi, ossia il modello integrato e quello disintegrato, focalizzandosi in maniera marginale sulle possibili implicazioni manageriali. Al fine di contribuire a tale filone di letteratura, abbiamo effettuato un caso di studio multiplo analizzando tre NPO toscane 'ibride'. Grazie alla coding analysis delle interviste semi-strutturate effettuate con i Presidenti e i manager delle Associazioni di Volontariato, è stato possibile individuare implicazioni manageriali significative per tali realtà organizzative. In primo luogo, abbiamo concettualizzato una terza tipologia di modello di business e governance ibrido, ossia il modello semi-intergrato; in secondo luogo, abbiamo individuato sei categorie concettuali emerse dall'analisi che influenzano la gestione di tali realtà, ossia legittimità interna, legittimità esterna, scambi e flussi monetari, struttura organizzativa, perdita di identità, limiti alla crescita organizzativa. I risultati dell'analisi sottolineano come il modello ibrido integrato sia caratterizzato da alti livelli di criticità in riferimento ai limiti alla crescita; il modello disintegrato dal rischio di perdita identitaria; infine, il modello semi-integrato da criticità concernenti la legittimità interna e limiti alla crescita. La terza sezione della tesi fa riferimento ad una prospettiva 'micro', analizzando in primo luogo il concetto socio-antropologico del dono all'interno del contesto di volontariato; in secondo luogo, indagando le motivazioni psico-socio comportamentali dei volontari, oltre che le loro attitudini ed intenzioni comportamentali. In particolare, mentre il primo capitolo della sezione fa riferimento all'analisi concettuale del dono utilizzando importanti teorie antropologiche – come la Teoria del Dono di Marcel Mauss – il secondo capitolo presenta un'analisi empirica attraverso un modello ad equazioni strutturali (SEM – structural equation modeling), in grado di analizzare simultaneamente le relazioni ipotizzate tra significative variabili latenti delle attitudini, intenzioni e comportamenti dei volontari. Abbiamo utilizzato scale di questionari convalidati in letteratura e collezionato 379 questionari completati da volontari di 20 NPO toscane. Dopo l'analisi esplorativa fattoriale delle dimensioni oggetto di analisi – motivazioni (sociale, carriera, valori, conoscenza, protezione dell'io, avanzamento dell'io), atteggiamento verso l'organizzazione, religiosità, reciprocità positiva e negativa, intenzione a donare – abbiamo costruito un modello SEM e analizzato sia gli indici di significatività (modello di misurazione) sia le relazioni ed 'influenze' esistenti tra variabili (modello strutturale). Le principali implicazioni manageriali fanno riferimento alla capacità del management delle NPO di analizzare e conoscere i segnali relazionali emanati dai volontari, al fine di rispondere in modo appropriato ed incentivare lo sforzo di tali preziose risorse strategiche. Infatti, i volontari non rappresentano solamente il principale 'fornitore' di tempo, risorse, know-how e abilità per le Associazioni di Volontariato, bensì al contempo sono i beneficiari di gratificazione, soddisfazione e spirito associazionistico ottenuti dalla partecipazione all'organizzazione. In particolare, la dimensione di reciprocità insieme all'intenzione di donare sottolineano come la relazionalità sia un elemento cruciale per la gestione delle NPO, che presuppone una profonda conoscenza dei tratti psicologici dei volontari, oltre alle loro attitudini ed intenzioni comportamentali. Tali fattori sono importanti per rendere le Associazioni di Volontariato il veicolo sociale efficace in grado di rispondere ai bisogni della comunità locale e cercare di risolvere i 'fallimenti' dello Stato e dei mercati, grazie in modo particolare alle loro risorse più importanti, ossia i volontari. Voluntarism in the Governance of Tuscan Socio-health services: From the Aggregation to the Integration of Social, Organizational, and Individual Models The phenomenon of voluntarism is increasingly achieving attention by management scholars, specifically focusing on the role of Non-profit Organizations (NPOs) in modern society and the way citizens actively