Suchergebnisse

Short synopsis and layout of Chapters of the thesis entitled, A study of Gelugpa sect with comparison to Nyingma Pa sect of Buddhism in TibetAround 2500 years ago, a prince of Skya clan rose against the anguish of life & death and determined to find out the way through which these torments end. That prince was Siddhartha; and whole world came to know him by his enlightened name; Buddha; his path became famous after his name Buddhism. Centuries gone, millennium changed its numbers; still the path showed by the Skya prince is guiding us towards every solution of problem. Today, according to latest sources, nearly 18 countries are more or less Buddhist countries and every fourth person of the world is Buddhist by faith. In past 2500 years, Buddhism crossed all geographical boundaries, spread over continents, touches every sphere of our lives, enjoyed royal patronage as well as sometimes-lethal disservice. However, one thing that makes it above all is that it served the goods. Everywhere it went, it acquired local colours, amalgamated with the local beliefs and reached the culmination theory of the master, Lord Buddha. Nevertheless, some countries were destined to play a little more than merely following the Buddhist rites and rituals. Tibet is one among these countries.Though Tibetan Buddhism is being studied all over, the world at research level but very few research works are being done at home (India). Tibetan has lost their homeland and in India, the Sthaviravdina, the orthodox school of thought was/is in vogue with the exception of the Himalayan region where the Mahayana is being practised since long. So many research works have been done by the scholars from United States and other countries, but most of them are limited to the translation works of the Tibetan Lamas visiting to States or elsewhere. Jeffery Hopkins, Alex Wayman, Michael Rosh is some of the names which have already gain popularity in this regard. It is noteworthy that Buddha taught everyone who came and asked for it. He never attempted to attract people into his new order or he never tried to formulate a new religion. As A K Warder has noted, It is most characteristic of Buddha that he always adapts his talk to the person he is conversing with. His courtesy in argument result from this: it is certainly not his way to denounce the opinions, practice of another to his face, and challenge him to justify them. His method rather is to seem to adopt the others point of view and than by question and answer to improve it until a position, compatible with his own has been arrived at. Thus, he leads his partner in discussion towards the truth as he has discovered it, but so that the partner seems himself to continue his own quest, in whatever form he had taken, and to arrive at higher truth he had previously been aware of, or more convincing moral ideas. Buddhism is the third largest religious system of the world (beside Christianity and Islam at the first two places) and it is the only religious system, which originated in Indian sub-continent and spread all over the world. To know the social, political and economic history of India during the time of Buddha i.e. 6th century BC, there are several sources. However, either to know the ideas and philosophical order of that time, we have to rely upon the testament within the said system and the literature or that of archaeological remains that tell many ideas that can be decipher to date. Both left the scope of interpretation and speculation, which is although, needed to some extent; sometimes portray a shadow over the crux of the systems of ancient era. Nevertheless, I have chosen to discuss about the two religious order of Buddhism of Tibet. The idea itself seems to be very delightful but in the presence of meagre resource materials often discourages a fruitful research and applying the modern research methodology. However, research methodology is not only to solve the problem but quite often to raise a problem instead solving them is also a method to invite further research and hence itself is called an independent research.Tibet, one of the highest countries in the world had received Buddhism from India in 7th century AD when Padmasambhava established the monastic order there. That branch of Buddhism was known as Nyingma or the Red Hats. That was under the reign of King SrongTsan Gampo and the source of establishing the Buddhism was the Indian schools. Besides that, the Chinese school of sudden enlightenment, which was somewhat different from the gradual school of Indian Buddhism, also tried to establish its firm feet in the land of snow. However, the Indian Buddhist pundit defeated the Hashang, Chinese teacher of Buddhism and it was a landmark in the history of Buddhism in Tibet because this decided the way in which Tibet would follow the Buddhism in future. However, this is not highlighted in the historical record of Tibet, but this does not undermine its importance.Centuries