Suchergebnisse

Freie Wahlen und die Möglichkeit, sich von Regierenden ohne Blutvergießen zu entledigen, zählen zu den minimalen Kriterien einer Demokratie. Vor allem die US-amerikanische Demokratieförderung in Entwicklungsländern, an der Schwelle zwischen Autoritarismus und Demokratie, konzentrierte sich primär auf die rasche Abhaltung demokratischer Wahlen. Während die Verbreitung der Demokratie in der Welt nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges einen Höhepunkt erreichte und es weltweit noch nie so viele demokratische, durch Wahlen bestimmte Systeme gab, kann seit einigen Jahren ein globaler Rückgang in der Qualität von Demokratien beobachtet werden. Dieser Rückgang geht nicht mit der Abschaffung von Wahlen und anderen für die Demokratie essentiellen Institutionen wie Parteien einhergeht, vielmehr kann man zusehends eine Vermischung von demokratischen Prozessen und Institutionen, autoritärem Regieren, bzw. autoritärem Populismus beobachten. In den meisten dieser Mischsysteme spielen Wahlen eine zentrale Rolle. Der Trendbericht geht aus unterschiedlichen Regional- und Forschungsperspektiven auf aktuelle Wahlen ein und analysiert diese hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen auf die jeweiligen politischen Systeme. Fragen nach Populismus und Autoritarismus stellen dabei einen gemeinsamen Fokus dar.

This article synthesizes a large body of work in applied economics on the likely effects of European Monetary Union with an established literature in political science on the political sustainability of intervention by central or federal authorities in the economies of diverse nations, states or regions. Three possible economic scenarios resulting from EMU are identified – fiscal centralization, monetary discipline and loose money. The greatly enhanced central role implied by the first two would be difficult to legitimize in the context of the absence of a European citizen identity or party system. Historical precedent suggests that, in democracies, both central redistribution in social spending and retrenchment of established social programmes are facilitated by jurisdiction-wide political parties. The loose money scenario, while viable in most member states, would be unlikely to be acceptable in Germany. The article concludes, therefore, that all three scenarios most often predicted by the economics literature carry with them a risk that they will be difficult to sustain politically.

The purpose of the article is a comprehensive study of theoretical provisions on the structure of a legal norm, determining the place of sanctions among its elements and the presence of a political instrument in the sanctions. According to the purpose, the logical structure of the legal norm is defined. The importance of sanctions in the system of state instruments for combating offenses is analyzed, with the focus on their political element. Scientific works concerning the analysis of sanctions as a fundamental category of legal science in both the modern and the Soviet period have been investigated. The scope of sanctions in the context of economic reforms is considered. The judicial practice of the application of sanctions in Ukraine is investigated. Scientific research has been systematized into allocating all legal sanctions to specific groups. In the process of researching the topic of the article, the authors come to a conclusion that the sanction exerts state coercion to comply with legal provisions; sanction is characterized by the presence of a political element; a sanction is a mandatory element of a legal norm that provides for the type and extent of state provision of the legal norms disposition that contains the final assessment. Although the sanction can be characterized as a reaction of the state to the offense, it should still be defined as a measure of responsibility, since the reaction of the state includes other coercive measures.

Auction mechanism have been widely used throughout the world for the development of renewable energy sources (RES) in the last decades. The results vary to country to country, nevertheless they have been useful for the development of RES. In November 2020, the Spanish government released the royal decree 960/2020 which creates the new remuneration framework for renewable energy sources and lay down the rules for projects to get access to it through a tender mechanism. The main objective of this legislation is to boost the installation of renewable energy capacity so that the Spanish government could comply with the self-imposed goals for a decarbonized energy system before 2030. The new remuneration framework will be granted through a tender procedure. The product to auction will be installed capacity, electric energy or a mixture of both. RES projects will participate presenting their energy price and if they comply with the parameters of the tender and are competitive enough may win the bidded price of energy. For those RES projects that are granted the new remuneration framework, their perceived energy price will be the result of an equation that ties the bidded price to the market price. In this document has a review of tender procedures in Europe, an analysis of the Spanish decree 960/2020 and finally it proposes a way to model energy prices in the Spanish context throughout the use of spline based non-parametric density functions as well as a tool to improve economic analysis of RES projects ; Objectius de Desenvolupament Sostenible::7 - Energia Assequible i No Contaminant

Lorenzo Cotula (2013), The Great African Land Grab? Agricultural Investments and the Global Food System. London and New York, NY: Zed Books. Paperback, ISBN 9781780323107, pp. 248, $24.95.

Knowledge of the causal relationships between management policy and the economy finds its practical importance in justifying the measures trade and political control of logistics. Targeting research is due to the need of creating analytical apparatus preparation of science-based trade-policy decisions. It monitors their implementation in connection with the formulation of the economic problems of the system and situational nature. The article describes the mechanism of trade and political control of logistics, structured by levels of economic hierarchy (macro-, meso-, and micro level) and management functions (planning, motivation, organization, control, and analysis/evaluation). The paper defines methods of trade and political control of logistic processes when making inter-economic exchange in the form of export-import supplies, cooperation, and organization of business entities. The paper investigates options for the preparation of decisions in the framework of integration of administrative and contractual arrangements that determine the development of modern forms of macro-, meso-, and micro-logistics The paper substantiates the regulatory role of the interstate, regional organizations, sectorial and cross-sectorial, cluster, corporate associations in the implementation of the principles and rules of logistics, the construction of supply chain. The paper develops a presentation matrix of the mechanism, designed for the design and monitoring of trade policy-making, taking into account factors logistic efficiency. Approbation is used to prove the relationship of globalization, regionalization, and corporatization of logistics. The paper justifies the ideas and issues that shape the direction of the further development of research. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n5s4p555

AbstractAmerican research has found that change in political identification is a possible outcome of a university education, particularly in the liberal arts. By contrast, Canadian survey data collected in 1963, 1967, 2013, and 2017 point to there being no change in political identification on the part of undergraduates in a Canadian university with a liberal arts curriculum. In contrast to the United States, by means of cluster analyses conducted on the results of surveys of the American federal elections of 1964 and 2016, and the Canadian national elections of 1965 and 2015, I show that the political identification of two cohorts of Canadian undergraduates is more likely an artifact of the national multi‐party system in Canada than it is the result of a university education.

The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.

Do mass media determine or codetermine the political agenda? Available answers on this question are mixed and contradictory. Results vary in terms of the type of political agenda under scrutiny, the kind of media taken into account, and the type of issues covered. This article enhances knowledge of the media's political agenda-setting power by addressing each of these topics, drawing on extensive longitudinal measures of issue attentiveness in media, Parliament, and government in Belgium in the 1990s. Relying on time-series, cross-section analyses, the authors ascertain that although Belgium is characterized by a closed political system, the media do to some extent determine the agenda of Parliament and government. There is systematic variation in media effects, however. Newspapers exert more influence than does television, Parliament is somewhat more likely to follow media than government, and media effects are larger for certain issues (law and order, environment) than for others (foreign policy, economic issues). [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008.]