commit themselves in the Third Sector in order to cope with government and business failures. Pertinent literature questions how the organized Civil Society successfully provides human service delivery, thus traditionally representing an important societal actor along with both the Public Entity, represented at a local level by Governmental Institutions (GOV), and the market, represented by enterprises and for-profit business (BUS). In the present thesis, such a phenomenon has been conceptually and empirically analyzed following three perspectives, namely a 'macro', 'meso', and 'micro' perspective, which correspond to the three sections of the research. To this purpose, we chose an emblematic geographical area, the Region of Tuscany, which represents a paradigmatic excellence and national benchmark for the provision of emergency-urgency socio-health services. Actually, the Tuscan Third Sector has a historical and long-lasting tradition that started in the medieval period, precisely 1244 in Florence, and during the Centuries has significantly contributed to the evolution of regional welfare, especially by providing socio-health services to its own local community. What are the essential reasons, peculiar characteristics, and strategic levers that allow such a regional successful philanthropic reality? To answer this question, we firstly analyzed the historical evolution of the institutional interactions between regional GOV and Tuscan NPOs. Drawing on partnership and strategic alliances literature, we focused on the notion of cross-sector social partnership (CSSP), which refers to strategic arrangements between the three societal actors, namely GOV, BUS, and NPOs, aiming at social purposes. CSSP literature conceptualizes such arrangements through a tripartite framework which is composed by three phases, namely formation, implementation, and outcome of the social partnership. Further, each phase is characterized by stages which in turn are composed by micro-processes. However, scarce attention has been given to the analysis of evolving CSSP focusing on dynamic and contingent elements influencing and affecting such arrangements. We attempted to contribute to this stream of literature by choosing the implementation stage of the CSSP between Tuscan GOV and NPOs, and its three stages, namely selection, design, and institutionalization. By using critical event analysis, we examined historical archives, documents, reports, legislative frameworks, interviews with NPOs Presidents and Directors and GOV representatives, in order to assess the evolution of the Tuscan CSSP in the last 35 years, particularly from 1978 (the creation of the Italian NHS) to the present period (years 2013-2015). At this first 'macro' level of analysis, it emerged how the examined Tuscan CSSP has been characterized by an institutional 'coercive isomorphism' which imposed NPOs to adaptively respond to external pressures. These environmental factors resulted in five main CSSP internal outputs, namely legitimacy, power, trust, identity, and absorptive capacity, which dynamically evolve throughout the historical interactions between partners. In the second section of the thesis we used a 'meso' perspective, particularly the analysis of a specific business and governance model which is increasingly characterizing NPOs realities, the hybrid model. Such a model refers to the implementation of both for-profit and non-profit activities within a single organization. Hybridization is actually an important element in modern organizations, mainly because many for-profit enterprises and traditional NPOs are converging toward the so-called 'social enterprise' model, which stresses the socially responsible entrepreneurial mindset of modern management and organizational structures. Such a phenomenon is progressively characterizing Tuscan NPOs, which have to arrange innovative forms of business model in order to be financially autonomous and thus becoming, on the one hand, more independent of regional GOV and, on the other hand, more trustworthy toward its own volunteers and local community. Pertinent literature has individuated two types of hybrid business and governance