Militarism and Political Conformism in Sudan and South Sudan
In: Peace review: peace, security & global change, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 63-70
ISSN: 1469-9982
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In: Peace review: peace, security & global change, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 63-70
ISSN: 1469-9982
In: Contemporary Levant, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 24-32
ISSN: 2058-184X
Reseña de libro: Messina, Aïcha Liviana. L'anarchie de la paix. Levinas et la philosophie politique. Paris: cnrs Éditions, 2018. 224 pp.
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Reflections on the work of Ernest Becker and Terror Management Theory and how they might relate to CasP analyses of concepts and modes of power.
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In: Политическая лингвистика, Heft 3, S. 68-76
In: GMU Working Paper in Economics No. 20-35
SSRN
Working paper
In: Labour: journal of Canadian labour studies = Le travail : revue d'études ouvrières Canadiennes, Band 86, Heft 1, S. 219-222
ISSN: 1911-4842
In: Russia in Global Affairs, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 132-154
ISSN: 2618-9844
In: Политическая лингвистика, Heft 6, S. 19-25
In: https://hdl.handle.net/10438/28931
Esta tese de doutorado tem por objetivo investigar os mecanismos por trás da exclusão feminina da política brasileira. O estudo propõe uma lente analítica para identificar diferentes momentos onde a exclusão das mulheres da política ocorre, elaborada através de um extenso levantamento da literatura que cobre o campo no Brasil e em outros países. As disputas eleitorais para o cargo de Deputado Federal entre os anos de 2006 e 2018 foram usadas como casos para a investigação. Valendo-se de uma análise quantitativa, o estudo aponta que, no momento da eleição, há um déficit de candidaturas femininas competitivas em proporção às masculinas. Esta desproporcionalidade pode estar diretamente vinculada à baixa proporção de mulheres eleitas e é fruto, principalmente, da baixa quantidade de potenciais candidaturas femininas competitivas disponíveis para recrutamento dos partidos e à menores taxas de competitividade e recrutamento entre mulheres casadas. Desigualdades estruturais provavelmente atuam na supressão da oferta de candidaturas femininas competitivas antes mesmo delas se colocarem à disposição para recrutamento. Medidas que fomentem maiores e melhores experiências eleitorais entre as mulheres e que consigam romper com estereótipos de gênero que determinam uma divisão sexual do trabalho podem ser fundamentais para aumentar a presença feminina na política brasileira. ; This doctoral dissertation aims to investigate the mechanisms behind female exclusion from Brazilian politics. The study proposes an analytical lens to identify different moments where the exclusion of women from politics occurs, elaborated through an extensive survey of the literature that covers the field in Brazil and other countries. Electoral disputes for the position of Federal Deputy between the years 2006 and 2018 were used as cases for the investigation. Using a quantitative analysis, the study points out that, at the time of the election, there is a deficit of competitive female candidates in proportion to male candidates. This ...
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In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 249-270
ISSN: 0030-4387
On October 18, 2019, Chile experienced the most significant social outbreak since the return to democracy in 1988. The rise of the subway passage fare by 3.75%, reaching a value of US $1.16, led to a call from secondary school students to evade payment as a form of protest, which added to the insensitivity of the Government and its disconnection from the problems of citizens, inequality, lack of access to health care, education, and fair pensions triggered the social movements that remain alive today. According to the National Institute of Statistics, 50% of the labor force in Chile receives only $550 (USD) per month, while the minimum salary is only $414 (USD) per month. Based on this income, spending on transportation can consume as much as 13.78% of the minimum wage.[1] President Piñera's response to the mobilizations was to say, "We are at war against a powerful, implacable enemy who does not respect anything or anyone" social. With the explicit use of the word "war," he moved and touched the Chilean imaginary, referring to Pinochet's statements after the military coup [2], stating that there was an internal war in Chile, which justified the end of democracy. Under the the same logic of war, Piñera defended the curfew, allowing the military to go into the streets to suppress the social protest.
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In: Asian journal of communication, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 39-57
ISSN: 1742-0911
In: Contributions to the history of concepts, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 1-22
ISSN: 1874-656X
During the Latin Middle Ages, as today, "tyranny" connotes the exercise of power arbitrarily, oppressively, and violently. Medieval thinkers generally followed in the footprints of early Christian theologians (e.g., Gregory the Great and Isidore of Seville) and ancient philosophers (especially Aristotle) regarding the tyrant as the very embodiment of evil rulership and thus as the polar opposite of the king, who governed for the good of his people according to virtue and religion. However, examination of the writings of some well-known and influential authors from ca. 1150 to ca. 1400—including John of Salisbury, Ptolemy of Lucca, William of Ockham, Bartolous of Sassoferrato, and Nicole Oresme—reveals three very diverse and distinct conceptions of tyranny, each of which justified the tyrant in one way or another.
In: International journal / CIC, Canadian International Council: ij ; Canada's journal of global policy analysis, Band 74, Heft 4, S. 619-620