Suchergebnisse

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man's characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine's (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli's (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler's (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger's (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general 'Economy Rule' of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person's arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the "village foolâ€, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the 'social comic' as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann's work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue's The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker's Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper's Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher's Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author's restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his "specific weightâ€, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law's penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a 'social' comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its 'chapters' —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O'Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure's function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a 'culture in common'. There is no way for a 'culture in common' to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more 'connected' we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

Bertrand Badie on the Trump Moment, the Science
of Suffering, and IR between Power and Weakness



Lire en français




IR retains a traditional focus on the
game of power between states as its defining characteristic. But what, so asks Bertrand
Badie, if this means that our discipline is based on a negation of our humanity?
A giant in Francophone IR, Badie has labored to instead place human suffering
at the center of analysis of the international, by letting loose sociological
insights on a truly global empirical reality. In this Talk, Badie—amongst others—challenges the centrality of the idea of
state power, which makes little sense in a world where most of the IR agenda is
defined by issues emanating from state weakness; argues for the centrality of
suffering to a more apt IR; and uses this to contextualize the Trump Moment.




Print version (pdf) of this Talk



What is (or should be), according to
you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International
Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?



Unquestionably, it would be the matter of change. It is time to conceptualize,
and further than that, to theorize the change that is happening in the field of
International Relations (IR). Humans have always had the feeling that they are
living in a period of upheaval, but contemporary IR is really characterized by several
landmarks that illustrate the drastic extent of change. I see at least three of
them.



The first one concerns the inclusive nature of the international system.
For the first time in the history of mankind, the international system covers
nearly the whole humanity, while the Westphalian system was an exclusively European
dynamic in which the United States of America entered to turn it into a system,
that I would call, Euro-North-American.



The second element, around which publications abound (see notably Mary
Kaldor's work, Theory Talk #30), is the deep mutation of the nature of conflict. War used to be, in
the Westphalian model, a matter of competition between powers. Today we have
the feeling that weakness is replacing power, in that power cannot any longer
function as central explanatory term of conflictual situations, which are
rather manifestations of state weakness. Think of 'failing' or 'collapsing'
states, which refers to the coming apart of nations that have been built badly
as well as the deliquescence of social ties. This new form of conflictuality
completely turns the international environment upside down and constitutes a
second indicator of transformation.



The third aspect concerns mobility. Our international system used to be
fully based on the idea of territory and boundaries, on the idea that fixity
establishes the competences of States in a very precise way. In this
perspective, the state refers to territory—as the definition given by Max Weber
states very clearly—but today this territorial notion of politics is challenged
by a full range of mobilities, composed of international flows that can be
either material, informational, or human.



These are three indicators illustrating a deep transformation of the
inner nature of IR that encourage me to speak about 'intersocial relations'
rather than 'interstate relations'. The notion of interstate relations no
longer captures the entirety of the global game. Our whole theory of IR was
based on the Westphalian model as it came out of the peace of Westphalia, as it
was confirmed by the accomplishment of the nation-state construction process
and as it dominated the historical flow of international events until the fall
of the Berlin wall.



Until the fall of the wall, all that was not related to Europe or to the
United States of America, or more precisely North-America, was simply called 'periphery',
which says enough. Today, by contrast, the periphery is central at least
regarding conflictuality. We should therefore drop our Westphalian prism and
build up new analytical tools for IR that would take these mutations as their
point of departure. Doing away with our Westphalian approach to IR would mean
questioning both our classical IR theories and questioning the practical models
of action in international politics, which means the uses of diplomacy and
warfare.





How did you arrive at where you
currently are in your thinking about International Relations?



You know when we write, when we work, we are first of all influenced by
our dissatisfaction. The classical Westphalian approach to IR, as I said
earlier, did not satisfy me as I had the feeling that it was focusing on events
that no longer had the importance that we kept giving them—for instance the arms
race, great power politics, or the traditional diplomatic negotiations—while I
was seeing, maybe this was the trigger, that the greatest part of suffering in
the world was coming from places that IR theory was not really covering.



I have always told my students that IR is the science of human suffering.
This suffering exists of course where we are—in Europe, in North America, they
exist everywhere in the world—but the greatest part is outside of the
Westphalian area, so the classical approach to IR gives a marginal and
distorted image. Africa and the Middle East seen through the Westphalian prism are
a dull image, strongly different from the extraordinary wealth, both for good and
bad, that these areas of the world have. I've also always held that in a world
where 6 to 9 million people starve to death each year, the main foci of traditional
IR were derisory. Even terrorism, to which we collectively attribute so much
importance, hardly comes near how important a challenge food security is.



My three latest books take a stand against traditional IR theories. In Diplomacy of
Connivance (2012) I tried to
show that the great power game is really a game way that is much more
integrated than we usually say and that this game plays out in all multilateral
fora. There is indeed a club, and that is precisely what I wanted to describe,
a club of powers—one which results to the detriment of less powerful members in
the international system.



In Le Temps des humiliés ('the
era of the humiliated', 2014), I tried to crystallize what the classical theory
could not express, which is domination seen through the lens of the dominated,
humiliation as felt by the humiliated, violence as experienced by the
desperate. For instance, even if we look at powers as accomplished as China
today—sharing the first place with the USA in terms of GDP—we have to admit
that their historical experience of humiliation constitutes a huge source of inspiration
when it comes to the elaboration of its foreign policy.



And then, in my last book Nous ne
sommes plus seuls au monde ('we are no longer alone in the world', 2016), this
critique was even more explicit. We are writing an IR that encompasses only about
one billion of human beings, while forgetting all the others. Today it is
simply no longer true that these old powers are setting the international
agenda. Global politics today is written by the little, the weak, the dominated;
often with recourse to extreme forms of violence, but this needs to be analyzed
and understood, which would mean to totally change the IR theory.



We should not forget that in large part, IR theory was a given as the USA
triumphed in 1945. The well-known 'great power politics' that dominates
traditional IR theory, inaugurated by Morgenthau and supported by so many others,
described what was true at that time: the ability of American power to set us
free from the Nazi monster. Today the challenge is strongly different, and it
is by the way meaningful that two of the greatest American internationalist
political scientists, Robert Keohane (TheoryTalk #9) and Ned Lebow (Theory Talk #53),
have both written books that elude to the end of this global order
(respectively After Hegemony and Goodbye Hegemony). Well what interests
me is exactly to dig into what comes after hegemony.





What would a student
need to become a specialist in International Relations or understand the world
in a global way?



First of all, I would advise them to rename their science, as I said
earlier, and to call it intersocial relations. The future of what we call IR
comes down to the ability to understand the extremely rich, multiple and
diversified interactions that are happening among and across the world's
societies. It does not mean that we have to completely abandon the state-centric
perspective, but rather dethrone states from the middle of this multiplicity of
actors in order to realize how very often these states are powerless when faced
with these different actors. That would be my first advice.



My second advice would be to look
ahead and not back. Do not let yourself be dominated by the Westphalian model,
and to try to build up what we need—since almost nothing has been done yet
today to construct this post-Westphalian, meta-Westphalian model. Beyond power,
there are things that we still misidentify or overlook while they are the driving
forces of today's and tomorrow's IR. From this point of view, sociology could
prove particularly useful. I consider, for instance, that Émile Durkheim is a very important inspiration to understand the
world today. Here is an author to study and to apply to IR.



The third advice that I would give them would be to not forget that IR
or intersocial relations are indeed the sciences of human suffering. We should
be able to place suffering at the core of the thinking. We've lost far too much
time staring at power, now it is time to move on to place human suffering at
the center. Why? First of all because it is ethically better; maybe will we be
able to learn from it? But also because in today's actual international
politics suffering is more proactive than power, which is not necessarily
optimistic but if recognized, would allow us a better questioning of new forms
of conflictuality. Perhaps unfortunately, the international agenda is no longer
fixed with canons, but with tears. Maybe this is the key point on which we
should concentrate our reflection.



Your insistence on placing suffering at the center of
IR scholarship seems to place you firmly alongside those who recognize "grievance" ratherthan "greed" as a central logic of international politics. What do you make of this parallel?



You are right: the idea of grievance, of recrimination, is a structuring
logic of the international game today. We did not see it coming for two
reasons. First of all because our traditional analysis of international
politics presupposed a unity of time, as if the African time, the Chinese time,
the Indian time and the European time where all identical. Yet this is
completely wrong because we, in our European culture, have not understood that
before Westphalia there were
political models, political histories, that profoundly marked the people that would
then shape contemporary politics. Remember that China is 4000 years of empire,
remember that precolonial Africa was composed of kingdoms, empires,
civilizations, philosophies, arts... Remember that India also is multi-millenary.
The Westphalian time came to totally deny and crush this temporality, this
historicity, almost in a negationist way, which means that, in the spirit of
those who were defending the Westphalian model, only this model was associated
to the Renaissance; and that the age of enlightenment and reason with a big R
had a calling to reformat the world as if it were a hard drive. This was a
senseless bet, a bet for which our European ancestors who led it had excuses
because at that time we did not know all these histories, at that time we did
not have all the knowledge we today have of the other and thus we simply
resolved it, through the negation of alterity. Yet, IR ought on the contrary aspire
to the accomplishment of alterity. Inevitably, all those who saw themselves
denied their historicity, over several centuries and even several millenaries,
accumulated a feeling of recrimination, of particularly deep grievances.



The second element is that all of this happened in a context of
disequilibrium of power resources, linked to different factors that reflected
indeed the fact that at a given moment of time western powers were both
literally and figuratively better armed than other societies. Abovementioned negation
of alterity was mapped onto, and amplified, by the forceful imposition of a
multilateral system that turned into the worst situation, into a proclaimed
hierarchy of cultures; as a result and there were, as Jules Ferry put it in the France
of the 19th century, 'races'; as in, 'We have the obligation to
educate inferior races'. It is not the beginning of history, but it is the
beginning of a history of humiliation. And through subsequent waves of globalization,
this humiliation has turned into a central nerve running through international
life. A nerve that has been used by both the powerful, who made a tool out of
humiliating the others to better dominate them (think here of the opium wars, colonization)
and simultaneously a nerve that fed the reaction of mobilization in the extra-Westphalian
world by those that had to stand up against those who were humiliating them. So
you see how it truly lies at the basis of IR. In my mind, it became a forceful paradigm,
it explains everything, even though others factors continue to weigh in on
actual dynamics.



In order to appreciate all this, we need a sociological approach, which
has for me two aspects. Both these aspects must be considered together for the
approach to be well understood. The first one is a timeless aspect, which is to
consider that everywhere and in all eras politics is a social product. Politics
cannot be understood as somehow outside society. This I would say contradicts the
majority of IR scholars, who believe excessively in the autonomy of politics
and of the state—even if only for analytical purposes. The second element of
this sociological approach is the historical or temporal component. That is
what I was talking about earlier: with globalization the social fabric strongly
progressed compared to the political fabric, and considering that intersocial
relations grew, we need a sociological approach to understand them.





Do you think that the Trump period constitutes a
fundamental break with the conduct of IR?



Trump himself maybe not, but what he represents certainly. If we look at
the USA today we see, since the new millennium, three models succeeding each
other. After 11-09 there was a time of neo-conservatism where globalization was
considered by American leaders as a means or maybe a chance to universalize the
American model, willingly or not. By force, as was the case in Iraq in 2003.
This model failed.



This lead to a second model which I would describe as a liberal model,
neo-liberal, incarnated by Obama who learnt from the lessons of the failure of neo-conservatism,
and had the courage to question the hypothesis hitherto considered as indisputable
of American leadership in the world, and who considered that the USA could win
only through soft power or smart power or free-trade. That is the reason why
Obama was just a little bit interventionist and was counting a lot on the TTIP
and on all these transregional agreements.



With Trump we arrive at a third model, one that I would call
neo-nationalist, that looks at globalization in a different way. In his perspective,
globalization constitutes a chance to satisfy the national American interests. The
idea of the national comes back after a long interlude of a globalizing vision.
It does not mean that we are not interventionist anymore. What happened in
Syria proves it. It means that we will intervene not according to the needs of
globalization but rather to American interests. It is about sharing a strong
and powerful image of the USA on the one hand and on the other serving the
concrete interests of the American people and nation.



This neo-nationalist model is not defended only by Trump, that is the
reason why I was saying that we should not consider Trump individually. We find
it exactly the same way with Putin. We find it by many other world leaders,
such as Erdogan or Duterte or Victor Orbán—really different figures—or Marshal
Sissi in Egypt.



We find it as well in attitudes, for instance Brexit in Great Britain, in
right-wing neo-populism in Europe: Ms. Le Pen, Mr. Wilders...  or in a certain left-wing neo-populism as
Mélenchon in France. It is in the air, seeming almost a passing fad. But it
constitutes perhaps a double rupture within IR. First of all because since the
emergence of globalization, let's say around the 70's, the national interest as
a thought category was bit by bit replaced with approaches in terms of collective
goods. Today by contrast we witness the abandonment of this image of collective
goods for a return to the national interest. This is very clear in Trump's renouncing
of the COP21 of Paris. At the same time, second, this constitutes some form of the
rehabilitation of the idea of power, which again seeps into the language of IR.




You know the IR scholar is not a neutral person, we have to use our science
towards positive action and for the definition of sound public policies. Going
against the idea of collective goods, casting doubt on the ideas of human
security, environmental security, food security, and sanitary security is
extremely dangerous because the composition of national interests and egoism
will never converge to a globally coherent policy. It is the weak that will
suffer first.