models, namely the integrated and disintegrated ones, although few attempts have provided managerial implications for such hybrid arrangements. We attempted to contribute to this stream of literature by conducting a multiple case study of three Tuscan 'hybrid' NPOs. Specifically, the coding analysis of semi-structured interviews with NPOs Presidents and Directors resulted in significant managerial implications for these organizations. Firstly, we conceptualized a third hybrid business and governance model, the semi- integrated one; second, we individuated six conceptual categories affecting the hybridization phenomenon – internal legitimacy, external legitimacy, monetary exchange and flows, organizational structure, loss of identity, growth constraints. Interestingly, the integrated model resulted affected by high critical levels of growth constraints; the disintegrated model by risk of loss of identity; and, finally, the semi-integrated model by internal legitimacy and growth constraints. The third and final section of the thesis builds on a 'micro' perspective by firstly analyzing the socio- anthropological concept of the gift and donation in the voluntary context, and secondly investigating volunteers' motivations, attitudes, and behavioral intention to donate in order to deepen how these essential strategic resources of NPOs behave. While the first part of the section is a conceptual analysis of the notion of gift-giving building on anthropological theories (e.g. The Theory of the Gift by Marcel Mauss), the second part presents an empirical analysis using a structural equation model (SEM), which allowed to simultaneously assess the hypothesized relationships between important latent dimensions of volunteers' behavior, intention to donate, and attitude toward the NPO. Particularly, we used validated psychological and managerial scales and collected 379 questionnaires completed by Tuscan volunteers of 20 NPOs. After an exploratory factor analysis of the analyzed latent dimensions – volunteers' motivations (social, career, values, understanding, ego protection, ego enhancement), attitude toward charities, religiosity, positive and negative reciprocity, intention to donate – we implemented SEM procedure and evaluate both the 'measurement' model (fit indices) and the 'structural' model (hypothesized relationships) of the proposed constructs. Main managerial implications refer to the importance for NPO board to assess and understand volunteers' relational signals, in order to appropriately respond to and incentive such crucial strategic resources of the organization. Actually, volunteers represent not only the main 'provider' of time, resources, know- how, and ability for NPOs, but also and at the same time the main 'beneficiary' of gratification and satisfaction derived from being part of a committed philanthropic association. Particularly, the reciprocal dimension of volunteers' behavior, along with their intention to donate, stress how the relational element is important in the management of such realities, which presupposes a deep understanding of individual psychological traits, attitudes, and behavioral intention. Such elements make NPOs the effective and successful societal vehicles able to respond to community needs and to cope with government and market 'failures', thanks to their most precious resources, the volunteers.

Der Sanskrittext Puṣpacintāmaṇi (PuCi) behandelt Blüten als Darbringungen (upacāra) im wichtigsten hinduistischen Verehrungsritual, der pūjā. In ca. 400 Strophen werden über 200 Namen von Blüten genannt und für verschiedene Gottheiten und pūjās als geeignete oder ungeeignete Gaben vorgeschrieben. Der Text ist eine Kompilation (Nibandha), in der die Inhalte aus 47 namentlich genannten Quellentexten referiert werden. Ziel der Dissertation ist es nicht nur, diesen Text, der 1966 zum ersten Mal herausgegeben wurde, auf der Grundlage aller überlieferter Handschriften neu zu edieren und erstmals zu übersetzen, sondern darüberhinaus in seinen Kontext einzuordnen. Dabei werden der historische Entstehungszusammenhang des Textes, die Stellung des PuCi in der Texttradition und die Möglichkeiten der Deutung seines