passed and the Buddhism after one persecution by the Lang dharma, revived. The newer sects came up with fresh ideas, but the older sect (Nyingma) continued to influence not only the folk wisdom, but the aristocrats too were the followers of Nyingma sect at the time of the introduction of the Gelug sect or the Yellow Hat sect by TsongkhaPa. In my present thesis, I have tried an attempt to described both Nyingma and Gelug through the eyes of modern research methodology. Side by side, I kept the descriptive ideas of the sects where it was needed to highlight the ideas of the Buddhism in the said context. But the presence of different practices itself show the comparison. At that juncture, I have only taken the task of illustrating the facts. However, I have tried to describe Buddhism in general and the two sects in particular in their full length.In the first chapter, I have dealt with the History of Buddhism in India which in my opinion needed more than ever because either the material available now days gives one only an idea about how a prince of Sakya clan achieved enlightenment nearly 26 centuries ago. Or it describes the Buddhist philosophy with all of its technicalities and that too in extol and worshiping manner. Surprisingly sometimes, this attracts even the scholars from not only the non-Buddhist fields, but from the discipline itself. I have tried to be cautious while describing the ideas of the sects and therefore, I have tried to put the historical Buddha and his teaching in one chapter in a simplest possible manner. That will create an interest in both the mind of the Buddhist scholars and show the Buddha from the Tibetan point of view that is scarcely done with the use of research methodology. For this, I have started with the life sketch of the prince Siddhartha from his birth to enlightenment and then the important happenings in the life of Lord Buddha. Writing this, I tried to clarified that whom do we are calling Buddha? A Sakya prince or the emanation of supreme God: one is historical personality who, through his penances and mortification got the way to salvation, the other one who out of his great compassion toward humanity emanates himself for the benefit of sentient beings to show them the path of freedom from all sufferings. In my opinion, here lies the difference between Mahayana and Sthaviravda school of Buddhism. The former claims to be the original successor of Buddhism from 6th century BC and asserts that the way prince Siddhartha got enlightenment; everybody can get it and become Arhat. On the other hand, the highest goal of Mahayana is Buddhahood and the supreme Buddha post is not achievable by a human being. The list of Pli canons is also given in this chapter and the name of six contemporary thinkers of Buddha is listed with their respective philosophies. Renunciation, Bodhicitta and the Right view, these 3 are the base of Mahayana theory of unyavda or the theory of Void, which originated though in India, found its firm feet in the land of snow. These points have been dealt in such a manner that while the research methodology was justified, the traditional Buddhist belief was also taken care of and even a common reader can infer the same conclusion that a Buddhist practitioner found after practicing it for a long duration.In the second chapter, I have put forth the History of Buddhism in Tibet with the background of the subject matter of my thesis. This chapter covers the inception of Buddhism in Tibet during 7th century and; from the first dissemination of it up to the establishment of the Gelugpa School by Je TsongkhP. In addition, I have given a short description of the history of Tibet up to the present time for the continuity of the subject matter. The contents of this chapter cover the history of Buddhism chronologically. In the land of snow, it was really a Herculean task for Padmasambhava to establish Buddhism. This work can only be done by the assimilation of the local beliefs and their gods in Buddhism and Padmasambhava has successfully done so with the help of his other Indian companions like Kamalsheela and others along with the royal patronage of King SrongTsan Gampo. A country following Shamanist practices has seen first time the logic-based religion that was most powerful and widespread at that time all over the Asia and its fragrance was crossed the globe. No wonder Padmasambhava is considered as second Buddha among Tibetans. The introduction of Buddhism in Tibet is linked closely with the introduction of literature as the work was got started in the country by the minister of SrongTsan Gampo, the great Thonmi Sambhota. So, a brief history of Tibetan language & literature was inevitable. Therefore, I have given the Tibetan Alphabets and their Sanskrit and Roman equivalent for the record along with the historical background of the Tibetan language. Here one point I want to be noted. While writing this thesis, I face two major difficulties. One