And the same time that power is reinstated as a driving principle of IR
praxis, the paradox is that great powers are becoming more and more powerless. If
we look only since 1989, and ask, when did state power ever triumph in IR?
Where did the strongest ever find a battleship enabling him to resolve a
problem to his benefit and according to his goals? Never. Not in Somalia, not
in Afghanistan, not in Iraq, not in Syria, not in Palestine. Nowhere. Not in
Sahel, not in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nowhere. So I am a little
worried, indeed, about this naive and old-fashioned rehabilitation of state
power.





Can we say that globalization, or rather the ambition of
integration at either the European or global scale, has failed? Can today be
considered a good moment to bury of the idea of integration?



I do not like burials, it is not an expression that I would use, but
your question is very pertinent. For around twenty years I have been saying and
teaching that regional integration constituted an intermediary and realistic
level of adaptation between the era of the nation state and that of globalization,
which means that I believed for a long time that regional integration was the
final step towards a global governance of the world.



I thought for a long time that what was not possible at the global
scale, a global government, was possible at the regional level and this would already
strongly simplify the world map and thus go in the way of this adhesion to the
collective dimension required by globalization. Nevertheless, not only Europe
suffers a setback, but all the regional constructions in the world are in a
similar situation. Mr. Trump openly shoves the NAFTA agreement, MERCOSUR is
down as every State that is composing it has recriminations against it, and we
could extend the list… All the forms of integration that have been set by
Chavez around his Bolivian ideal have ceased to exist; Africa progresses very
slowly in terms of regional integration; the Arab Maghreb Union, which is an
essential device, totally failed. Thus indeed the situation does not look good.



In the case of Europe there is a double phenomenon: on the one hand,
there is this really grave failure due to the secession of Great Britain from
Europe, and then there is a general malaise of the European model. Brexit is
really rare, if you look at the contemporary history of IR it is simply
unprecedented that a state shuts the door on a regional or global organization.
As far as I remember, it only happened a few times before, with Indonesia in
the UN in 1964, which lasted only 19 months. It happened with Morocco with the
African Union and Morocco is currently reintegrating in it. This British
situation came as a thunderbolt, worsened by the fact that paradoxically it is
not so much because of regional integration that the British voted against the
European Union. It was more from an anti-migration, xenophobic and nationalist
(in reference to that nationalism trend that I was earlier talking about)
perspective and what is dramatic is that we can clearly see that the
nationalist sentiment is really attacking the inner principles of regional
integration.



I was saying that in the European case there are internal problems which
run even deeper than the British defection, and I will underline at least two
of them. First of all there is a democratic deficit of Europe, meaning that
Europe was not able to match electoral spaces with the ones where decisions get
made; people still vote at the national level while the decisions are taken in
Brussels. In consequence, democratic control over these decisions is extremely
weak. How to resolve this equation? And here the breakdown is total since very
few people are coming up with suggestions. The other factor of this crisis is,
according to me, the fact that Europe has been built with success after World
War II in a progressive way around association and indeed, Durkheim proved it,
the integrative logic makes sense. Unity makes strength and it did make
strength once in Europe to prevent war, a third World War, and secondly to
encourage the reconstruction of European countries where economy was totally
collapsed. This time is now over and it is the fault of Europe to not have
known how to recontextualize itself, to react to the new contexts.



Paying one more time tribute to Durkheim who guessed it right, Durkheim
said that there are two ways of constructing social ties: around association
and around solidarity. I think that the time of association is now over, we
should enter in the time of solidarity, which does not consist in saying 'We
Germans are associated with Greece', but rather 'We Germans are joined together
with Greece because we know that if Greece collapses, in a long term
perspective, we will suffer the consequences'. Thus this idea of fundamental
unity is an idea that has been a little bit overlooked, abandoned by the
Europeans and now they find themselves in a complete paralysis.





Is the decolonization period still having an impact on
contemporary IR?



Oh totally, totally. I would first say because it is a major event in
the field of IR, which made the World switch from 51 sovereign States of the UN
in 1945 to 193 today but above all, a very aggravating circumstance, is that
this decolonization has been a complete failure and this failure weighs
enormously on international politics.



It has been a failure because decolonization assumed the format of copying
the western state model in countries that were accessing independence, while
this model was not necessarily adapted, which provoked a proliferation of
failed states, and these collapsed states had a terrible effect on IR.



Secondly because decolonization should have led to the enrichment and to
the substantial modification of multilateralism, by creating new institutions
able to take charge of new challenges resulting from decolonization. Yet,
except the creation of UNCTAD in 1964 and of
UNDP in 1965, there have been very little innovations in terms of global governance.
Thus global governance remains dominated by what I earlier called 'the club',
which means the great powers from the north, and this is very dysfunctional for
the management of contemporary crises. Then also because the ancient colonial
powers happen to find new forms of domination that did somehow complicate the
international game. Thus in fact decolonization is a daily aspect of the crisis
that the international system faces today.





In conclusion, which question should we have asked? In
other terms, which question have we forgot?



I found your questions very pertinent as it allowed the discussion of themes
that I consider essentials. Now, the big problem that makes me worry is the
great gap between the analysts and the actors in IR. I am not saying that the
analysts understood everything, far from it, but I think that IR theorists are
very conscious of some of these transformations I have mentioned. If you look
at some great authors such as James Rosenau, Ned Lebow or Robert Keohane, to
name just a few—there are way more—they all contributed to the reconstruction
of IR.



What truly strikes me is the autism of political actors, they think that
they are still at the time of the Congress of Vienna and that is an
extraordinary source of tension. Thus as long as this spirit of change does not
reach political actors, maybe Barack Obama was the first one to enter this game
and then the parenthesis was closed, as long as there will not be this move
towards the discovery of a new world, maybe as well through the inclusion in
our reflection about the international fabric such partners as China, it is not
normal that this very powerful China does not have any choice but to share the
paradigm and the model of action proper to occidental diplomacy, as long as we
would not have done this precise effort, well, we will remain in the negation
of the human, and that is the essential problem today, we are unable to
understand that at the end there is just one unity, which is the human being.



I had the chance to visit 105 countries and everywhere I met the same
men and the same women, with their pain, with their happiness, their hardship,
their joy, their sorrow, their needs that were everywhere identical. As long as
we will not understand that, well, we will be living in a world that is in total
contradiction with what it is truly and essentially. We will live in a world of
artifice and thus a world of violence.



Related links  



Read Badie's
The Arab Spring: A starting point (SER
Études 2011) here
(pdf)



Print version (pdf) of this Talk

During 2015, and in the span of six-months, Nepal was hit by two major shocks. The first one was the April 2015 earthquakes that caused a huge loss of life and assets. The second shock has come in the form of a near complete disruption of external trade following the adoption of the new Constitution. Reflecting both the earthquake and trade related disruptions, inflation spiked to over 12 percent (y/ y) by mid-January rising 5 percentage points in just four months from mid-September 2015. This was the highest inflation level since FY2009, with increases in food and non-food prices contributing equally to the spike. As the trade disruptions ended, inflation has eased to back to single digits.

Social norms affect almost every aspect of people's lives, and can be an obstacle to or support economic development. This paper outlines what social norms are and how they work, providing examples from everyday life and from development case studies. Sometimes not much can be done about changing undesirable social norms. In those cases, development economists need to be aware of how the existence of those norms can impact the effects of the policies they advocate. But of particular importance to development economists is the ways in which social norms can be changed, at least under some circumstances. Understanding of social norm change is still patchy at best, but the paper outlines the theoretical underpinnings of change, with empirical evidence from various policies aimed at changing social norms. However, some of those policies raise ethical concerns that would require attention.

 The Best Joke in Barbie Years ago I remember encountering Félix Guattari's little essay, "Everybody Wants to be a Fascist." At the time its title seemed more clever than prescient. (Although it is worth remembering how much fascism, and the encounter with fascism was integral to Deleuze and Guattari's theorizing, well beyond the reference to Reich). Now that we are living in a different relation to fascism the problem posed by Guattari (and Deleuze) of desire seems all the more pertinent and pressing. One of the problems of using the word fascism today, especially in the US, is that it is hard to reconcile our image as a politics, a politics of state control of everything, and the current politics of outrage aimed at M&Ms, Barbie, and Taylor Swift. How can fascism be so trivial and so petty? This could be understood as the Trump problem, although it is ultimately not limited to Trump. There are a whole bunch of pundits and people getting incredibly angry about the casting of movies and how many times football games cut away to Taylor Swift celebrating in the expensive seats. The Fox News Expanded Universe is all about finding villains everywhere in every library or diverse band of superheroes. It is difficult to reconcile the petty concerns of the pundit class with the formation of an authoritarian state. I have argued before that understanding Trump, or Trumpism, means rethinking the relationship between the particular and universal, imaginary and real. Or, as Angela Mitropoulis argues, the question of fascism now should be what does it look like in contemporary captitalism, one oriented less around the post-fordist assembly line than the franchise. Or as she puts it, "What would the combination of nationalist myth and the affective labour processes of the entertainment industry mean for the politics and techniques of fascism?"It is for this reason (among others) that Alberto Toscano's Late Fascism is such an important book. As he argues in that book fascism (as well as in an interview on Hotel Bar Sessions) fascism has to be understood as kind of license, a justification of violence and anger, and a pleasure in that justification. We have to give up the cartoon image of fascism as centralized and universal domination and see it as not only incomplete persecution, unevenly applied, but persecution of some coupled with the license to persecute for others. Fascism is liberation for the racist, sexist, and homophobe, who finally gets to say and act on their desires. As Toscano argues, "...what we need to dwell on to discern the fascist potentials in the anti-state state are those subjective investments in the naturalizations of violent mastery that go together with the promotion of possessive and racialized conceptions of freedom. Here we need to reflect not just on the fact neoliberalism operates through a racial state, or that, as commentators have begun to recognize and detail, it is shaped by a racist and civilizational imaginary that delimits who is capable of market freedoms (Toscano is not referring to Tosel, but that is an important part of Tosel's work) We must also attend to the fact that the anti-state state could become an object of popular attachment or better, populist investment, only through the mediation of race." Toscano's emphasis is on race in this passage, but it could be argued to apply to sexism, homophobia, etc., to the enforcement and maintenance of any of the old hierarchies. As Toscano cites Maria Antonietta Macciochhi later in the book, "You can't talk abut fascism unless you are also prepared to discuss patriarchy." Possessive includes the family as the first and most vital possession. At this point fascism does not sound too different from classical conservatism, especially if you take the definition of the latter to be the following: "Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect."  However, what Toscano emphasizes is the libidinal pleasure that comes with this, it is not just a matter of who is in and who is not, who is protected and who is not, but in the pleasure that one gets from such exclusion, a pleasure that is extended and almost deputized to the masses. While conservative hierarchies and asymmetries passed through the hallowed institutions of the state and the courts, the fascist deputies take to the streets and the virtual street fights of social media. As Toscano argues, pitting Foucault's remarks about the sexual politics of fascism in the seventies against Guattari's analysis,"For Foucault, to the extent that there is an eroticization of power under Nazism, it is conditioned by a logic of delegation, deputizing and decentralization of what remains in form and content a vertical, exclusionary, and murderous kind of power. Fascism is not just the apotheosis of the leader above the sheeplike masses of his followers; it is also, in a less spectacular but perhaps more consequential manner the reinvention of the settle logic of petty sovereignty, a highly conditional but very real 'liberalising' and 'privatising' of the monopoly of violence...Foucault's insight into the 'erotic' of a power based on the deputizing of violence is a more fecund frame, I would argue, for the analysis of both classical and late fascisms than Guattari's hyperbolic claim that "the masses invested a fantastic collective death instinct in...the fascist machine' --which misses out on the materiality of that 'transfer of power' to a 'specific fringe of the masses' that Foucault diagnosed as critical to fascism's desirability."I think that Toscano's analysis picks up an important thread that runs from discussions of fascism from Benjamin to Foucault (and beyond). As Benjamin writes in the Work of Art essay "The growing proletarianization of modern man and the increasing formation of masses are two aspects of the same process. Fascism attempts to organize the newly created proletarian masses without affecting the property structure which the masses strive to eliminate. Fascism sees its salvation in giving these masses not their right, but instead a chance to express themselves. The masses have a right to change property relations; Fascism seeks to give them an expression while preserving property. The logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life."Today we could say that the right of expression includes a deputization of power and the pleasure in exercising it. In a capitalist society, in which the material conditions of existence must belong to the capitalist class, the only thing that can be extended to the masses is the power and pleasure to dominate others. Real wages keep on declining, but fascism offers the wages of whiteness, maleness, cisness, and so on, extending not the material control over one's existence but libidinal investment in the perks of one's identity.All of which brings me to Taylor Swift. I have watched with amusement and some horror as the fringes of the Fox News Expanded Universe have freaked out about Taylor Swift attending football games and, occasionally, being seen on television watching and enjoying the games. It is hard to spend even a moment thinking about something which has all of the subtlety of the "He-Man Woman Hater's Club," but I think that it is an interesting example of the kind of micro-fascism that sustains and makes possible the tendency towards macro-fascism. Three things are worth noting about this, first most of the conspiracy theories about Swift are not predicated on things that she has actually done, but what she might do, endorse Biden, campaign for Biden, etc., I think that this has to be seen as a mutation of conspiracy thinking from the actual effects of an action or event, Covid undermining Trump's presidency, to an imagined possible effect. One of the asymmetries of contemporary power is treating the fantasies or paranoid fears of one group as more valid than the actual conditions and dominations of another group. Second, and to be a little more dialectical, the fear of Swift on the right recognizes to what extent politics have been entirely subsumed by the spectacle fan form. (Hotel Bar Sessions did a show about this too) Trump's real opponent for hearts and minds, not to mention huge rallies, is not Biden but Swift. Lastly, and this really deserves its own post, some of the anger about Swift being at the game brings to mind Kate Manne's theory of misogyny, which at its core is about keeping women in their place. I would imagine that many of the men who object to seeing Swift at their games do not object to the cutaway shots of cheerleaders during the same game. It is not seeing women during the game that draws ire, but seeing one out of her place--someone who is enjoying being there and not there for their enjoyment.I used to be follow a fairly vulgar materialist line when it came to fascism. Give people, which is to say workers, actual control over their work, their lives, and their conditions and the appeal of the spectacle of fascist power would dissipate. It was a simple matter of real power versus its appearance. It increasingly seems that such an opposition overlooks the pleasures that today's mass media fascism make possible and extend to so many. It is hard to imagine a politics that could counter this that would not be a politics of affect, of the imagination, and of desires. Libidinal economy and micro-politics of desire seem less like some relic from the days of high theory and more and more like necessary conditions for thinking through the intertwining webs of desire and resentment that make up the intersection of culture, media, and politics. I think one of the pressing issues of the moment is the recognizing that all of these junk politics of grievances of popular culture should be taken seriously as the affective antechamber of fascism while at the same time not accepting them on their terms; there is nothing really to be gained by rallying to defend corporations and billionaires. 