Inhalts berücksichtigt. Ein engmaschiges Netz 29 nahe verwandter nepalischer Abschriften des Textes, das durch eine textkritische Untersuchung in Bereiche vertikaler und horizontaler Überlieferung geordnet werden konnte, reicht bis in die Entstehungszeit des PuCi zurück. Aufgrund der ältesten Textzeugen konnte eine Edition angefertigt werden, die der Urschrift des PuCi nahe kommt und im Vergleich zur editio princeps von 1966 eine authentischere Textgestalt wiedergibt. Erstmals wurde dabei auch die Übertragung ins Klassische Newari ediert, die in der Übersetzung des Textes bezüglich ihrer Ergänzungen zum und Abweichungen vom Sanskrittext Beachtung findet. Zur Aufbereitung des Materials, das die Grundlage für die anschließenden Analysen bildet, gehören darüberhinaus die botanischen Identifikationen aller im Text genannter Blüten, die in einer alphabetischen Liste und teilweise in Abbildungen zugänglich gemacht werden. Anhand der vorletzten Strophe des Textes, die in der Erstedition fehlt, konnte die Entstehungszeit des PuCi auf die Dekade zwischen 1641 und 1651 eingegrenzt werden. In diesem Vers wird der Verfasser des Textes, Māyāsiṃha, genannt sowie dessen Patron, Pratāpa Malla, der die Königsstadt Kathmandu zwischen 1641 und 1674 regierte. Eine Person namens Mayāsiṃha wird in verschiedenen Quellen mit der Ermordung eines Verwandten des Königs in Verbindung gebracht. Anhand der in der Arbeit ausgewerteten historischen Dokumente ist aber nicht sicher festzustellen, ob der mutmaßliche Intrigant Mayāsiṃha und der Verfasser der PuCi Māyāsiṃha ein und dieselbe Person waren. Der Autor, der durch die Neuedition erstmals greifbar wird, entzieht sich zugleich wieder. Unabhängig von der konkreten Verfasserschaft lässt sich der Text als Teil des Herrschaftsprogramms von Pratāpa Malla auffassen. Dieser König gilt als einer der bedeutendsten Herrscher der späten nepalischen Malla-Dynastie und stilisierte sich als ein dem dharma, der kosmischen, politischen und sozialen Ordnung, verpflichteter König. Dazu gehörte die Förderung von allen Bereichen kulturellen Lebens in Ausrichtung auf diese Weltordnung. Besonderes Interesse hegte der Herrscher für die Verehrung der in seinem Reich ansässigen hinduistischen Gottheiten. Der PuCi, in dem Normen für einen Aspekt des wichtigsten Verehrungsrituals gesammelt und geordnet sind, folgt dieser Agenda. In der späteren Manuskripttradition geht die Strophe, aus der Entstehungszeit und -ort ableitbar sind, verloren. Bemerkenswert ist, dass der Text auch ohne Autor und sogar ohne autoritativen Hinweis auf die Patronage durch einen der Kulturheroen der Malla-Zeit überlebt hat und weiter tradiert wurde. Als wichtigster Grund, der dem PuCi das Überleben sicherte, ist wohl die Tatsache anzusehen, dass im Text die panindische gelehrte Tradition auf nepalische Verhältnisse bezogen wird. Der Text behandelt mit der Kombination der Verehrung exoterischer (Smārta) Gottheiten (Śiva, Viṣṇu und Durgā) und esoterischer (Kaula) Göttinnen in den Traditionslinien der nepalischen Tantriker ein Pantheon, das für den höfischen Kult und mit ihm für die Religion der nepalischen Eliten seit der Malla-Zeit repräsentativ ist. Der Verfasser bediente sich dabei des Genres der Kompilation (Nibandha), das zu dieser Zeit in ganz Südasien beliebt und vor allem in der höfischen Kultur angesiedelt war. Die meisten Quellen, aus denen der PuCi zitiert, konnten identifiziert werden. Der Herstellungsprozess wurde weitgehend aufgeklärt. Es zeigt sich, dass der Kompilator als Primärquellen meist auf solche Texte zurückgriff, die in Nepal zu dieser Zeit als literarische Klassiker galten. Für einen nicht unwesentlichen Teil der Zitate konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass diese samt Textverweisen und teilweise sogar Kommentarpassagen aus anderen Nibandhas übernommen wurden. In erster Linie handelte es sich bei diesen Sekundärquellen um damals aktuelle Werke nordindischer Gelehrter. Das Milieu am Königshof von Kathmandu gab, so wird argumentiert, nicht nur den wichtigsten Impuls zum Verfassen des PuCi, sondern war einer der wenigen Orte, an dem ein solcher Text zu dieser Zeit überhaupt entstehen konnte. Pratāpa Malla