was the Tibetan U-Chan fonts for the computer and the second the method of Romanization of Tibetan and Sanskrit words. For the first, I applied two types of U-Chan fonts namely, U-Chan TTF and L Tibetan. For the second one, I have followed the most accepted form and wherever I feel to express my ideas in either script, I did so. That is why the Romanization is not strict way as of Dr. Snell Grove has typed in his works with the diacritic marks or other with equivalents. After this, I took the historical background of the Chinese Hshng Mahayana that advocated sudden enlightenment and its clash with the Indian school of Buddhism, which was in favour of graduated path to salvation; this shows the reason why the graduated path is being practiced in Tibet and not the Chinese counterpart of it. Then I took the destruction of Buddhism in Tibet by Lang dharma and the resurgence of Buddhism after more than 300 years of being in background. Then the Sharma Schools of thought appeared, the latest of which is Gelugpa, which command good favour among the Tibetan till today. The founder of this sect was TsongkhP. I have put the TsongkhP and GelugP in a separate chapter because of its comprehensiveness, which was the demand of my research topic.In the third chapter, the Padmasambhava and Nyingm School has been placed with all of its possible contents. Firstly, I have taken Padmasambhava and the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet, and then the main characteristics and the salient features of this school of thought were placed under the different sub-chapters.In the fourth chapter, I have continued from the previous chapter about Nyingms and dealt with their practices through which they are known. Therefore, I name it after one of the greatest and famous practice, Dzogchen. Hence the chapter is named as, Terton and other practices in Nyingma. Because of the inbuilt nature of Nyingma sect to adopt Tntric practices, I have tried to put light on the Tntric practices specially.After this, in a short chapter, I have tried to explain why the sectarian tendencies came out from a disciplined system like Buddhism that is considered to be the most logical and scientific in its approach. The content of this chapter, though very short in the number of pages, carry very high value to understand the birth of an ism within the ism. Though I have named it, Emergence of Schism in Buddhism, but in this chapter some other general topics were also covered which are the answers to the curiosities in the field of Tibetan Buddhism. For example, I have given a very brief account of the translation work of the Tibetan literature in Tibet and after 1959, in India and abroad.In the sixth chapter, namely TsongkhP and the Gelugp school of Tibet, I have given the salient features and practices of the sect. Why the actual need to establish this sect was felt by its founder TsongkhaPa when he was already mastered all the then time philosophies through other prevalent sects. The role of Rendw in the educational and philosophical life of TsongkhaPa is evident in all the literature, which TsongkhaPa wrote. In fact when we go through the ascetic life of TsongkhaPa, he seems to be much more powerful than his settled life when his name became famous than himself. Wandering in the search of knowledge through debates, asking every established master to impart knowledge, doing penances, these all create a gamut around TsongkhPs personality that every researcher inspire for. This is more relevant today when we see the education has become a means nothing more than for earning the bread. Also, the followers of TsongkhaPa (with due respect) have indulged themselves in the very politics, which TsongkhaPa had forbid in his lifetime.The content of the GelugP School needed more elaborate study to discuss, so I divided it into two chapters and the chapter-VIIth in its succession, I have tried to highlight the philosophy and ethics of GelugPs, which they are famous for. I named this chapter The stages of path and other teachings of GelugP. The biggest contribution in this regard by the founder of this sect, TsongkhaPa was the Lam Rim teachings. TsongkhaPa during his study time engaged in debate with almost all the teacher of prevalent school of Buddhism in Tibet, and found that debates are the best way to develop the intellect of a person. So he stressed very much on study of the books in his Order and hence started the tradition of Lam-Rim teachings. He himself wrote a big volume named Lam-rim Chen-Mo () and tried to put all the philosophical teachings of Buddha that were required to lead a sanctimonious and virtuous life according to Vinaya. When he found the book to be too voluminous to remember, he prepared a précis form of the book and named it Lam-Tso Nam Sum () which became so famous that the Gelugpa or the yellow hats were sometime called the followers of Lam Tso Nam Sum. I have tried to brief the teaching content of Lam Tso Nam Sum