In this article I provide a contribution to the ongoing discussion on the approach developed by Jason W. Moore in the field of International Relations, known as "World-Ecology". Through this perspective I analyze the agreements that are negotiated between core and semi-periphery states, and the periphery states in the African continent in the field of trade, migration, security and employment.Recent studies analysed the agreements negotiated between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states from very different perspectives. For example, from an economic point of view, previous research has highlighted the link between migration and development or analysed the increasing dependence on the migrant workforce in some specific sectors in the global center. Other studies opted for a more "social" standpoint and analysed the process of integration of migrant-origin workforce from periphery states in the socio-economic fabric of core states. A third group of studies focused on the repercussions that security agreements have on regular and irregular migrants coming from periphery states. Other scholars have investigated the environmental impact of the appropriation of raw materials and energy following (dis)agreements between core, semi-periphery, and periphery states.All these contributions help to shed light on the core-periphery relations from different angles. Yet, Moore's World-Ecology perspective can help us go beyond the intrinsic limitations of these "compartmentalised" approaches and activate a holistic re-reading of these core-periphery relations in the field of migration, trade, security and employment. In this article, I focus on these agreements to demonstrate how this perspective can be used to theorise those strategic and dialectical bundles of human and extra-human relations that are at the foundation of the global capitalist civilisation.As I will show, core-periphery state agreements provide the structure through which patterns and relationships of power and production within nature can be co-produced, exerting continuous pressure on human and extra-human nature to keep it cheap. Moore refers in this regard to the "Four Cheaps": labour, food, energy, and raw materials, and the tendency of capitalism to appropriate them with as little capital as possible, or even better free of charge in order to generate surplus value and an ecological surplus. Core-periphery state agreements serve to extend the zone of appropriation and set up new streams of the Four Cheaps. Core-periphery state agreements are the Janus face of capitalism: if on the one hand they exert pressure to keep nature cheap, on the other hand, the same dynamics of negotiation inherent in these agreements progressively leads to the exhaustion of capitalism's Cheap Nature strategy.Core-periphery state agreements include, for example, the temporal migration programs signed between the European Union and the periphery states in Africa with the explicit aim of providing cheap labour to specific sectors (e.g. social care) in the global centre that would otherwise need higher remuneration and much better working conditions to motivate core states' autochthonous labour power. These programs also result in promoting a specific type of migrant-origin labour force: temporal, circular, vulnerable, and therefore cheap. In turn, the promotion of this type of migration solidifies hierarchical and dualistic constructions within the labour market. Moore's World-Ecology perspective can also be used to place emphasis on the link between migration, cheap labour, and the production of cheap food. The function of labour reserves, which in the past was covered by slaves and colonized labour, is today entrusted to migrants from the global periphery.This article also analyses the trade agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery states for their role in securing cheap energy and raw materials. Core-periphery trade (dis)agreements are primarily power relations that mobilize and recombine human and extra-human natures, and that have as their purpose the endless accumulation and production of global spaces of appropriation. The packages of trade agreements signed between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states are also closely linked to security measures. Security is not a by-product of these agreements, but rather a constitutive element of the negotiations, through which interlocking agencies of capital, science, and political power together release new sources of free or low-cost human and extra-human natures for capital accumulation. Going beyond the consideration that the proliferation of fences of razor wire and walls around the globe is a valid indicator of the flourishing state experienced by the security industry in the current phase of capitalism, once we embrace the World-Ecology perspective we can see how the security agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery state alter extra-human and human nature. In fact, securitarian measures are inserted in pre-existing geographical patterns and social structures (re)producing clusters of nature hierarchized according to historical-geographical specificities, and patterns of race, gender, and class. Here I think for example about the categories of Arabised North Africa (e.g. the Maghreb) vs the rest of "Black" Africa or the category of "illegal" migrant vs "legal" migrant, which are solidified through the security "deals" struck between core, semi-periphery states and periphery states. In addition to its introduction and conclusions, this article has three sections. The first section establishes the main features of Moore's World-Ecology perspective that will be developed throughout the article. In the second section, the article isolates four broad reasons that help us understand how and why agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery countries can accelerate the decline of the ecological surplus and presents the main argument around which the article revolves: while in the past, appropriation practices combined with the global market and technological innovations ensured rapid global expansions, based on the identification, codification, and rationalization of the Cheap Natures, notably through the practices of colonisation and slavery,today this "advantage" is no longer available. Moreover, the identification, appropriation and mobilization of uncapitalised nature must undergo long, tedious, and above all expensive core-periphery negotiations, which ultimately take the form of agreement packages that include measures in the field of trade, migration, security, and employment. The third section further develops this argument by applying it to the concrete case of the African periphery countries. In the concluding remarks, the article highlights the dual characters of the core, semi-periphery and periphery state agreements and reflects on the nature of the ongoing crisis.The core-periphery agreements analysed in this article are certainly a display of capitalism's adaptive power, yet at the same time core-(semi)periphery negotiations accelerate the crisis of modernity-in-nature by exhausting the Cheap Nature, making everything less cheap, and at fast speed, as evidenced by the last commodity supercycle and the one on the horizon. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the fragilities of the global capitalist economy and woken up post-capitalist imaginaries. However, as of today it is an open question as to whether we are facing a developmental crisis of capitalism, which can be solved within the boundaries of the neoliberal order through new rounds of accumulation and commodification, or we are witnessing instead the beginning of an epochal crisis marked by an irreversible decline of capitalism's capacity to restructure itself as the mode of organisation of human and extra-human nature. ; El artículo busca tres objetivos: 1) contribuir al debate en curso en el marco de la propuesta de la ecología-mundo, centrándose en el caso de los acuerdos suscritos entre los estados del centro global, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia; 2) proporcionar una visión de cómo y por qué los acuerdos en las áreas de comercio, migración, seguridad y empleo que se suscriben entre los estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia global contribuyen a acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico; y por último, 3) volver a centrar la atención en el continente africano, haciendo hincapié en su papel central en el desarrollo y crisis de la economía capitalista global. La perspectiva desarrollada por Moore rechaza el dualismo cartesiano de "Naturaleza" y "Sociedad" y, por tanto, trasciende la narrativa del capitalismo y el medio ambiente tan predominante en la actualidad, proponiendo en su lugar una relación creativa y dialéctica de unidad fundamental entre la naturaleza humana y la extrahumana, oikeios. De ello se desprende que la crisis del capitalismo, ya sea evolutiva o epocal, no se origina en la convergencia de crisis ontológicamente distintas e independientes, la económica (sociedad) y la medioambiental (naturaleza), sino que expresa la esencia misma del capitalismo. En este sentido, los acuerdos comerciales, de inmigración, de seguridad y de empleo entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia encarnan la misma esencia antagonista del capitalismo: la tendencia a la acumulación incesante de capital y la caída del excedente ecológico. En este artículo exploramos que si, por un lado, los acuerdos estipulados entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia representan una forma de apropiarse del "trabajo" barato y gratuito de naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas para ponerlos al servicio del proceso de acumulación capitalista, estos acuerdos, por su propia construcción y sus dinámicas de negociación, aceleran, por otro lado, la caída del excedente ecológico, lo que se hace visible en el aumento de los precios de los bienes primarios a través del continuo agotamiento de las naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas no capitalizadas o infracapitalizadas. El texto, además de introducción y conclusiones, consta de tres apartados. En el primero se establecen las principales características de la perspectiva de la ecología-mundo de Moore, que se desarrollarán a lo largo del artículo. En el segundo apartado se aíslan las cuatro grandes razones que nos ayudan a entender cómo y por qué los acuerdos entre estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia pueden acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico. En el tercero se desarrolla el argumento principal del artículo, aplicándolo al caso concreto de los acuerdos estipulados entre algunos estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia africana.