belebte Kultur und Kunst u.a. durch Importe von Gelehrten und Textmaterialien aus den südlich angrenzenden indischen Reichen und machte so einige Quellentexte erst verfügbar. Popularität und Einfluss des PuCi als nepalischer Lehrtext (Śāstra) zeigt sich nicht nur an seiner eigenen Überlieferung. Darin finden sich Handschriften, die Hinweise auf die anhaltene Bedeutung im royalen Umfeld tragen. Die Newariübertragung entwickelt sich eigenständig weiter. Daneben konnte in nepalischen Manuskripten eine ganze Texttradition zu pūjā-Blüten nachgewiesen werden. Der PuCi ist darin eine zwar wichtige, vielleicht sogar die älteste indigen nepalische, aber eben nur eine Artikulation des Themas in einem verzweigten Strom aufeinander aufbauender Kompilationen, in denen ähnliches Material immer wieder neu zusammengestellt wurde. Anhand derjenigen Texte, die als direkte Nachfahren des PuCi bestimmt werden konnten, wurde demonstriert, wie spätere Autoren den PuCi als Grundlage für neue Werke nutzten. Die nepalische Texttradition zu Blüten – vielleicht kann man sogar von einem eigenen Textgenre sprechen – erlebte, wie die überlieferten Handschriften belegen, im späten 17. und frühen 18. Jahrhundert einen regelrechten Boom. Sie reicht bis in die jüngste Vergangenheit und zeigt eine anhaltende Tendenz zur Übertragung in die Regionalsprachen Nepals. Der PuCi wird, nach allem was bisher bekannt ist, nicht außerhalb von Nepal kopiert oder rezipiert. Er fließt jedoch in Form von gekennzeichneten oder stillschweigenden Zitaten in andere nepalische Nibandhas ein, die ihrerseits überregionale Bedeutung erlangt haben. So trägt der PuCi indirekt zur panindischen gelehrten Tradition bei. Wie der PuCi als Text seinen Verfasser und Patron verliert, verliert sich im Laufe der Zeit auch der Text als solcher und geht in neue Kompositionen auf. Die im PuCi gesammelten Informationen werden weiter tradiert, Verfasserschaft oder konkrete Textgestalt erscheinen dabei nebenrangig. Der PuCi ist ein hochspezialisierter Lehrtext, in dem enzyklopädisch Vorschriften zur Materialkunde des upacāras Blüte (puṣpa) aufgeführt werden, ohne Kontext oder Begründungen zu geben. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird gezeigt, wie sich das Regelwerk des PuCi in den weiteren Kontext panindischer Gelehrsamkeit einbetten lässt. Dazu wurden die Regeln nach ihren Gültigkeitsbereichen geordnet und sukzessive analysiert. Es sind allgemeine und spezielle Regeln unterscheidbar. In den allgemeinen Regeln, die festlegen, was eine Blüte als Gabe an Gottheiten qualifiziert, kommen ästhetische Ansprüche zum Ausdruck. Wie wohl für Ritualgegenstände allgemein, zielen diese Vorschriften aber vor allem auf die Wahrung von Reinheit. Die śāstrische Behandlung von Blüten zeigt Parallelen zu derjenigen von Speisen (anna) oder Gaben (dāna) und lässt sich so als Teil eines allgemeineren Diskurses erfassen, wie er vor allem von Autoren des Dharmaśāstra entwickelt wurde. Die speziellen Regeln sind zumeist einfache Zuordnungsregeln. Die wichtigsten Komponenten dieser Vorschriften sind Blüten und Gottheiten, also die dargebrachte Materie und der Empfänger dieser Gabe. Der Verehrer oder Geber wird in vielen Regeln genannt, jedoch recht selten charakterisiert. Die Handlung selbst, das Darbringen der Blüten, ist nur indirekt über die Resultate, die sie produziert, greifbar. Diese Komponenten sind in den drei Arten, in die pūjā traditionell eingeteilt wird, verschieden ausgeprägt und gewichtet. Besonders lassen sich die regelmäßige (nitya) Verehrung und diejenige mit einem Begehren (kāmya) kontrastieren, wohingegen die fallweise (naimittika) Verehrung zur nityapūjā tendiert und insgesamt vergleichsweise blass bleibt. Verdienste, die für die nitya- und naimittikapūjā sehr allgemein formuliert werden, sind in der pūjā mit einem Begehren (kāmya) erwartungsgemäß viel konkreter. Dagegen wird die innere Einstellung, für die in nitya- und naimittikapūjā devotionale Hingabe (bhakti) gefordert ist, in dieser Art von pūjā kaum thematisiert. Durch die Analyse zeigte sich weiter, dass die physischen und kulturellen Charakteristika der Blüten mit der jeweils zentralen Komponente der Regeln in Beziehung gesetzt