in this chapter. In addition, I have given at the end of this chapter, why the Prsngika Mdhyamika () has an upper hand not only over the other three main school of Buddhism but over the Svatntrika Mdhyamika () too. The eighth and the final chapter is conclusion where the findings of the research work have been stated.I have chosen some colour plates to illustrate what is being said in the test of the chapter. I have also taken care of that the entire collection must represent different traditional source and of different type. This I have done to acquaint my thesis with the different architectural and archaeological remains, which though is not part of my thesis, elucidate Buddhism in much exemplified way.At the end, I have added some photographs that will be of helping material and show the historic and religious personalities in visual.Finally, I want to quote averse from the Dhammapada which describes the Buddhassana or the law of Buddha, with the presupposition that if this verse is being taken care of, be it any sect of sub-sect of Buddhism any where at the globe, Buddhism will succeed in achieving its goal.

Issue 59.5 of the Review for Religious, 2000. ; Cons~crat,eld Life SEPTEMBER O(~TOBER "~- 2000 VOLUME 59 NUMBER 5 o to God's universal call,to holiness o by maki~i~ a~ailabie t~ them thespiritual legdcles ~ " tbat flow from tbe cbarisms_of Catholic consecrated life. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bimonthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: foppema@slu.edu Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP Mount St. Mary's Seminary; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ° P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2000 Review for Religious " Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. MI copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to cop3~ing for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. iew religious LIVING OUR CATHOLIC LEGACIES Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming sJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm James and Joan Felling Adrian Gaudin SC Kathryn Richards FSP Joel Rippinger-OS.B Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla sJ Patricia Wittberg sC SEPTEMBER OCTOBER 2000 VOLUME 59 NUMBER 5 contents catholic education 454 471 Ex Corde Ecclesiae: A History from Land O'Lakes to Now Martin R. Tripole SJ presents a brief history of Catholic higher education in the United States since Vatican Council II in order to give a context for the issues of contention in recent church documents. Theology Lived in Faith Stan Parmisano OP reflects on the all-pervasiveness of faith in our study o.f theology--a seeing or understanding all the way. 479 488 religious identity Generation X and Religious Life: A Personal View Matthew Eggemeier presents some characteristics of his own generation and highlights the aspects of religious life which appeal to young people. Bride of Christ and Ecclesial Identity J. Sheila Galligan IHM proposes that a renewed understanding of the church as the bride of Christ offers support for a readily identifiable religious habit, specifically distinguished by a veil. 5OO a way of living Work in Such a Way Marie Beha OSC ponders the various ways of living out the Franciscan directive "Work in such a way as not to extinguish the spirit of prayer." Review for Religious 5O7 518 The Little Way of St. Th~r~se of Lisieux Ernest E. Larkin OCarm explains the "specialness" of the life and writings of Th~r~se of Lisieux in presenting the gospel in a new light, with new insight, under the descriptive phrases "little way" or "little doctrine." The Power to Bless: The Sacramentality of Human Touch Carolyn Sur SSND encourages all women and men to participate more fully in their baptismal call to share in Christ's priesthood. 526 537 consecrated life Community and Obedience: Musings on Two Ambiguities Patricia Wittberg SC challenges the notion of reaching a balance point in community life where the needs of the group and the needs of the individual are met--all the while observing religious obedience. Our Past Mission's Unfinished Destiny: The Perspective of Vowed Commitment Philip Armstrong CSC finds a new relevancy in Metz's Poverty of Spirit for any community's pr.eparation for canonical chapters or assemblies. departments ¯ ¯ 452 Prisms 542 Canonical Counsel: Role of the Novice Director 547 Book Reviews September-October 2000 prisms Justice is a major theme of the jubilee year we are celebrating as we enter into this new mil-lennium. With so much evident injustice in our civil society, injustice paradoxically in our justice systems, and even apparent injustice in our divine and all-too-human church, we can appreciate a reexamination for ourselves about our response to God's call to walk justly. For justice is a tricky concept. We often identify jus-tice with a balance sheet. We hear "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth" not