La economía ecuatoriana a lo largo de los años ha atravesado un escenario negativo de eventos y acontecimientos que han originado el ascenso del riesgo-país. El objetivo de esta investigación es demostrar el impacto que genera el índice riesgo país en los flujos de inversión directa de la balanza de pagos del Ecuador. El diseño metodológico evidenció un enfoque cuantitativo-predictivo de alcance correlacional, puesto que, se analizó una base de datos con información recabada del Banco Central del Ecuador mediante el software estadístico R-Studio. Se evidenciaron resultados que indican la reducción de inversión extranjera frente a eventuales incrementos en los puntos básicos del índice riesgo-país. En conclusión, la inversión extranjera directa se muestra con una alta sensibilidad ante los eventuales sucesos políticos, macroeconómicos y de inestabilidad social que provoca la alta calificación en los puntos básicos del indicador. Palabras Clave: inversión extranjera, riesgo-país, balanza de pagos. Referencias [1]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Notas metodológicas de la balanza de pagos del Ecuador,» BCE, Quito, 2018. [2]J. Armijos, «Efecto de la inversión extranjera directa en el crecimiento económico en Ecuador,» Revista Económica, vol. 2, nº 1, pp. 31-38, 2017. [3]J. López y J. Laverde, «Inversión Extranjera Directa y carga tributaria en Ecuador, periodo 2004-2016,» Valor Agregado, vol. 5, nº 7, pp. 50-53, 2017. [4]G. Rodriguez y D. Forero, «Factores determinantes de la inversión extranjera directa,,» Universidad Tecnológica de Bolivar, vol. 2, pp. 119-134, 2016. [5]S. Cárdenas y J. Behr, «La inversión extranjera y el riesgo país en el Ecuador, Periodo 2007-2013,» Revista Observatorio de la Economía Latinoamericana,Ecuador, 2016. [6]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Análisis trimestral de labalanza de pagos,» BCE, Quito, 2019. [7]D. Rosillo, Análisis de la inversión extranjera directa en el ecuador, la afectación del índice riesgo país en la captación de inversiones y su incidencia en la economía de las empresas en el período 2007-2010, Quito, 2011. [8]A. Espín y A. Villalva, Análisis de la inversión extranjera directa y sus determinantes en el Ecuador, período 2007-2015, Quito, 2017. [9]O. Cedeño y Á. Mendoza, «Impacto del índice riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa de Ecuador periodo 2016-2018,» Polo de Conocimiento, vol. 5, nº 03, pp. 619-639, 2020. [10]J. Mogrovejo, «Factores determinantes de la inversión extranjera directa en algunos países de Latinoamérica, » Latinoamericana de Desarrollo Económico, vol. 5, pp. 51-82, 2005. [11]C. Silvia, Impacto del riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa en el Ecuador en el período 2005-2015, Cuenca, 2018. [12]Organización de las Naciones Unidas ONU, «Análisis de las políticas de inversión Ecuador,» de Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas Sobre Comercio y Desarrollo, Nueva York y Ginebra, 2012. [13]J. Espín, A. Córdova, y G. López r,» Retos- Revista de Ciencias de la Administración y Economia, vol. 6, nº 12, p. 215, 2016. [14]J. Soliz, La inversión extranjera directa en el Ecuador y su incidencia en la economía, periodo 2008–2013, Quito, 2015. [15]E. Zurita, G. González, y E. Borja «Análisis de la dolarización y sus efectos sobre la inversión extranjera directa en Ecuador. Periodo 2000 - 2016,» Bolentín de Coyuntura, vol. 1, p. 4, 2017. [16]OXFAM, «Ecuador 2016 Respuesta al terremoto,» Ecuador, 2017. [17]A. Acosta, El otro riesgo país, Quito-Ecuador: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2005. [18]L. Domenech y J. Diaz, Análisis de la evolución del riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa ecuatoriana.período 2003 -2007, Guayaquil, 2008. [19]J. Erazo y K. Lindao Riesgo Pais Ecuador: "Principales determinantes y su incidencia", Guayaquil, 2004, pp. 1–77, 2004. [20]C. Larrea, «Crisis, dolarización y pobreza en Ecuador, » Retos para la integración social de los pobres en América Latina, vol. 1, pp. 217-227, 2005. [21]E. G. Montenegro Cueva, «Análisis de riesgo de las acciones de las empresas más representativas que estructuran el mercado de valores del Ecuador,» Quito, 2014. [22]J. M. Wooldridge, Introducción a la econometría. Un enfoque moderno, Michigan : South-Western, 2010. [23]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Información estadística monetarias y financieras mensuales,» 31 03 2020. [En línea]. Disponible en: https://contenido.bce.fin.ec/home1/estadisticas/bolmensual/IEMensual.jsp. [Último acceso: 15 07 2020]. [24]J. Galán, «Equilibrios y conjeturas,» Cuadernos del Seminario de Credibilidad Macroeconómica, vol. 1, p.1, 2014. [25]J. S. Santana, «El arte de programar en R,» Instituto Mexicano de Tecnologia del Agua, vol. 1, 2014. [26]L. Mahadeva, «Prueba de raíz unitaria para ayudar a la construcción de un modelo,» Centro de Estudios Monetarios Latinoamericanos, vol. 1, p. 54, 2009. [27]H. Catalán, «Econometría y análisis de políticas fiscales, » University of Minnesota, vol. 48. [28]A. Novales, «Modelos vectoriales autoregresivos,» Universidad Complutense, vol. 1, 2017. [29]T. Calagua, «La Metodología del Vector Autorregresivo: Presentación y Algunas Aplicaciones,» Ciencias Empresariales, vol. 2, pp. 103-108, 2010. ; The Ecuadorian economy over the years has gone through a negative scenario of events and events that have caused the rise in country risk. The objective of this research is to demonstrate the impact that the country risk index generates on direct investment flows in Ecuador's balance of payments. The methodological design evidenced a quantitative-predictive approach of correlational scope, since a database with information collected from the Central Bank of Ecuador was analyzed using the statistical software R-Studio. Results were evidenced that indicate the reduction of foreign investment in the face of eventual increases in the basic points of the country risk index. In conclusion, foreign direct investment is highly sensitive to eventual political, macroeconomic and social instability events caused by the high rating in the basic points of the indicator. Keywords: foreign investment, country-risk, balance of payments. References [1]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Notas metodológicas de la balanza de pagos del Ecuador,» BCE, Quito, 2018. [2]J. Armijos, «Efecto de la inversión extranjera directa en el crecimiento económico en Ecuador,» Revista Económica, vol. 2, nº 1, pp. 31-38, 2017. [3]J. López and J. Laverde, «Inversión Extranjera Directa y carga tributaria en Ecuador, periodo 2004-2016,» Valor Agregado, vol. 5, nº 7, pp. 50-53, 2017. [4]G. Rodriguez and D. Forero, «Factores determinantes de la inversión extranjera directa,,» Universidad Tecnológica de Bolivar, vol. 2, pp. 119-134, 2016. [5]S. Cárdenas and J. Behr, «La inversión extranjera y el riesgo país en el Ecuador, Periodo 2007-2013,» Revista Observatorio de la Economía Latinoamericana,Ecuador, 2016. [6]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Análisis trimestral de labalanza de pagos,» BCE, Quito, 2019. [7]D. Rosillo, Análisis de la inversión extranjera directa en el ecuador, la afectación del índice riesgo país en la captación de inversiones y su incidencia en la economía de las empresas en el período 2007-2010, Quito, 2011. [8]A. Espín and A. Villalva, Análisis de la inversión extranjera directa y sus determinantes en el Ecuador, período 2007-2015, Quito, 2017. [9]O. Cedeño and Á. Mendoza, «Impacto del índice riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa de Ecuador periodo 2016-2018,» Polo de Conocimiento, vol. 5, nº 03, pp. 619-639, 2020. [10]J. Mogrovejo, «Factores determinantes de la inversión extranjera directa en algunos países de Latinoamérica, » Latinoamericana de Desarrollo Económico, vol. 5, pp. 51-82, 2005. [11]C. Silvia, Impacto del riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa en el Ecuador en el período 2005-2015, Cuenca, 2018. [12]Organización de las Naciones Unidas ONU, «Análisis de las políticas de inversión Ecuador,» de Conferencia de las Naciones Unidas Sobre Comercio y Desarrollo, Nueva York y Ginebra, 2012. [13]J. Espín, A. Córdova, and G. López r,» Retos- Revista de Ciencias de la Administración y Economia, vol. 6, nº 12, p. 215, 2016. [14]J. Soliz, La inversión extranjera directa en el Ecuador y su incidencia en la economía, periodo 2008–2013, Quito, 2015. [15]E. Zurita, G. González, and E. Borja «Análisis de la dolarización y sus efectos sobre la inversión extranjera directa en Ecuador. Periodo 2000 - 2016,» Bolentín de Coyuntura, vol. 1, p. 4, 2017. [16]OXFAM, «Ecuador 2016 Respuesta al terremoto,» Ecuador, 2017. [17]A. Acosta, El otro riesgo país, Quito-Ecuador: Ediciones Abya-Yala, 2005. [18]L. Domenech and J. Diaz, Análisis de la evolución del riesgo país en la inversión extranjera directa ecuatoriana.período 2003 -2007, Guayaquil, 2008. [19]J. Erazo and K. Lindao Riesgo Pais Ecuador: "Principales determinantes y su incidencia", Guayaquil, 2004, pp. 1–77, 2004. [20]C. Larrea, «Crisis, dolarización y pobreza en Ecuador, » Retos para la integración social de los pobres en América Latina, vol. 1, pp. 217-227, 2005. [21]E. G. Montenegro Cueva, «Análisis de riesgo de las acciones de las empresas más representativas que estructuran el mercado de valores del Ecuador,» Quito, 2014. [22]J. M. Wooldridge, Introducción a la econometría. Un enfoque moderno, Michigan : South-Western, 2010. [23]Banco Central del Ecuador, «Información estadística monetarias y financieras mensuales,» 31 03 2020. [Online]. Available: https://contenido.bce.fin.ec/home1/estadisticas/bolmensual/IEMensual.jsp. [Last access: July 15, 2020]. [24]J. Galán, «Equilibrios y conjeturas,» Cuadernos del Seminario de Credibilidad Macroeconómica, vol. 1, p.1, 2014. [25]J. S. Santana, «El arte de programar en R,» Instituto Mexicano de Tecnologia del Agua, vol. 1, 2014. [26]L. Mahadeva, «Prueba de raíz unitaria para ayudar a la construcción de un modelo,» Centro de Estudios Monetarios Latinoamericanos, vol. 1, p. 54, 2009. [27]H. Catalán, «Econometría y análisis de políticas fiscales, » University of Minnesota, vol. 48. [28]A. Novales, «Modelos vectoriales autoregresivos,» Universidad Complutense, vol. 1, 2017. [29]T. Calagua, «La Metodología del Vector Autorregresivo: Presentación y Algunas Aplicaciones,» Ciencias Empresariales, vol. 2, pp. 103-108, 2010.

During the last decades in Brazil there has been a significant increase in hydrosocial conflicts due to the construction of large hydroelectric complexes, which involve qualitative and quantitative changes regarding access and ownership of water. It has opened a new period of accumulation and transformation of production relations through the commodification of this important resource. This extension of large projects of an extractivist nature in the Amazon region, especially from the end of the eighties from the last century, after the settlement of the so-called Washington consensus. This phenomenon led to a whole series of transformations in productive, reproductive and social relations, in order to provide mechanisms for regional and national integration, as well as for overcoming accumulation crises which came from the global scale. In the Brazilian case, these reforms undertaken in recent decades in the political, social, environmental, economic and legislative realms, have not meant a major change in the productive level of the world-economy scale, since the peripheral role in the country, initiated during the colonial period, continues to be maintained. But they have deepened their dependence through the extractivist development model, highlighting among other practices (such as the advance of the agricultural frontier, large soybean crops, the deployment of fracking to increase rents derived from the hydrocarbons, etc…) the large hydroelectric complexes located throughout the country's vast hydrographic basin. The main goal of this kind of new structures is to produce higher levels of energy, largely dedicated to the processing of aluminum, whose demand has increased exponentially in recent years in states such as China, among other BRICS. From all these hydroelectric structures, due to their importance and expansion over time, probably the one that stands out the most is the Belo Monte dam on the Xingú river, near to the city of Altamira. A multiplicity of actors are involved in this one (indigenous communities, fishing farmers, the State, Eletrobras, non-governmental organizations, indigenous confederations, construction companies, supranational institutions, etc.) whose dispute over access to water resources implies a modification of the configuration of the power relations that take place in the territory. Although it is true that its planning began in 1975, within the framework of the search for a better use of the country's hydroelectric potential, to boost economic development and energy sovereignty; the advances and setbacks in the settlement of the operation of the infrastructure have been delayed until today and probably will continue in the near future. This paper not only aims to analyze the spatio-temporal path of this controversial conflict. Furthermore, it proposes two additional objectives. On the one hand, the elaboration of a theoretical framework that combines the perspectives of the production of nature, the production of space and the construction of scale, which could be applied to the analysis of other environmental conflicts that take place in the global south. On the other hand, and consequently, through its use in the study of this particular case, it seeks to determine the strengths and weaknesses that it shows for its use in future similar works. Hitherto the most part of the works and papers related with this case study are focused in the contentious politics of social movements and communities to stop the development of the project. As well as a significant number of them mainly analyze the contradictions of PT through the Brazilian state regarding to the different social impacts of the dam. This article aims to go beyond and provide tools and categories to explain the practices, relations and structures which are involved this process. In view of this, a methodology based on bibliographic review and the use of both primary and secondary sources is proposed. Through this method, it is possible to obtain the set of practices, representations and relationships that shape the conflict itself. In turn, to achieve this end, the article is divided into four main parts. In the first one, it is exposed the articulation approach between the different categories and aspects of the theoretical gazes for their uses in the case study. In relation with the perspective of the production of nature, originally developed by Neil Smith, the categories of use value and exchange value are fundamental. These ones, through their dialectic within the production relations, modify through the pass of time the metabolism that takes place between nature and society itself, generating conflicts where these changes imply a clash between two modes of production. With this fact different values prevail over the environmental resources, whose access is sought to continue the process of social reproduction. In addition to this, the proposed framework take in count the categories of spatial practices, representations of space and spaces of representation, formulated by Henri Lefebvre, in order to explain how changes in power relations involve changes in the space in which they are inserted and vice versa. Furthermore, with the interscalar perspective proposed by several scholars that are mentioned, the possibility of explaining how phenomena and actors from different scales influence the local one during the long development of the conflict. Subsequently, in the second section of the paper, the analysis of the spatio-temporal development of the conflict is carried out, from the beginning of project planning, through the modifications carried out by the different governments, the changes in the positions of the actors, the different law resolutions, the granting of licenses and so on, until today. Thirdly, the role of hegemonic actors in advancing the construction of the hydroelectric complex is explained and detailed, for which it is not only important to analyze the different representations and narratives carried out by different governments with respect to the project of Belo Monte, but also how state hydroelectric companies (Eletrobras and Eletronorte) are affected by the entrance of foreign capital, changing over time the spatial practices that are carried out, as well as the different positions of the institution responsible for the granting of environmental licenses to allow the dam activity (IBAMA). At the end, in the last part, the same operation is made but with the subordinate actors involved, which basically would be the local and foreign non-governmental organizations, as well as the communities of indigenous, peasant and fishermen of the locality. For them, the river fundamentally supposes a use value insofar as it is used as a source of resources and transportation to maintain pre-capitalist production relations on which they are sustained. Obviously, these activities have a low exchange value produced through its limited technology to harvesting and fishing, that finally are destined for local trade. The main results which can be highlighted are related with how this dam in particular, and the different hydroelectric projects in general along the region, allow to extend spatially an economic integration through the deployment of new relations of production and mechanisms for accumulation. These ones suppose an appearance of new use values, exchange values and values that clash against the previous ones thus producing the social struggle in the local scale around the dam. Furthermore, the frameworks of the scale and the production of social space show as useful theories for its application to future cases of environmental conflicts, meanwhile the production of nature framework shows some difficulties in order to use some of its categories for the case study. ; Durante las últimas décadas en Brasil se ha producido un incremento significativo de los conflictos hidrosociales a causa de la construcción de grandes complejos hidroeléctricos. Esta extensión de grandes proyectos de carácter extractivista en la región amazónica, sobre todo a partir de finales de la década de los años ochenta del siglo pasado, han conllevado todo un conjunto de transformaciones en las relaciones sociales, productivas y reproductivas, de cara avanzar en mecanismos para la integración regional y nacional, así como para la superación de crisis de acumulación propias de la escala global. Entre todos, por su trascendencia y dilatación en el tiempo, probablemente el que más destaca es el de la represa de Belo Monte en el río Xingú, próximo a la ciudad de Altamira. En él se ven involucrados una multiplicidad de actores (comunidades indígenas, campesinos, pescadores, el estado, Eletrobras, constructoras, instituciones supranacionales, etc) cuya disputa por el acceso a los recursos hídricos supone una modificación de la configuración de las relaciones de poder que se dan en el territorio. Este artículo, además de analizar el recorrido espacio-temporal de dicho conflicto, se propone dos objetivos adicionales. Por un lado la elaboración de un marco teórico, que conjugue las perspectivas de la producción de la naturaleza, la producción del espacio y la construcción de la escala, que pueda ser aplicado al análisis de conflictos ambientales que tienen lugar en el Sur Global. Por otro lado, y en consecuencia, a través de su empleo en el estudio de este caso particular, determinar las fortalezas y debilidades que presenta para su uso en futuros trabajos similares. De cara a ello se plantea una metodología basada en la revisión bibliográfica y el uso tanto de fuentes primarias como secundarias, mediante las cuales se puedan extraer y analizar el conjunto de prácticas, representaciones y relaciones que dan forma al conflicto en sí mismo. A su vez, el artículo se divide en cuatro partes principales: el planteamiento de articulación entre las distintas categorías y aspectos de los planteamientos teóricos para su uso en el estudio de caso; el análisis del desarrollo espacio-temporal del conflicto, desde el inicio de la planificación del proyecto hasta día de hoy; en tercer lugar se explica y detalla el papel de los actores hegemónicos en el avance de la construcción del complejo hidroeléctrico; y en última instancia se lleva a cabo la misma operación pero con los actores subalternos implicados. De entre los resultados obtenidos, destaca cómo este proyecto a nivel particular, y los macroproyectos hidroeléctricos en general en la región, han sido fundamentales para la integración económica en el marco de la extensión de las relaciones de producción capitalistas y los mecanismos para la acumulación a través de la realización del plusvalor, derivando resistencias ante este proceso de extracción. Así mismo, la perspectiva interescalar y la de la producción del espacio muestran potencialidades como marco para el estudio de conflictos ambientales, mientras que el de la producción de la naturaleza lo hace de manera parcial.