werden können. In der nityapūjā lassen sich Parallelen zwischen Eigenschaften der Blüten, wie deren Namen, Formen, Standorten oder kulturellen Assoziationen, und denen der Gottheiten feststellen. Der zeitliche Anlass (nimitta) ist diejenige Komponente, die für die Verwendung von Blüten in der naimittikapūjā von Bedeutung ist. Wie in der kāmyapūjā scheinen die jeweils verehrten Gottheiten nur zweitrangig, wenn darüber zu entscheiden ist, welche Blüten zu verwenden sind. Blüten, die für die Verehrung mit einem Begehren (kāmyapūjā) vorgeschrieben sind, lassen sich über ihre Charakteristika mit eben diesem Begehren verknüpfen. Die Eigenschaften der Blüten lassen sich so als rituelle Potenzen betrachten, welche die jeweils unterschiedlichen Ausrichtungen der drei Arten von pūjā betonen. Neben Unterschieden zwischen den Vorschriften für die drei Arten der pūjā werden auch diejenigen zwischen den ersten drei Kapiteln und dem vierten behandelt. Dies entspricht der Grenze zwischen exoterischer Ritualtradition, die auf Schriften der Smārtas rekurriert, und der esoterischen der Kaulas. Für die exoterische Tradition ist tendenziell eine Anbindung an die vedische Ritualistik festzustellen. Pflanzen, die zur materiellen Ausstattung von Śrauta-Ritualen gehören, gelten als wichtige pūjā-Blüten, obwohl es sich häufig nicht um Blüten im eigentlichen Sinne, sondern um Gräser oder Blätter handelt. Vedische Rituale werden in Vergleichen herangezogen, in denen die Verdienstlichkeit der pūjā betont wird. Im vierten Kapitel spielt die Welt der vedischen Rituale dagegen kaum eine Rolle. Pflanzen mit vedischen Wurzeln werden kaum erwähnt oder sogar abgelehnt, Śrauta-Rituale bilden keine Vergleichsmomente. Ein weiterer Punkt, in welchem die Ansichten zu pūjā-Blüten aus exoterischer und esoterischer Perspektive auseinanderzugehen scheinen, ist das verbale Gewicht, das auf die Befolgung der Regeln gesetzt wird. Für die Darbringung der falschen Blüten werden im vierten Kapitel des PuCi viel drastischere Konsequenzen angedroht als in den ersten drei Kapiteln. Aussagen, dass fehlende Blütengaben ersetzt und durch bloße Hingabe (bhakti) substituiert werden können, sind Teil der Smārta-, nicht aber der Kaula-Vorschriften. Obgleich sich also Kaula-Ritual in seiner Materialität von der vedischen Ritualistik abgrenzt, ähnelt es ihr in seiner hyperritualistischen Einstellung. Im Großen und Ganzen sind die im Text referierten Vorschriften nicht willkürlich. Es lassen sich Regelmäßigkeiten der Zuordnungen feststellen. Für diese Zuordnungen von Blüten und Göttern, Blüten und Zeiten oder Blüten und Resultaten finden sich vielerlei Parallelen in anderen Gebieten der in Sanskritschriften überlieferten Gelehrtenkultur. Der Text enthält jedoch auch Stellen, die widersprüchlich oder unverständlich sind. Einige Widersprüche werden vom Kompilator harmonisiert, andere bleiben unvereint stehen. Neben Namen prominenter Blüten, die häufig genannt werden und in regelmäßigen Beziehungen zu Gottheiten stehen, werden solche erwähnt, die wenig bekannt sind oder die schlicht Textkorruptionen darstellen. Der Verfasser einer Kompilation muss fast zwangsläufig Korruptes und Unverständliches – ich habe dies "blinde Flecken" genannt – im Text akzeptieren, will er seine Quellen, die ihm nicht in kritischen Editionen sondern in Handschriften unterschiedlicher Qualität vorliegen, möglichst treu wiedergeben. Dies gilt in besonderem Maße für einen Text, der wie der PuCi viele Eigennamen enthält. Vor allem die Übersetzung dieser Eigennamen erscheint als das zentrale Anliegen der Übertragung des Textes ins Newari. Die sprachlichen Strukturen, die im Sanskrittext schon recht stereotyp sind, werden dabei weiter vereinfacht, und es finden sich kaum Erläuterungen zum Grundtext. Die Übertragung ist daher in erster Linie lexikographisch zu nennen. Verschiedene Übersetzungstechniken kommen zum Einsatz. Bekannte Blüten werden meist stabil übersetzt. Sie tragen eigene Newarinamen oder zumindest solche, die durch Lautverschiebungen aus dem Sanskrit adaptiert wurden. Unbekannte Blüten werden dagegen mechanisch durch das Anfügen des Newaribegriffs für "Blüte" übertragen oder komplett unterschlagen. Anhand