as a statement of vengeance, but as our own words for our idea of justice. And Jesus clearly said that such an interpretation of justice has no connection with the way God sees life. Justice based on rights, justice based on equal balances, may approach a. good philosopher's or civil libertarian's idea of justice. But it is perhaps no more than the threshold of a Christian understanding of justice. To paraphrase a Hopkins-like expression, too often "justice injustices." When we struggle and fight for rights for the oppressed, who will be the new oppressed of our efforts? When we bully our way to see justice done, who will be trampled in the process? As we fight to provide life for some, what others are having to face a dying? Re!igious, in trying to fulfill a prophetic role in today's church, have made fresh claims on justice as their mission. But the question remains whether in their lUStlce efforts they have been more ~ften a stimulus for the increase of injustice. God's just.iFe, the gospel justice, is not a simple mat- ¯ ter of securing rights and seeking a balance of scales, as Review for Religious we see depicted in our classical justice statues. The justice that Jesus describes deals with a turning the other cheek, with a giving of my clo'ak, with a walking of an extra mile. Justice is more iden-tified with compassion, the compassion of a father who looks for his wayward child and rushes out to greet him and and welcome him home with a celebration. This understanding of justice finds a very narrow gateway into the human heart. We seem to be only at the .threshold of realizing that there is today no such thing as a just war--if ever there was such a possibility. With great difficulty we, especially in the United States, are slow in realizing that capital punishment is not an act of justice. It more represents vengeance and sullies even further and makes less human those who advocate its use. With an abundance of lawyers, our society has not become more just but rather more litigious. Absorbing this kind of culture, even we followers of Jesus quickly claim rights, less so responsibilities. We see justice with an individual eye; common good is no longer an horizon of vision, even religiously. Are not we Catholics, especially women and men religious, called to be agents of communion in such a culture? An agent of communion, making God's justice alive in the world, will come to understand why the cross is a paradoxical sign of justice. The cross remains the sign of human iustice--the result of a human court calling for the death of an innocent Jewish man. The cross remains God's symbol of justice--allowing arms to be strtetched wide to the left and to the right in an everlasting ges-ture of reconciliation. Working in Jesus' name, the agent of com-munion, the ambassador of reconciliation, will find the cross integral to living and promoting gospel justice. The call that we hear in this jubilee year, then, is not for the simple justice of all properties being restored to the original own-ers of fifty years ago. It is not a call to ~ justice of the balance sheet. The call to which we Christians are challenged to respond puts our feet into the footprints of Jesus. If we are to walk justly with our God, we need to be people who know how to talk earnestly with others along the way. We call it dialogue. We need to be people who can negotiate. We need to be people who seek reconciliation. We need to be a people who act like Christ. As agents of communion, we seek to live a gospel justice. David L. Fleming sJ September-October 2000 catholic education MARTIN R. TRIPOLE Ex Corde Ecclesiae: A History from Land O'Lakes to Now Ex corde ecdesiae (From the Heart of the Church), Pope John Paul II's apostolic constitution on Catholic universities, was released in Rome on 25 September 1990. That document and a subsequent one, "Ex Corde Ecdesiae: An Application to the United States" (hereafter "Application"), are generating much excitement in Catholic higher education in the United States tqday. Ex corde ecdesiae was long in the making. Data on its history is available, but not in a neat compendium. The purpose of this essay is (1) to provide a brief and manageable survey of its history, as well as of its com-panion document, "Ex Corde Ecdesiae: An Application to the United States"; (2) to explain the theological foun-dations for the understanding of what a Catholic uni-versity is, as contained in the two documents; and (3) to focus on the issues of contention and the implications of those issues as contained in the two documents. Martin R. Tripole SJ, associate professor of theology at St. Joseph's University, was coordinator of "Jesuit Education 21," a conference held in June 1999. He edited its volume of Proceedings, published in June 2000 by St. Joseph's University Press. He also edited Promise Renewed, 27 papers. on Jesuit higher education (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1999) and wrote Faith beyond Justice: Widening the Perspective (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1994). His address is St. Joseph's University; 5600 City Avenue; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19131. Review for Religious History of Ex Corde Ecclesiae Ex corde ecclesiae may be understood as the latest event in a conflict that has been going on between the Catholic Church and modernity since Pius x's condemnation of Modernism in 1907.