Background Sustainable United Nations (SUN) is an initiative of UNEP that coordinates operational activities and supports different UN organizations in their efforts to implement the UN climate neutral strategy and environmental management systems (EMSs). The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (Swedish EPA), with its long experience of working with international standards for EMS and coordinating and guiding 190 government agencies in their environmental management systems work, is supporting the work of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) by advising the SUN team and building the capacity of UN entities to establish and maintain EMSs. The Swedish EPA - UNEP partnership (2014-2018), funded by Sida, is laying the foundations for the future mainstreaming of environmental management in UN. These efforts are focusing on the environmental impacts of internal management offacilities and operations1. A broader process hosted by the UN Environment ManagementGroup (EMG) encompasses both environmental and social impacts and expands the scope beyond facilities and operations to include programmes and projects. Collaboration with the EMG Secretariat is therefore an integral part of the partnership. An important issue for the donor is the gender perceptive, which should also be taken into consideration whenever relevant, when implementing and maintaining an EMS. One of the main purposes of the United Nations (UN) is to help nations work together to improve the lives of poor people, to conquer hunger, disease and illiteracy,and to encourage respect for each other's rights and freedoms2. For the UN tosucceed in its purposes and to be a credible organization, it needs to account for its environmental impact, reducing risks and unintended negative impacts and maximizing benefits to people and their environment. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were endorsed by the General Assembly in September 2015. These will function as a common basis for the work of all UN organizations. Implementing an EMS will provide UN agencies with a documented, systematic and transparent tool to motivate, track and report on progress over time, whilst working towards the internalisation of the environmental dimension of the SDGs in their management processes in a systematic manner. Purpose The purpose of the stocktaking exercise was to provide an overview of the current status of environmental management systems of different UN organizations, to make sure future activities in the Swedish EPA - UNEP partnership build on existing work, and to reach a better understanding of how to introduce EMSs to the UN system. Based on the findings made, the stocktaking exercise provides recommendations for improvements. Methodology The experts at the Swedish EPA, in collaboration with the SUN team and the sustainability focal points in the UN EMS Working Group, have conducted a stocktaking exercise on the stage of development and implementation of EMSs across the UN system. The stocktaking exercise report references EMS requirements under accepted international standards such as ISO 14001:2015, and is based on the Swedish EPA experts' experiences and findings in the field. Knowledge of the UN status quo on EMSs was obtained through reviews of documentation from a selection of UN organizations and UN bodies, and information from IMG focal points. Conclusions The stocktaking exercise shows that many UN organizations work actively on environmental issues both at corporate management level and in their programming. The results from a minor EMS survey conducted in April 2015 reflect that the majority of the responding organizations are in the initial stage of the EMS implementation. Given that the UN is governed by many Member States and driven by a political process, decision-making takes long time. There are a number of constraints under which the UN operates, particularly the many stakeholders with varied interests, which could make it difficult to secure a consensus around environmental measures. Implementing an EMS gives an opportunity for UN organizations to contribute to the One UN initiative for a more coherent and efficient delivery. The One UN reform is focused on more coherent programmes, strengthened accountability, monitoring and evaluation, and improved outcomes. An EMS directly supports this effort by providing a systematic and uniform approach to improved control, efficiency and reporting. EMS in UN organizations can bring many benefits. Implementing an EMS gives an opportunity for the UN organizations to demonstrate that they have relevant policiesand systems in place to satisfy the environmental requirements from stakeholders. The General Assembly has signalled expectations of the UN to walk the talk on sustainability measures, while environmental requirements are becoming a precondition for funding from donors such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF). EMS in UN organizations represents an opportunity to mainstream environmental considerations in policies, strategies, projects and programmes. Literature studies, experience from Swedish EPA's guidance to public agencies, and discussions with members if the EMS working group as part of the stocktaking exercise, confirms that it is very important for the implementation of any EMS to ensure that senior management and staff are all involved in its development and implementation. Experience from the work in guiding 190 public authorities in Sweden has shown that when organizations include both operations and facilitates, and programmes and projects in their EMS, it will engage the senior management and the staff to a greater extent, and the understanding of an EMS in the daily work will increase. A properly functioning environmental management system results in improved management of natural resources and identified cost efficiencies such as improved management of electricity, fuel and travel3, and could free up funding for applying the mandated objectives of the various missions of the United Nation organizations. Recommendations The main recommendations for creating proper institutional conditions to implement an EMS are described below. They are described according to best practice, with the purpose to limit the environmental impact, speed up the implementation of EMS and to reduce the costs for the implementing organizations. Each recommendation must be undertaken within a context of respect for the institutional obligations arising from other policies, such as policies on gender and indigenous peoples. These together may form the approach to internalising sustainable development principles in UN corporate management. The recommendations are not given in a specific order of priority since they are connected to each other. Literature, discussions with members of the EMS working group, and the earlier experience of the Swedish EPA experts, confirms that the leadership, the involvement of staff and the integration of the EMS in the existing management structure, is crucial for a successful EMS implementation within the UN. Certain core functions should be managed on a common UN-wide basis, to streamline and coordinate efforts, and to avoid duplication of efforts and costs. This brings advantages such as economies of scale and a coherent way of working with sustainability issues in the spirit of the One UN reform. According to best practice, the UN system is recommended to adopt the following activities, through a permanent central coordination:  Develop the existing central EMS support, by increasing the number of training activities, and the exchange of experience between the organizations, for achieving more powerful synergies  Identify how the Sustainable Development Goals, and also standards for best practice on social responsibility, can be tools and the next steps for the UN organizations for working in a systematic manner with both environmental and social issues.  Make sure that competence in environmental law is available to support UN organizations.  Provide and encourage the use of coherent and common EMS guidelines and voluntary templates customized for the UN, e.g. for initial environmental review and for developing internal environmental objectives.  Develop EMS indicators that the UN organizations should report on centrally and to their governing body, and accelerate the work with the four endorsed sustainability indicators (GHG gases, water use, waste management and environmental training).  Coordinate internal environmental audits between the UN organizations, by supporting the auditors with regards to training and sharing experience. The internal auditors could audit each other's organizations.  Consider how the EMS support may be extended from environmental aspects in operation and facilities to environmental aspects in policymaking, programming and projects. Develop how the gender perspective could be integrated in a logical structurefor an EMS based on the PDCA-cycle (Plan, Do, Check and Act). Through the work of SUN and the IMG on Environmental Sustainability, many of the above mentioned steps are already well underway. At the end of the stocktaking exercise report, a mapping of existing networks and teams working with environmental sustainability within the UN can be found. Also actions taken concerning internal environmental sustainability, such as strategic plans and major projects, are described, together with a timeline over internal commitments on environmental sustainability within the UN system. According to best practice, each UN organization is recommended to adopt the following activities:  Conduct a SWOT4 - or PESTLE5 - analysis, to reach a better understanding of the factors that impact the EMS and the environmental context in which the organization operates.  Show how the demands from relevant stakeholders have been internalized into the organization's own policy, strategic documents and at the operational level.  Include environmental objectives and environmental performance measures in the "Senior Manager's Compact".  Make the support from senior management visible, by sponsoring an initialenvironmental review, adopting an environmental policy, ensuring organization- wide communication of the environmental work and endorsing internal environmental objectives.  Integrate both environmental objectives and action plans in existing strategic documents and activity plans.  Make sure that the allocation of resources, not least human resources, for the EMS is an integrated part of the ordinary budget process already in place.  Improve the monitoring and management of significant environmental aspects.  Complement possible emergency management systems already in place, with procedures for environmental consideration.  Integrate environmental risks and opportunities considerations in existing risk management, and evaluate possible changes in the EMS, such as a revised list of significant environmental aspects.  Ensure appropriate competencies to be able to conduct regular evaluations of adherence to environmental compliance obligations.  Conduct regular environmental audits and environmental management reviews.  Include sustainability considerations in purchasing and procurement, which can have an impact on the enabling of a green economy.  Develop the work to continuously identify nonconformities and taking corrective action in the environmental work, and integrate it in the existing handling of nonconformities for other areas, such as quality, conformity with project procedures etc.  Describe the results of the monitoring and evaluation of the environmental performance in an annual sustainability report, used for communication with donors, UN staff, and other stakeholders, to ensure the mechanism for accountability and transparency within the UN.  Have a tolerant and encouraging culture, where identified nonconformities are found to represent opportunities for improvement, and have well- functioning communication channels for the exchange of experiences, all to accomplish continual improvement.

Premi extraordinari doctorat 2013-2014 ; This doctoral research explores the forms of modern collective housing accomplished in Portugal and in other territories of Portuguese language under Oliveira Salazar's dictatorship. lt seeks to highlight the indisputable values of modern architecture through the work by Portuguese architects in Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique and Macau, retaking the theme of Portuguese colonization as an imaginary of creative capacity, which enables both to get a vision of independence and the valuation of the territory. The period under investigation starts in 1948, heightens between the 50's and the 60's and finishes in 1974, the year of the April revolution. From this date on the architecture context has changed not only in Portugal - with the coming of the democracy - but also in the other Portuguese speaking countries. The guideline of this study is the Portuguese architectural culture as well as the utopía of the Modern Movement made real by collective inhabitation. lt is also meant to identify the strong influence of modern Brazilian architecture and how the later dissolves with the purpose of creating a possible continuity in the other territories. The research isn 't about the Portuguese perspective only and the international paradigmatic situations inevitably come along so as to justify the modern theory on collective Portuguese housing. The Modern generation born in the architecture schools in Lisbon and Oporto has found the devices to adapt the peculiarities of each work to the specificity of its space. The first systems developed between universality and adaptability, functionality and economy, the vecracity of the materials and sincerity of the structure, are aspects that characterize it and will try to demonstrate wtih the analysis of the selected objects. lt was from the 1950 decade onwards that the block of flats gained leading position as part of the construction process of the city / town. This period is directly related with Le Corbusier and the influential modern Brazilian architecture both obviously controlled by the dictatorial regime. lt was the Golden Age of the political strategies to define the colonial area. With it the processes for the planning and changing of the territory were started as well as the first guiding planes, which established what we now know as the town. While international style critical movement question exactly the universality that is the characteristic of modernity, in Portugal a question a position close to the themes of the latest CIAM congress around the binomial identity - modernity. To this effect in the l 960's the moment of the discipline crisis was put to publish the famous survey about the Popular Portuguese Architecture pursuing, however a vision proclaimed by the Estado Novo regime. This dissertation on the one hand makes public the modern Portuguese heritage in the residential scope, which was almost unknown internationally, and on the other hand documents the whole of those architectures with the aim of contributing not only to its disclosure but also to show the qualities inherent to the chosen selected projects. Thus it opens the discussion on the recovering and requalifying of these works. In order to do it, the modern specific grounds of the collective housing system from town to typology deepen in countries with a common architectural history. Through the study of form , when it is understood as a part of relations and meanings, the 20 th century architecture becomes better known and at the same time the historic and theoretical picture of this heritage in the 21 st century. ; Esta investigación doctoral explora las formas de la residencia moderna producida en Portugal y en otros países de expresión portuguesa, durante el régimen dictatorial de Oliveira Salazar. Se procura evidenciar los valores indudables de la arquitectura moderna, a través de la vivienda colectiva realizada por arquitectos lusos en Portugal, Brasil, Angola, Mozambique y Macao, retomando el tema de la colonización portuguesa como un imaginario de capacidad regenerativa, que permite simultáneamente adquirir una visión de independencia y valorar el territorio. El periodo considerado se inicia en 1948, se intensifica entre los años cincuenta y sesenta y finaliza en 1974, año de la Revolución de Abril, a partir del cual el contexto urbano-arquitectónico se transforma completamente no solo en Portugal –con la entrada de la democracia– sino también en el resto de países de expresión portuguesa. El hilo conductor de la investigación es la cultura arquitectónica portuguesa y la utopía del Movimiento Moderno transformada en realidad a través del habitar colectivo. Asimismo, se pretende identificar la fuerte influencia de la arquitectura moderna brasileña y el modo cómo se disuelve en Portugal, a fin de establecer una posible continuidad en los demás territorios. El estudio no se limita a la perspectiva portuguesa, pues tiene en cuenta además los casos pragmáticos internacionales, de modo a fundamentar el argumento moderno de la vivienda colectiva lusa. La generación moderna, formada en las escuelas de Arquitectura de Lisboa y Oporto, encontró los mecanismos para adecuarse a las particularidades de las obras en la especificidad de cada lugar. Los primeros sistemas desarrollados entre universalidad y adecuación, la funcionalidad y economía, la veracidad de los materiales y la sinceridad de la estructura, constituyen aspectos característicos y que se intentan poner de relieve con los análisis de los objetos seleccionados Fue a partir de la década de 1950 cuando se asistió al protagonismo del bloque de vivienda colectiva como elemento crucial en el proceso de construcción de ciudad. Este periodo está directamente relacionado con Le Corbusier y con la influyente arquitectura moderna brasileña, ambos naturalmente censurados por el régimen dictatorial. Se trató de la época de oro de las obras públicas y de las estrategias políticas para definir el espacio colonial; con ella se iniciaron los procesos de planeamiento y transformación del territorio y se elaboraron los primeros planes generales que definieron lo que hoy conocemos como ciudad. Cuando las corrientes críticas del estilo internacional cuestionaron precisamente la universalidad que caracteriza la modernidad, en Portugal se reconoció una actitud próxima al tema del último CIAM y al binomio, identidadmodernidad. En este sentido, en los años 60 se aprovechó el momento de la crisis disciplinar para publicar la famosa Encuesta a la Arquitectura Popular Portuguesa, siguiendo de todos modos, una visión contraria a la proclamada por el Estado Novo. La tesis agrega por una parte, el patrimonio moderno luso en el ámbito residencial, prácticamente desconocido a nivel internacional, y, por otra parte, documenta el conjunto de estas arquitecturas, a fin de contribuir no solo a su divulgación sino para realzar las cualidades inherentes a los proyectos seleccionados, abriendo, así, el debate sobre su recuperación y recualificación. Para tal, se identifican los fundamentos modernos específicos del sistema de la vivienda colectiva, desde la ciudad a la tipología, en países con una historia arquitectónica común. A través del estudio de la forma, entendida como un conjunto de relaciones y significados, se da a conocer la mejor arquitectura del siglo XX y a la vez se registra el marco histórico y teórico de este patrimonio en el siglo XXI. ; Esta investigação de doutoramento explora as formas da habitação coletiva moderna realizadas em Portugal e noutros territórios de expressão portuguesa, sob o sistema ditatorial de Oliveira Salazar. Procura evidenciar os valores indiscutíveis da arquitetura moderna, através de obras levadas a cabo por arquitetos lusos em Portugal, Brasil, Angola, Moçambique e Macau, retomando o tema da colonização portuguesa como um imaginário de capacidade criativa, que permite simultaneamente adquirir uma visão de independência e de valorização do território. O período considerado inicia-se em 1948, intensifica-se entre os anos cinquenta e sessenta e termina em 1974, o ano da Revolução de Abril. A partir deste data, o contexto urbano-arquitetónico mudou não só em Portugal –com o advento da democracia– como também nos demais territórios de expressão portuguesa. O fio condutor é justamente a cultura arquitetónica portuguesa e a utopia do Movimento Moderno transformada em realidade através do habitar coletivo. Igualmente, pretende-se identificar a forte influência da arquitetura moderna brasileira e a forma como esta se esbate em Portugal, com o fim de estabelecer uma possível continuidade nos outros territórios. O estudo não se limita à perspetiva portuguesa e associam-se inevitavelmente os casos paradigmáticos internacionais, de modo a fundamentar o argumento moderno sobre a habitação coletiva lusa. A geração moderna, formada nas escolas de Arquitectura de Lisboa e Porto, encontrou mecanismos para adaptar as particularidades de cada obra na especificidade do lugar onde se inserem. Os primeiros sistemas desenvolvidos entre universalidade e a adaptação, a funcionalidade e a economia, a veracidade dos materiais e a sinceridade da estrutura, são aspetos que se caracterizam e que se tentam demonstrar com as análises dos objetos selecionados. Foi a partir de 1950 que se assistiu ao protagonismo do bloco de apartamentos como interveniente no processo de construção da cidade. Este período está diretamente relacionado com Le Corbusier e com a influente arquitetura moderna brasileira, ambos naturalmente censurados pelo regime ditatorial. Era a idade de ouro das obras públicas e das estratégias políticas para definir o espaço colonial; com ela iniciaram-se os processos de planeamento e de transformação do território e elaboraram-se os primeiros planos diretores, que definiram o que hoje conhecemos por cidade. Quando as correntes críticas do estilo internacional põem em causa precisamente a universalidade que caracteriza a modernidade, em Portugal reconhece-se uma atitude próxima aos temas do último Congresso CIAM, em torno do binómio identidade-modernidade. Neste sentido, nos anos 60, aproveitou-se o momento da crise disciplinar para publicar o famoso Inquérito à Arquitetura Popular Portuguesa, seguindo no entanto, uma visão contrária à proclamada pelo Estado Novo. A tese agrega por um lado, o património moderno luso no âmbito residencial, praticamente desconhecido internacionalmente, e, por outro lado, documenta o conjunto destas arquiteturas, com o objetivo de contribuir não só para a sua divulgação como também para realçar as qualidades inerentes aos projetos selecionados, abrindo, assim, o debate sobre a sua recuperação e requalificação. Para isso, identificam-se os fundamentos modernos específicos do sistema de habitação coletiva, desde a cidade à tipologia, em países de história arquitetónica comum. Através do estudo da forma, entendida como um conjunto de relações e significados, dá-se a conhecer a melhor arquitetura do século XX e. ao mesmo tempo, regista-se o quadro histórico e teórico deste património no século XXI ; Award-winning ; Postprint (published version)