einiger Newariglossen konnte gezeigt werden, wie lokal bedeutsame Ritualflora mit der gelehrten Tradition verknüpft wird. Dabei nutzte der Übersetzer u.a. die Interpretationsspielräume, die ihm der Text durch nicht eindeutig definierte oder unverständliche Sanskritnamen von Blüten – durch seine "blinden Flecken" – bot. Insgesamt betrachtet ist der PuCi als ein erfolgreicher Versuch zu bewerten, translokale normative Tradition auf lokale Gegebenheiten zu beziehen. Dabei ist der Text in erster Linie eine intellektuelle Angelegenheit. Es handelt sich um einen allgemeinen Charakterzug der Sanskritgelehrsamkeit, dass Śāstras nicht beschreiben, was in der Welt vor sich geht, sondern vielmehr wiedergeben, was als Wissen darüber überliefert ist. Der PuCi ist damit eher ein Prestigegegenstand, der einer Luxuskultur, nämlich dem höfischen Milieu, entstammt, als ein Gebrauchstext. ; The Puṣpacintāmaṇi (PuCi), a compendium (nibandha) containing rules for the use of flowers in Hindu pūjā, was written between 1641 and 1651 at the royal court of Kath-mandu, Nepal under one of the most illustrious rulers of the late medieval Malla dynasty, Pratāpa Malla. The dense manuscript evidence reaches back to the time of composition and allows for reconstructing a text close to the original. Moreover, on the basis of the quoted sources the procedure of compilation becomes almost tangible. The PuCi reflects the medieval Hindu religion of the Nepalese elites, which tradi-tionally and up to recently was centred on the king as its major ritual patron. The struc-ture of the text mirrors a peculiar Nepalese combination of exoteric and esoteric cult practices. Flowers for Śiva, Viṣṇu, Sūrya and the other Grahas as well as in the śrāddha as prescribed in the common Dharmaśāstranibandhas are dealt with in the first two chapters. The third chapter might be seen as a hinge between the two ritual modi: con-cluding the area of smārta worship it deals with flowers for Durgā, who is considered to be the exoteric identity of the multitude of esoteric goddesses unfolding into different lines of transmission (āmnāya) of the Kaula traditions dealt with in the last chapter of the text. Furthermore, the analysis of the texts used for composing the PuCi attests to a strong link to the pan-Indian Sanskrit tradition and yet at the same time to its Nepalese prov-enance. There are texts quoted which by the 17th century must have become the "clas-sics" among the authorities on Nepalese ritual matters, such as the Śivadharma literature or the Manthānabhairavatantra. On the other hand the text heavily draws on works by North Indian Nibandhakāras, which must have been "brand new" at that time, such as Narasiṃha Ṭhakkura's Tārābhaktisudhārṇava. The findings affirm that Pratāpa Malla was one of those royal figures who actually imported scholars and new texts in order to update the Nepalese version of Hinduism. In a wider perspective the text bears evidence to how fast knowledge and texts travelled in medieval South Asia. Research into Nepalese manuscripts has uncovered a larger textual tradition on pūjā flowers surviving in about 100 manuscripts. These texts are closely interrelated. Newly emerging texts may take material from older compilations as their skeleton and coat it with new references or may be self-sustained developments of parts of their predecessors. Texts are translated into the vernaculars, into Newari and later on into Nepali. The Puṣpacintāmaṇi may be considered paradigmatic for this tradition. Its translation into Classical Newari in course of time comes to lead a life of its own, the Sanskrit text or parts thereof form the bones for later texts, and so forth. Looking at the contents of the Puṣpacintāmaṇi several observations can be made. The text belongs to the prescriptive śāstra literature, which, according to its self-conception, relates back to earlier authorities to establish normative discourse rather than to nor-malize existing practice. The text is highly specialised by focusing on a single material aspect of ritual and consequently dropped all information of its sources that went be-yond its immediate scope. The text is purely encyclopaedic. It