~ But here we begin with 1949, when Pius XlI, in collaboration with the Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education, called together the leaders of "pontifical" institutions, that is, institutions char-tered directly by the Holy See, to form an association that later came to be known as the International Federation of Catholic Universities (IFCU). This federation became an independent asso-ciation in 1963 and, under the direction of the Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh CSC, president of the University of Notre Dame, was broadened to include most Catholic colleges and universities? From 1963 to 1990 there was a long series of conferences and disputes over what a Catholic university is and what its goals should be. Views were and are divided. Some give primacy to the Catholic institution and its educational goals as integral to the life of the church; others see Catholic universities primarily as an institution governed by the rules for good universities that operate in the sec-ular community. For the former group, the emphasis is on the Catholic university as Catholic, as an arm of the church carrying on its mission, which is to proclaim the gospel of truth to the world, harmonize the teachings of faith and reason, and promote the Christianizing of human life and the social order, For the latter group, the emphasis is on the Catholic university as university, as a center for study and research in competition with secular uni-versities for qualitative teaching and scholarly excellence. There will perhaps always be some tension between these two viewpoints, but in recent history (1967) a decisive radical move occurred in Catholic education, a move that I believe led to the creation of Ex corde ecclesiae and the great divide in Catholic education today. Let me provide a brief history. The search for a definition of a Catholic university gets under-way with a 1965 meeting oflFCU in Tokyo.3 This meeting appears to have been a response to the new theology of the church gener-ated by the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), especially the council's most original document, "The Church in the Modern World" (Gaudium et spes). It was only natural for Catholic educa-tion to rethink its role in the world in the light of Vatican II's emphasis both on the need to make the gospel relevant to modern life and on the importance of the laity in accomplishing this mis- Septe~nber-October 2000 Tripole ¯ Ex Corde Ecclesiae sion. And so the Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education and IFCU "cooperated in sponsoring a series of regional meetings throughout the world on the nature of the modern Catholic uni-versity and its role in the church and world.''4 These regional meetings were held in Buga (Colombia), Manila, Paris, and, most important for Catholic education in America, a Wisconsin resort town known as Land O'Lakes, where the Holy Cross Fathers had a villa house, to which Father Hesburgh invited twenty-six men, leaders in American Catholic higher education, to come to formulate a statement on the role of Catholic universities in America. Twenty-one were priests or bishops, and two of the laymen were the chairmen of the boards of trustees of Saint Louis University and the University of Notre Dame (Gallin, p. 12). Church historian David J. O'Brien states, "As the church would be permanently changed by Vatican II, North America's Catholic universities would be forever changed by. the meeting and resultant statement that became known simply as 'Land O'Lakes.'''s Philip Gleason of Notre Dame asserts in his Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century (p. 317) that the Land O'Lakes statement., took on a life of its own as a symbolic manifesto that marked the opening of a new era in American Catholic higher education . [It] was, indeed, a declaration of independence from the hierarchy and a symbolic turning point. It confirmed at the college and university level what John Cogley told Catholic educators the year before: the church's future path might remain unclear, but her "cold war with modernity" was definitely over. What makes Land O'Lakes so important? Let us note, first, three issues that have been explicit or implicit in higher-educa-tion statements ever since the Land O'Lakes statement: (1) insti-tutional autonomy, meaning no outside interference in the educational operations of universities; (2) academic freedom, mean-ing scholars are to be restricted only by the limitations