Premi extraordinari doctorat 2013-2014 ; This doctoral research explores the forms of modern collective housing accomplished in Portugal and in other territories of Portuguese language under Oliveira Salazar's dictatorship. lt seeks to highlight the indisputable values of modern architecture through the work by Portuguese architects in Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique and Macau, retaking the theme of Portuguese colonization as an imaginary of creative capacity, which enables both to get a vision of independence and the valuation of the territory. The period under investigation starts in 1948, heightens between the 50's and the 60's and finishes in 1974, the year of the April revolution. From this date on the architecture context has changed not only in Portugal - with the coming of the democracy - but also in the other Portuguese speaking countries. The guideline of this study is the Portuguese architectural culture as well as the utopía of the Modern Movement made real by collective inhabitation. lt is also meant to identify the strong influence of modern Brazilian architecture and how the later dissolves with the purpose of creating a possible continuity in the other territories. The research isn 't about the Portuguese perspective only and the international paradigmatic situations inevitably come along so as to justify the modern theory on collective Portuguese housing. The Modern generation born in the architecture schools in Lisbon and Oporto has found the devices to adapt the peculiarities of each work to the specificity of its space. The first systems developed between universality and adaptability, functionality and economy, the vecracity of the materials and sincerity of the structure, are aspects that characterize it and will try to demonstrate wtih the analysis of the selected objects. lt was from the 1950 decade onwards that the block of flats gained leading position as part of the construction process of the city / town. This period is directly related with Le Corbusier and the influential modern Brazilian architecture both obviously controlled by the dictatorial regime. lt was the Golden Age of the political strategies to define the colonial area. With it the processes for the planning and changing of the territory were started as well as the first guiding planes, which established what we now know as the town. While international style critical movement question exactly the universality that is the characteristic of modernity, in Portugal a question a position close to the themes of the latest CIAM congress around the binomial identity - modernity. To this effect in the l 960's the moment of the discipline crisis was put to publish the famous survey about the Popular Portuguese Architecture pursuing, however a vision proclaimed by the Estado Novo regime. This dissertation on the one hand makes public the modern Portuguese heritage in the residential scope, which was almost unknown internationally, and on the other hand documents the whole of those architectures with the aim of contributing not only to its disclosure but also to show the qualities inherent to the chosen selected projects. Thus it opens the discussion on the recovering and requalifying of these works. In order to do it, the modern specific grounds of the collective housing system from town to typology deepen in countries with a common architectural history. Through the study of form , when it is understood as a part of relations and meanings, the 20 th century architecture becomes better known and at the same time the historic and theoretical picture of this heritage in the 21 st century. ; Esta investigación doctoral explora las formas de la residencia moderna producida en Portugal y en otros países de expresión portuguesa, durante el régimen dictatorial de Oliveira Salazar. Se procura evidenciar los valores indudables de la arquitectura moderna, a través de la vivienda colectiva realizada por arquitectos lusos en Portugal, Brasil, Angola, Mozambique y Macao, retomando el tema de la colonización portuguesa como un imaginario de capacidad regenerativa, que permite simultáneamente adquirir una visión de independencia y valorar el territorio. El periodo considerado se inicia en 1948, se intensifica entre los años cincuenta y sesenta y finaliza en 1974, año de la Revolución de Abril, a partir del cual el contexto urbano-arquitectónico se transforma completamente no solo en Portugal –con la entrada de la democracia– sino también en el resto de países de expresión portuguesa. El hilo conductor de la investigación es la cultura arquitectónica portuguesa y la utopía del Movimiento Moderno transformada en realidad a través del habitar colectivo. Asimismo, se pretende identificar la fuerte influencia de la arquitectura moderna brasileña y el modo cómo se disuelve en Portugal, a fin de establecer una posible continuidad en los demás territorios. El estudio no se limita a la perspectiva portuguesa, pues tiene en cuenta además los casos pragmáticos internacionales, de modo a fundamentar el argumento moderno de la vivienda colectiva lusa. La generación moderna, formada en las escuelas de Arquitectura de Lisboa y Oporto, encontró los mecanismos para adecuarse a las particularidades de las obras en la especificidad de cada lugar. Los primeros sistemas desarrollados entre universalidad y adecuación, la funcionalidad y economía, la veracidad de los materiales y la sinceridad de la estructura, constituyen aspectos característicos y que se intentan poner de relieve con los análisis de los objetos seleccionados Fue a partir de la década de 1950 cuando se asistió al protagonismo del bloque de vivienda colectiva como elemento crucial en el proceso de construcción de ciudad. Este periodo está directamente relacionado con Le Corbusier y con la influyente arquitectura moderna brasileña, ambos naturalmente censurados por el régimen dictatorial. Se trató de la época de oro de las obras públicas y de las estrategias políticas para definir el espacio colonial; con ella se iniciaron los procesos de planeamiento y transformación del territorio y se elaboraron los primeros planes generales que definieron lo que hoy conocemos como ciudad. Cuando las corrientes críticas del estilo internacional cuestionaron precisamente la universalidad que caracteriza la modernidad, en Portugal se reconoció una actitud próxima al tema del último CIAM y al binomio, identidadmodernidad. En este sentido, en los años 60 se aprovechó el momento de la crisis disciplinar para publicar la famosa Encuesta a la Arquitectura Popular Portuguesa, siguiendo de todos modos, una visión contraria a la proclamada por el Estado Novo. La tesis agrega por una parte, el patrimonio moderno luso en el ámbito residencial, prácticamente desconocido a nivel internacional, y, por otra parte, documenta el conjunto de estas arquitecturas, a fin de contribuir no solo a su divulgación sino para realzar las cualidades inherentes a los proyectos seleccionados, abriendo, así, el debate sobre su recuperación y recualificación. Para tal, se identifican los fundamentos modernos específicos del sistema de la vivienda colectiva, desde la ciudad a la tipología, en países con una historia arquitectónica común. A través del estudio de la forma, entendida como un conjunto de relaciones y significados, se da a conocer la mejor arquitectura del siglo XX y a la vez se registra el marco histórico y teórico de este patrimonio en el siglo XXI. ; Esta investigação de doutoramento explora as formas da habitação coletiva moderna realizadas em Portugal e noutros territórios de expressão portuguesa, sob o sistema ditatorial de Oliveira Salazar. Procura evidenciar os valores indiscutíveis da arquitetura moderna, através de obras levadas a cabo por arquitetos lusos em Portugal, Brasil, Angola, Moçambique e Macau, retomando o tema da colonização portuguesa como um imaginário de capacidade criativa, que permite simultaneamente adquirir uma visão de independência e de valorização do território. O período considerado inicia-se em 1948, intensifica-se entre os anos cinquenta e sessenta e termina em 1974, o ano da Revolução de Abril. A partir deste data, o contexto urbano-arquitetónico mudou não só em Portugal –com o advento da democracia– como também nos demais territórios de expressão portuguesa. O fio condutor é justamente a cultura arquitetónica portuguesa e a utopia do Movimento Moderno transformada em realidade através do habitar coletivo. Igualmente, pretende-se identificar a forte influência da arquitetura moderna brasileira e a forma como esta se esbate em Portugal, com o fim de estabelecer uma possível continuidade nos outros territórios. O estudo não se limita à perspetiva portuguesa e associam-se inevitavelmente os casos paradigmáticos internacionais, de modo a fundamentar o argumento moderno sobre a habitação coletiva lusa. A geração moderna, formada nas escolas de Arquitectura de Lisboa e Porto, encontrou mecanismos para adaptar as particularidades de cada obra na especificidade do lugar onde se inserem. Os primeiros sistemas desenvolvidos entre universalidade e a adaptação, a funcionalidade e a economia, a veracidade dos materiais e a sinceridade da estrutura, são aspetos que se caracterizam e que se tentam demonstrar com as análises dos objetos selecionados. Foi a partir de 1950 que se assistiu ao protagonismo do bloco de apartamentos como interveniente no processo de construção da cidade. Este período está diretamente relacionado com Le Corbusier e com a influente arquitetura moderna brasileira, ambos naturalmente censurados pelo regime ditatorial. Era a idade de ouro das obras públicas e das estratégias políticas para definir o espaço colonial; com ela iniciaram-se os processos de planeamento e de transformação do território e elaboraram-se os primeiros planos diretores, que definiram o que hoje conhecemos por cidade. Quando as correntes críticas do estilo internacional põem em causa precisamente a universalidade que caracteriza a modernidade, em Portugal reconhece-se uma atitude próxima aos temas do último Congresso CIAM, em torno do binómio identidade-modernidade. Neste sentido, nos anos 60, aproveitou-se o momento da crise disciplinar para publicar o famoso Inquérito à Arquitetura Popular Portuguesa, seguindo no entanto, uma visão contrária à proclamada pelo Estado Novo. A tese agrega por um lado, o património moderno luso no âmbito residencial, praticamente desconhecido internacionalmente, e, por outro lado, documenta o conjunto destas arquiteturas, com o objetivo de contribuir não só para a sua divulgação como também para realçar as qualidades inerentes aos projetos selecionados, abrindo, assim, o debate sobre a sua recuperação e requalificação. Para isso, identificam-se os fundamentos modernos específicos do sistema de habitação coletiva, desde a cidade à tipologia, em países de história arquitetónica comum. Através do estudo da forma, entendida como um conjunto de relações e significados, dá-se a conhecer a melhor arquitetura do século XX e. ao mesmo tempo, regista-se o quadro histórico e teórico deste património no século XXI ; Award-winning ; Postprint (published version)