only presents the rules according to a certain order without linking them theoretically. In the set of regulations general and special rules can be distinguished. The general rules for procurement, treatment and disposal of pūjā flowers allow for statements about the general conception of the same. They echo Brahmanical values of purity and show parallels to rules formulated for food and gifts. The special rules, in which particular flower species are prescribed (vihita) or prohibited (niṣiddha), can not only be ordered according to the deities, as in the text itself, but also according to the types of ritual they relate to, namely nitya, naimittika and kāmya. Notably, the flowers in their physical characteristics and cultural associations can be linked to different components of the rules stated. In nityapūjā the features of the flowers tend to correspond to that of the deities, in naimittikapūjā to the time component and in kāmyapūjā to the result to be achieved. Moreover, in nityapūjā a certain looseness of stress on the compliance with the rules is discernible. After all, devotion (bhakti) plays a major role, which may refer back to the deep rootedness of pūjā in the bhakti traditions. In contrast, prescriptions for kāmyapūjā are very precise and results are related to certain flowers almost mechanically. Moreover, statements of bhakti as superior means of worship are restricted to the first three chapters of the texts. In other regards too distinctions between rules for exoteric and esoteric worship are discernible. For example, there is a strong tendency in text portions of dharmaśāstric origin to keep on with the prestigious Vedic heritage in ritual flora—even if this requires the category "flower" (puṣpa) to be stretched considerably to include grasses or leaves—whereas plants known to be efficient in Vedic ritual tend to be more rarely prescribed or even prohibited in the Kaula texts. Despite remarks on the systemic character of the rules, from an overall perspective it must be said that the text does not seem to aim at presenting a closed and thoroughly composed system. There are obvious contradictions, incomprehensible passages and unidentifiable flower names. These make the text have its dark and impenetrable edges. The translation into Newari confirms the impression that the text was not meant to be a highly sophisticated product well-conceived to the core, meaningful and understood in every detail. Many flower names mentioned in the text are either translated quite mechanically into Newari or they are completely dropped. But there are also some few cases in which the Newari text seems to take up names that are either unintelligible or whose botanical identity is a matter of discussion in order to provide plants of impor-tance in local pūjā practice with a Sanskrit identity. But still, the text stays remote from actual practice. It was surely not meant to serve as a practical guide (prayoga). It operates on a different level. It assembles śāstric refer-ences in a specific tailoring and at maximum its use might have been to provide a le-gitimatory backup (pramāṇa). It is a link in the chain that loosely connects the trans-local śāstric discourse with a local pūjā practice. The translation into Newari can be seen as the next stride towards ritual application. There was no need whatsoever for a text like this. The world could have lived without it. Pratāpa Malla would not have been a less illustrious king and Newar ritual flora would not have been less manifold. But the cultural climate of the 17th century, with three intensely competing kingdoms within the narrow confines of the Kathmandu valley and the court of a king who, personally, was very fond of the divine inhabitants of his realm, provided the ideal breeding ground for a composition specializing in and thereby highlighting a minute detail of one of the or even the most prominent ritual practice of that time. It may have been a mere intellectual exercise of some pandits, a true l'art pour l'art, but nevertheless it appears to be a rewardingly informative witness of the way in which medieval Nepalese religion was conceived and constructed in elite circles.