of their own sciences; and (3) fidelity to the teachings of the church, that is, abiding by the authoritative teachings of the Catholic Church's magisterium. Land O'Lakes started a movement that put so much importance on the first two--institutional autonomy and academic freedom, both understood as demanding independence from church authority--that the church responded by making fidelity to Review for Religious the magisterium an essential characteristic of Catholic education. And so what did Land O'Lakes say? It asserted the primacy of the Catholic university as a university. In the brief document of about 1500 words (composed largely by Robert J. Henle SJ,6 who was then academic vice president of Saint Louis University and later was president of Georgetown University), the first paragraph is especially important: The Catholic university today must be a university in the full modern sense of the word, with a strong commitment to and concern for academic excellence. To perform its teaching and research functions effectively, the Catholic university must have a true autonomy and academic free-dom in the face of authority of whatever kind, lay or cler-ical, external to the academic community itself. To say this is simply to assert that institutional autonomy and aca-demic freedom are essential conditions of life and growth and indeed of survival for Catholic universities as for all universities.7 The document goes on to say that "every university, Catholic or not, serves as the critical reflective intelligence of its society" and that, "in keeping with this general function, the Catholic univer-sity., should carry on a continual examination of all aspects and all activities of the church and should objectively evaluate them" (Gallin, p. 9). This may have been more of a contribution from Catholic universities than the Vatican was interested in having. Representatives of the four regional meetings met in September 1968 at the Eighth Triennial Congress of IFCU in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo. The Kinshasa docu-ment, titled "The Catholic University in the Modern World," states, consistently with Vatican II, that a Catholic university draws its inspiration "from the light of revealed truth," making the university a "center for development and diffusion of an authentic Christian culture." There are no juridical aspects in the Kinshasa document: Catholic universities are only asked to accept voluntarily the '!Church's teaching authority" (Gallin, pp. 13-16, at 14-15). In May 1969 an international meeting of thirty elected dele-gates of Catholic universities met in Rome and drew up a document titled "The Catholic University and the Aggiornamento." Both Henle and Hesburgh were present at this congress. It was here that the four essential characteristics of a Catholic university were September-October 2000 Tripole ¯ Ex Corde Ecclesiae composed, which became a part of standard Catholic documenta-tion from then on, including Ex corde ecclesiae (Hellwig, p. 22): 1. A Christian inspiration not only of individuals but of the university community as such. 2. A continuing reflection in the light of the Catholic faith upon the growing treasury of human knowledge, to which it seeks to contribute by its own research. 3. Fidelity to the Christian message as it comes to us through the church. 4. An institutional commitment to the service of the peo-ple of God and of the human family in their pilgrimage to the transcendent goal which gives meaning to life. (Ex corde ecclesiae, Origins 20, no. 17 I4 October 1990]: 269) The 1969 document takes a very strong stand on the inde-pendence of the university. In line with the thinking of Land O'Lakes and the Kinshasa statements, the 1969 document reit-erates that a Catholic university "must have a true autonomy and academic freedom," but even more strongly it states that a Catholic university must be allowed to pursue the truth "without conditions." It asserts that "every limitation imposed on the uni-versity which would clash with this unconditioned attitude for pursuing truth would be intolerable and contrary to the very nature of the university." The only obligation the university has, according to the document, is "to the legitimate exigencies of the society which sustains it," meaning civil society. The document states that the magisterium "can intervene only in a situation where the truth of the revealed message is at stake," but even then it does not state how this intervention would occur, but only that university statutes must be observed. The theologian "is bound. ¯. to take into proper account the pronouncements of the church" and "must. present the authentic teaching of the church," but nothing is said about what would happen if he does not. The doc-ument explicitly states for the first time that. "any juridical inter-vention in university affairs must be excluded" (Gallin, pp. 17-35 at 17-20). This issue of a juridical relationship between