El ser humano con su inteligencia y conocimiento debería ser un elemento clave en el logro de un mejor desarrollo sostenible. Son evidentes los casos en que por desconocimiento o por omisión, se han desaprovechado o esterilizado los recursos naturales o no se han prevenido ni manejado adecuadamente los desastres naturales. El subsuelo y sus procesos tienen así implicaciones dentro del ordenamiento del territorio, con un sinnúmero de variables que generalmente son difíciles de cuantificar, ponderar e integrar. Se han hecho muchos intentos de diseños metodológicos para abordar el tema del ordenamiento territorial. En este documento se presenta una propuesta integral considerando con mayor relevancia al subsuelo más los aspectos bióticos y antrópicos. Este documento titulado "Consideración del subsuelo en el ordenamiento territorial" es una propuesta metodológica para la gestión del ordenamiento territorial de las regiones, haciendo énfasis en el subsuelo. Se demuestra como éste ocupa un papel determinante dentro de los criterios de construcción de propuestas, escenarios y finalmente en el desarrollo humano. Tres casos de estudios son desarrollados. Se tienen varias metodologías e infinidad de casos dentro del estado del arte que se revisó para el ordenamiento territorial. Mucho de lo reportado hace hincapié en lo urbano, turístico, económico, legal, político, cultural, entre muchas variables. Sin embargo, el subsuelo, la geología, los recursos minerales y las restricciones naturales allí presentes, son poco considerados en la mayoría de planes, metodologías y sobre todo en los casos de estudio. Esas son razones para proponer una metodología que haga énfasis en el subsuelo y que no solo se quede en lo conceptual, sino que se muestre con ejemplos concretos. El subsuelo estaría conformado por los recursos minerales e hídricos subterráneos, y también por las restricciones naturales, como la sismicidad, los volcanes, y deslizamientos, entre otros. Ello a su vez tiene implicaciones con la edafología, con las geoformas, con la geografía, con lo biótico (flora y fauna) y lo antrópico (poblacionales, educación, salud y cultura). Así que podría evidenciarse que considerar el subsuelo es fundamental dentro de cualquier proceso de ordenamiento del territorio. El subsuelo debería estar siempre presente dentro de las variables a considerar, ya que representa el largo plazo. El hecho de que algunos proyectos, ciudades, y regiones hayan sido planificados u ordenados sin considerar el subsuelo, y no hayan tenido incidentes, no quiere decir que sean correctos. Se tiene el caso de ciudades o regiones planificadas que después de varias décadas han sido arrasadas por deslizamientos, flujo de lodos, actividad sísmica, o simplemente no dispongan de materiales para la construcción, agua para consumo o energía. El propósito de este documento es el de presentar una metodología de ordenamiento territorial integral, holística, soportada en el subsuelo, que involucre diversos componentes y variables como el medio físico, biótico y antrópico. En la metodología se presenta un dimensionamiento de cómo las diferentes variables puede ser medidas, correlacionadas e integradas jerárquicamente con el fin de ir construyendo indicadores del geopotencial, biopotencial y el sociopotencial. Posteriormente se puede estimar la capacidad de acogida de un territorio frente a diferentes usos y a sus potenciales. Se van generando indicadores integrados frente a los diferentes conflictos ambientales y con los conocimientos de las personas que intervienen en los procesos de planificación y desarrollo, se pueden construir diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial. La metodología se aplica para tres regiones en Colombia. La primera es una región de carácter amplio y diverso en cuanto a los aspectos geográficos, humanos y culturales, como lo es el Departamento de Cundinamarca, con más de 20 mil km2 de área, donde el componente físico tiene una mayor consideración. Un segundo caso es considerado a nivel más local, donde los diferentes componentes del sistema son tratados, haciendo énfasis en lo social y cultural hasta construir escenarios de desarrollo a nivel del municipio de La Peña. Y el tercer caso, es una propuesta para el ordenamiento de la minería de arcillas en la ciudad de Bogotá, donde se trata de racionalizar el uso del recurso mineral, haciéndolo en las zonas con mayor potencialidad y sin tanta dispersión en el territorio, haciéndolo compatible con otras demandas de uso del suelo principalmente. En los tres casos se parte de información del territorio, se estiman los diferentes potenciales y las restricciones, se determinan las capacidades de acogida, involucrando los diferentes actores, comunidades, políticos, y profesionales interdisciplinarios; además, se proponen diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial, acorde con principios de alto consumo, de conservación o de sostenibilidad de la naturaleza. Esta metodología presenta algunas limitaciones y requiere ciertos ajustes para que tenga un mayor impacto en la sociedad civil; las limitaciones son más que todo de carácter político, ya que por más planteamientos objetivos que se hagan, la toma de decisiones está influenciada por los sentimientos, las presiones, los compromisos, y el ego. Sin embargo, se espera que esta contribución mas técnica desde las geociencias y los recursos naturales tenga una mayor relevancia en el desarrollo de la comunidad humana mundial. ; Human being with their intelligence and knowledge should be a key factor to achieve a better sustainable development. There are obvious cases which many resources have been sterilized due to decisions without non appropriate information or its omission, and natural hazards had had no prevention and even adequate management. The subsoil and its process have implications in the land use planning, with several variables that are difficult to quantify to average and to integrate when land use planning of the regions is made. Many methodological designs have made to approach the land use planning. This document tries to give a holistic proposal with more relevance to the subsoil, biotic and anthropogenic factors. This untitled document "Consideration of subsoil in the land use planning" is a methodological proposal for the regional management and planning for the regions with emphasis on the subsoil. It is demonstrated how subsoil has an important role when is used as a criteria to construct proposals, scenarios and human development. Three study cases are analyzed. There are several methodologies and infinity cases according to revised state of the art. Most of the reported does emphasis in urban, tourism, economy, legal and cultural among many variables. However subsoil, geology, mineral resources and natural hazards are few considered in most of plans, methodologies and study cases. These are reasons to propose a methodology with main emphasis in the subsoil, not only in conceptual terms, but with concrete equations and examples. Subsoil could be conformed by the mineral and groundwater resources and by the natural restrictions, such as the seismcity, volcanoes and landslides. All of these features have also some implications into the edaphology, geoforms, geography, biota (flora and fauna) and the anthropogenic matters (population, education, health and culture). In this way, the subsoil is a fundamental aspect in any territorial management process. Subsoil should be included within the set of variables to be considered. It represents de long term. The fact than some projects, cities and regions have been planned and ordered without considering the subsoil and any incident has occurred; does not mean that this is correct. In spite of the previous considerations, the cases of planned cities or regions are know, and after several decades have been devastated by landslides, floods, seismic activity, or simply they do not have building materials, water to consumption or energy. The purpose of this document is to show an integral, holistic methodology based in the subsoil, whose involve several and diverse components and variables such as the environment, biota and anthropogenic. The methodology shows a background of how the different variables can be measured, correlated and integrated hierarchically with the purpose of build indicators of the geopotential, biopotential and sociopotential. Subsequent, the carrying capacity of the territory for the different uses and to their potentials can be estimated. Integral indicators commence to be generated to respect of the different environmental conflicts and with the knowledge of the people who takes part in the processes of planning and development, different scenarios of environmental land use planning may be constructed. The methodology is applied for three regions in Colombia. First region is of huge and diverse character in the geographic, human and cultural aspects, as the Department of Cundinamarca, with and area more than 20.000 km2, in which the physical component has a greater relievance. A second case is considered as a local level, which the different components of the system are treated, making emphasis in the social and cultural matters to construct scenario of development in the La Peña municipality. The third case is a proposal for the ordering of the clay mining in the city of Bogotá, to rationalize the use of the mineral resource, doing it in the zones with greater potentiality and without much dispersion in the territory, doing it compatible with other use demands of the soil. The existent information of the territory is used for the three cases. The different potentials and restrictions are assessed, the carrying capacity is also determined, involving the different actors, such as the communities, politicians, and interdisciplinary professionals. Different scenarios of land use planning are proposed, according to the high consumption, conservation or sustainability principles for the nature. This methodology presents some limitations and requires certain adjustments to have a greater impact in the civil society. The limitations are mainly of the political character, because besides to many clear proposals, the decision making is influenced by the feelings, the pressures, the commitments, and the ego. Nevertheless, it is hope that this technical contribution from the geosciences and natural resources has a greater relevance in the development of the world-wide human community. ; Postprint (published version)

El ser humano con su inteligencia y conocimiento debería ser un elemento clave en el logro de un mejor desarrollo sostenible. Son evidentes los casos en que por desconocimiento o por omisión, se han desaprovechado o esterilizado los recursos naturales o no se han prevenido ni manejado adecuadamente los desastres naturales. El subsuelo y sus procesos tienen así implicaciones dentro del ordenamiento del territorio, con un sinnúmero de variables que generalmente son difíciles de cuantificar, ponderar e integrar. Se han hecho muchos intentos de diseños metodológicos para abordar el tema del ordenamiento territorial. En este documento se presenta una propuesta integral considerando con mayor relevancia al subsuelo más los aspectos bióticos y antrópicos. Este documento titulado "Consideración del subsuelo en el ordenamiento territorial" es una propuesta metodológica para la gestión del ordenamiento territorial de las regiones, haciendo énfasis en el subsuelo. Se demuestra como éste ocupa un papel determinante dentro de los criterios de construcción de propuestas, escenarios y finalmente en el desarrollo humano. Tres casos de estudios son desarrollados. Se tienen varias metodologías e infinidad de casos dentro del estado del arte que se revisó para el ordenamiento territorial. Mucho de lo reportado hace hincapié en lo urbano, turístico, económico, legal, político, cultural, entre muchas variables. Sin embargo, el subsuelo, la geología, los recursos minerales y las restricciones naturales allí presentes, son poco considerados en la mayoría de planes, metodologías y sobre todo en los casos de estudio. Esas son razones para proponer una metodología que haga énfasis en el subsuelo y que no solo se quede en lo conceptual, sino que se muestre con ejemplos concretos. El subsuelo estaría conformado por los recursos minerales e hídricos subterráneos, y también por las restricciones naturales, como la sismicidad, los volcanes, y deslizamientos, entre otros. Ello a su vez tiene implicaciones con la edafología, con las geoformas, con la geografía, con lo biótico (flora y fauna) y lo antrópico (poblacionales, educación, salud y cultura). Así que podría evidenciarse que considerar el subsuelo es fundamental dentro de cualquier proceso de ordenamiento del territorio. El subsuelo debería estar siempre presente dentro de las variables a considerar, ya que representa el largo plazo. El hecho de que algunos proyectos, ciudades, y regiones hayan sido planificados u ordenados sin considerar el subsuelo, y no hayan tenido incidentes, no quiere decir que sean correctos. Se tiene el caso de ciudades o regiones planificadas que después de varias décadas han sido arrasadas por deslizamientos, flujo de lodos, actividad sísmica, o simplemente no dispongan de materiales para la construcción, agua para consumo o energía. El propósito de este documento es el de presentar una metodología de ordenamiento territorial integral, holística, soportada en el subsuelo, que involucre diversos componentes y variables como el medio físico, biótico y antrópico. En la metodología se presenta un dimensionamiento de cómo las diferentes variables puede ser medidas, correlacionadas e integradas jerárquicamente con el fin de ir construyendo indicadores del geopotencial, biopotencial y el sociopotencial. Posteriormente se puede estimar la capacidad de acogida de un territorio frente a diferentes usos y a sus potenciales. Se van generando indicadores integrados frente a los diferentes conflictos ambientales y con los conocimientos de las personas que intervienen en los procesos de planificación y desarrollo, se pueden construir diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial. La metodología se aplica para tres regiones en Colombia. La primera es una región de carácter amplio y diverso en cuanto a los aspectos geográficos, humanos y culturales, como lo es el Departamento de Cundinamarca, con más de 20 mil km2 de área, donde el componente físico tiene una mayor consideración. Un segundo caso es considerado a nivel más local, donde los diferentes componentes del sistema son tratados, haciendo énfasis en lo social y cultural hasta construir escenarios de desarrollo a nivel del municipio de La Peña. Y el tercer caso, es una propuesta para el ordenamiento de la minería de arcillas en la ciudad de Bogotá, donde se trata de racionalizar el uso del recurso mineral, haciéndolo en las zonas con mayor potencialidad y sin tanta dispersión en el territorio, haciéndolo compatible con otras demandas de uso del suelo principalmente. En los tres casos se parte de información del territorio, se estiman los diferentes potenciales y las restricciones, se determinan las capacidades de acogida, involucrando los diferentes actores, comunidades, políticos, y profesionales interdisciplinarios; además, se proponen diferentes escenarios de ordenamiento territorial, acorde con principios de alto consumo, de conservación o de sostenibilidad de la naturaleza. Esta metodología presenta algunas limitaciones y requiere ciertos ajustes para que tenga un mayor impacto en la sociedad civil; las limitaciones son más que todo de carácter político, ya que por más planteamientos objetivos que se hagan, la toma de decisiones está influenciada por los sentimientos, las presiones, los compromisos, y el ego. Sin embargo, se espera que esta contribución mas técnica desde las geociencias y los recursos naturales tenga una mayor relevancia en el desarrollo de la comunidad humana mundial. ; Human being with their intelligence and knowledge should be a key factor to achieve a better sustainable development. There are obvious cases which many resources have been sterilized due to decisions without non appropriate information or its omission, and natural hazards had had no prevention and even adequate management. The subsoil and its process have implications in the land use planning, with several variables that are difficult to quantify to average and to integrate when land use planning of the regions is made. Many methodological designs have made to approach the land use planning. This document tries to give a holistic proposal with more relevance to the subsoil, biotic and anthropogenic factors. This untitled document "Consideration of subsoil in the land use planning" is a methodological proposal for the regional management and planning for the regions with emphasis on the subsoil. It is demonstrated how subsoil has an important role when is used as a criteria to construct proposals, scenarios and human development. Three study cases are analyzed. There are several methodologies and infinity cases according to revised state of the art. Most of the reported does emphasis in urban, tourism, economy, legal and cultural among many variables. However subsoil, geology, mineral resources and natural hazards are few considered in most of plans, methodologies and study cases. These are reasons to propose a methodology with main emphasis in the subsoil, not only in conceptual terms, but with concrete equations and examples. Subsoil could be conformed by the mineral and groundwater resources and by the natural restrictions, such as the seismcity, volcanoes and landslides. All of these features have also some implications into the edaphology, geoforms, geography, biota (flora and fauna) and the anthropogenic matters (population, education, health and culture). In this way, the subsoil is a fundamental aspect in any territorial management process. Subsoil should be included within the set of variables to be considered. It represents de long term. The fact than some projects, cities and regions have been planned and ordered without considering the subsoil and any incident has occurred; does not mean that this is correct. In spite of the previous considerations, the cases of planned cities or regions are know, and after several decades have been devastated by landslides, floods, seismic activity, or simply they do not have building materials, water to consumption or energy. The purpose of this document is to show an integral, holistic methodology based in the subsoil, whose involve several and diverse components and variables such as the environment, biota and anthropogenic. The methodology shows a background of how the different variables can be measured, correlated and integrated hierarchically with the purpose of build indicators of the geopotential, biopotential and sociopotential. Subsequent, the carrying capacity of the territory for the different uses and to their potentials can be estimated. Integral indicators commence to be generated to respect of the different environmental conflicts and with the knowledge of the people who takes part in the processes of planning and development, different scenarios of environmental land use planning may be constructed. The methodology is applied for three regions in Colombia. First region is of huge and diverse character in the geographic, human and cultural aspects, as the Department of Cundinamarca, with and area more than 20.000 km2, in which the physical component has a greater relievance. A second case is considered as a local level, which the different components of the system are treated, making emphasis in the social and cultural matters to construct scenario of development in the La Peña municipality. The third case is a proposal for the ordering of the clay mining in the city of Bogotá, to rationalize the use of the mineral resource, doing it in the zones with greater potentiality and without much dispersion in the territory, doing it compatible with other use demands of the soil. The existent information of the territory is used for the three cases. The different potentials and restrictions are assessed, the carrying capacity is also determined, involving the different actors, such as the communities, politicians, and interdisciplinary professionals. Different scenarios of land use planning are proposed, according to the high consumption, conservation or sustainability principles for the nature. This methodology presents some limitations and requires certain adjustments to have a greater impact in the civil society. The limitations are mainly of the political character, because besides to many clear proposals, the decision making is influenced by the feelings, the pressures, the commitments, and the ego. Nevertheless, it is hope that this technical contribution from the geosciences and natural resources has a greater relevance in the development of the world-wide human community. ; Postprint (published version)

Elecciones en ItaliaPor tercera vez, Silvio Berlusconi será primer ministro de Italia. El Partido del Pueblo de la Libertad (PDL), de derecha, aliado a la Liga Norte, en la Cámara de Diputados obtuvo 340 bancas, frente a 241 del Partido Democrático, de Walter Veltroni, de centroizquierda, en coalición con el Partido de Italia de los Valores (IDV).Entre las primeras decisiones que tomará como jefe de Gobierno se encuentran: la integración de su próximo gabinete, la crisis de la basura en Nápoles, el problema de la privatización de Alitalia, entre otros. Diferentes medios informan al respecto:"El País" de Madrid informa: "Italia vota a ritmo lento. Colas en los colegios de Roma, donde los electores deben rellenar cinco papeletas distintas":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Italia/vota/ritmo/lento/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_4/TesItalia elige entre dos mundos.La abstención de la izquierda puede abrir la puerta al regreso de Berlusconi:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Italia/elige/mundos/elpepiint/20080413elpepiint_1/Tes"El Universal" de México publica: "El 'Obama italiano' enfrenta hoy en las urnas a Berlusconi":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57443.html"Times" informa: "Berlusconi appears headed for third term as Italian PM":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article3744594.ece"La Nación" nos informa: "Los sondeos a boca de urna marcan una leve ventaja de Berlusconi":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004269"CNN" publica: "Berlusconi to form new cabinet this week":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/04/15/italy.berlusconi.ap/index.htmlBerlusconi realizó los primeros anuncios.El Cavaliere develó el nombre del futuro canciller y se mostró en favor del federalismo; el escrutinio final confirmó la mayoría absoluta en ambas cámaras, "La Nación" publica:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004539Italia: arrasó Berlusconi y recuperó el poder.Gobernará con mayoría absoluta en las cámaras:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004504"The Economist" publica: "Return of the jester":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11022014Berlusconi ensalza la xenofobia. El primer ministro propone cerrar las fronteras y crear campos de detención - Opina que el Ejecutivo español es 'demasiado rosa' por el número de mujeres, "El País" de Madrid publica: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Berlusconi/ensalza/xenofobia/elpepuint/20080416elpepiint_1/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "Silvio Berlusconi n'exclut pas une solution avec Air France-KLM concernant Alitalia":http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2008/04/16/silvio-berlusconi-n-exclut-pas-une-solution-avec-air-france-klm-con"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Primer Ministro electo en Italia da lineamientos de su gobierno: Berlusconi anuncia lucha contra impuestos y la delincuencia":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/_portada/noticias/D901D106-B807-4045-9281-DEE6933B43B7.htm?id={D901D106-B807-4045-9281-DEE6933B43B7}"La Nación" analiza al nuevo primer ministro: "El polémico magnate que reconquistó a los italianos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004506 AMERICA LATINA¡SOS! Ingrid sigue viva .La Iglesia mantiene latente la llama de un acuerdo con las FARC."El País" de Madrid informa: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/SOS/Ingrid/sigue/viva/elpepuint/20080413elpepiint_5/TesRaul's Cuba tweaks housing, wage rules. Castro legalizes private titles to government homes, ends wage limits, "MSNBC" publica:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24074142/"Miami Herald" informa: "Fidel: I don't like recent reforms":http://www.miamiherald.com/579/story/498495.html"El Universal" de México informa: "Crea Chávez comando general de reservistas":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57439.html"The Economist" informa: "Hugo Chávez seeks to nationalise the cement and steel industries":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11021288"Time" informa: "Venezuela Hikes Taxes on Crude Oil":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731501,00.html"Miami Herald" publica: "Venezuelan TV may be fined for showing 'The Simpsons'":http://www.miamiherald.com/news/americas/story/498522.htmlTensión en Haití, diferentes medios nos informan:"El Universal": "Destituyen a premier en Haití y bajan el precio del arroz":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57441.html"CNN": "Haitian prime minister ousted over high food prices":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/04/12/haiti.ap/index.html"El País": " La violencia en Haití se cobra la vida de un soldado de la ONU":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/violencia/Haiti/cobra/vida/soldado/ONU/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_3/Tes"MSNBC": "U.N. soldier killed in Haiti's riots over food. Senators fire PM over turmoil; rising price of rice led to crisis and cost cut":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24072532/Se endurecen los cruces entre el Gobierno y el campo.Alberto Fernández dijo que "no es fácil hablar con quienes desabastecieron el país"; Buzzi advirtió que "no hay margen para dilatar" definiciones y que "no hay confianza" en las bases; la reunión en Agricultura se postergó para esta tarde, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/politica/nota.asp?nota_id=1004540 ESTADOS UNIDOS Visita del Papa Benedicto XVI a los Estados Unidos, informan al respecto diferentes medios:"MSNBC" publica: "Benedict XVI ready to meet America.Unwavering — but positive — message: Religious values matter":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24087062/"El Mercurio" de Chile publica: "Benedicto XVI promete tomar medidas para evitar a los pederastas en el sacerdocio":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/_portada/noticias/A60B4529-205A-42C5-84DF-885C8687B17B.htm?id={A60B4529-205A-42C5-84DF-885C8687B17B}"El País" de Madrid publica: "El Papa pide a Bush diplomacia para resolver los conflictos internacionales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Papa/pide/Bush/diplomacia/resolver/conflictos/internacionales/elppgl/20080416elpepuint_13/TesVarios medios informan sobre la campaña electoral estadounidense:"El Universal" de México informa: "Obama enfrenta lluvia de críticas":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57436.htmlWhite House urges Carter not to meet Hamas leaderhttp://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/04/10/carter.hamas/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Welcome to the Super Bowl. Post-industrial Pennsylvania will decide whether Hillary Clinton can continue with her presidential bid":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11017667"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Hillary aventaja por 6 puntos a Obama en Pennsylvania":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/04/16/internacional/internacional/noticias/CCCF4673-B7B6-42BB-9A29-D4ADC8FB74F5.htm?id={CCCF4673-B7B6-42BB-9A29-D4ADC8FB74F5}"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Supremo de EE UU avala las ejecuciones por inyección letal":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Supremo/EE/UU/avala/ejecuciones/inyeccion/letal/elpepuint/20080416elpepuint_22/TesEUROPAZapatero anunció su nuevo gabinete, en el que hay más ministras que ministros, "El País" de Madrid informa: "Mayoría femenina, en gobierno español":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57437.html"MSNBC" publica: "France: Pirates held, hostages freed off Somalia. French troops arrest six after release of 30 crew members held for a week":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24062328/STEPHAN SBERRO para "El Universal" de México analiza: "Holanda y el choque de civilizaciones":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57442.html Balkan politics"The Economist" analiza la situacion política de los Balcanes: "The troubles of European integration":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11022023Designan a Putin presidente del partido oficial. Fue elegido por unanimidad como nuevo líder de Rusia Unida para los próximos cuatro años, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1004537Putin ordena estrechar lazos con los territorios secesionistas de Georgia. Moscú quiere pasar factura por la ampliación de la OTAN y la independencia de Kosovo con el apoyo a Osetia del Sur y Abjazia, "El País" de Madrid publica:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Putin/ordena/estrechar/lazos/territorios/secesionistas/Georgia/elpepuint/20080416elpepuint_20/TesASIA – PACÍFICO Y MEDIO ORIENTEElecciones en Nepal:Millions vote in historic Nepal election.Voters undeterred by violence, clashes that kill two,"MSNBC" informa:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24017601/"The Economist" publica:http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11021213"Time" publica: "When the Maoists Take Over Nepal":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731248,00.html"CNN" informa: "U.N. probe sought into Bhutto slaying":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/04/15/bhutto.uniquiry/index.htmlContinua el conficto entre Tibet y China, nos informan:"MSNBC": "9 monks accused of bombing Tibet building. China says they planted homemade device in government offices":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24088206/"The Economist": "Torch song trilogy. A lament for Tibet, sung in three Western cities and heard with fury in China":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11016360"China Daily" publica: "China's economy grows 10.6% in Q1":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-04/16/content_6621746.htm"CNN": "Bombings kill at least 60 in Iraq":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/04/15/iraq.mainbombs/index.html"Time" publica: "Al-Qaeda in Iraq: Not Done Yet":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1731473,00.html"El País" de Madrid publica: "Una bomba mata a nueve personas en una mezquita iraní":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/bomba/mata/personas/mezquita/irani/elpepuint/20080413elpepiint_9/Tes AFRICAZimbawe: continua tensión frente a elecciones presidenciales. Diferentes medios informan:"El País" de Madrid informa: "Zimbabue volverá a repetir el escrutinio de las presidenciales en 23 distritos":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Zimbabue/volvera/repetir/escrutinio/presidenciales/23/distritos/elpepuint/20080413elpepuint_1/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Zimbabwean police ban political rallies. Crisis deepens as opposition plans strike, Mugabe mulls summit snub":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24065537/z< "CNN" nos informa: "Opposition warns of genocide in Zimbabwe":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/04/15/zimbabwe.election/index.htmlElecciones en Kenia: El Gobierno y la oposición de Kenia alcanzan finalmente un acuerdo para el reparto del poder.El presidente Mwai Kibaki y el líder opositor Raila Odinga se reúnen para zanjar las diferencias, y zanjar la crisis política"El País" de Madrid publica:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/oposicion/Kenia/alcanzan/finalmente/acuerdo/reparto/poder/elpepuint/20080412elpepuint_13/Tes"The Economist" informa: "The other dodgy election":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11020433"Time" analiza: "Can Kenyan Power-Share Plan Work?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1730694,00.html"CNN" publica: "African air crash kills 75; 15 survive":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/04/15/congo.crash/index.htmlECONOMIA"The Economist" en su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11033501&CFID=2189255&CFTOKEN=75713319"MSNBC" publica: "World's economic leaders look to avert crises. Top economic powers endorse 'rapid implementation' of plan ":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24070726/"La Nación" publica: "Nuevo récord del precio del petróleo. El valor del barril en Nueva York, en Londres y en Viena tocó nuevos precios máximos; influyen la caída del dólar y los temores a la falta de suministro":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/economia/nota.asp?nota_id=1004541OTRAS NOTICIAS En su sección"EcoSolutions la "CNN" informa:"Lake in Chile empties from melting glacier"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/TECH/04/10/eco.lake.ap/index.html"Australia launches project to bury carbon dioxide"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/04/02/australia.carbon.capture.ap/index.html