the church and th( university becomes the major bone of contention in sub-sequent debate. The second international congress convened by the Sacred Congregation for CatholicEducation and IFCU and held in Rome in November 1972 apprdved a document titled "The Catholic Review ?or Religious University in the Modern World." Considerable attention is given in the document to "Relations with the Catholic Hierarchy." The document recognizes that there is a "delicate balance to be main-tained between the autonomy of a Catholic university and the responsibilities of the hierarchy." The document reiterates the 1969 position that "theologians must present the authentic doctrine of the church," but insists that they "be able to pursue their dis-cipline in the same manner as other research scholars." While the document.recognizes the right of the magisterium to pass judgment on the doctrinal integrity of a theologian's teaching, it nevertheless calls for "a kind of self-regulation of the Catholic academic community." Consistent with the 1969 document, the authors assert that there is to be no "juridical intervention, whether direct or indirect, in the institutional affairs of the university" (Gallin, pp. 37-57 at 53-56). When the plenary assembly of the Sacred Congregati'on for Catholic Education met in 1973, however, it found the 1972 document to need improvement. Here for the first time Rome begins to inter-vene. A letter of Cardinal Gabriel Garrone, prefect of the con-gregation; written to the university presidents, makes three points: (1) the statutes of Catholic universities musl~ declare their "com-mitment as 'Catholic'"; (2) "appropriate andefficacious instru-ments" of "self-regulation,' regarding faith and morality must be established; and (3) the universities must "in no way" consider themselves "removed" from their "relationships" with the hier-archy (Gallin, pp. 59-61 at 60). What exactly that means is unclear, but I think we can see here the beginnings of a backlash against the idea of pure self-regulation that began with Land O'Lakes in 1967. To understand these meetings of educators, we need two back-ground elements. First, throughout the 1970s, there was an increaso At the plenary assembly of the Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education in 1973, we can see the beginnings of a backlash against the idea of pure self-regulation that began with Land O'Lakes in 1967. September-October 2000 Tripole ¯ Ex Corde Ecclesiae ing movement toward incorporation of colleges and universities separate from the religious congregations that founded them. This, it was argued, was necessary to maintain the constitutional sepa-ration of church and state required to receive the federal and state funding necessary to survive. At the same time, the boards of trustees of these institutions became predominantly lay. This, it was argued, was in compliance with Vatican II's new theology of the laity and the need for the expertise and financial resources the laity could bring to Catholic education. Thus a new movement deliberately alienating Catholic universities from their relation-ship to the church and religious orders set in, and sometimes with-out any consultation with the church hierarchy. This caused the Vatican to wonder what was happening to American Catholic higher education, and to ask whether it still remained Catholic (Gallin, pp. 63-64). Second, in June 1975 the Vatican began to move forward on an apostolic constitution that appeared in 1979: Sapientia Christiana (Christian Wisdom). Its purpose was to regulate the life of "eccle-siastical faculties," sometimes called "pontifical" institutes. These are universities directly chartered or erected and approved by the Vatican (The Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., is one of these). The juridical framework of this discussion was directed toward complying with the demands the new Code of Canon Law was to make upon "ecclesiastical" faculties. This doc-ument was being prepared to regulate these "ecclesiastical facul-ties," not Catholic universities. But the mere preparations for this document caused Catholic universities to fear, correctly, that some kind of juridical restructuring was also awaiting them (Gallin, pp. 63-64). When it became known with the first official draft of the new Code in 1978 that new juridical and canonical bonds were also to be established for Catholic universities, many American Catholic educators struggled to get those canons revised or dropped, but to no avail. The new Code appeared in 1983 with, in canon 812, the dreaded word mandatum used for the first timE. It reads: Those who teach theological disciplines in any institutes of higher education whatsoever must have a mandate (man-datum) from the competent ecclesiastical authority. The new canons did not cause much interest at Catholic institutions in America at first, for it was generally held that they would not be applicable in the United States, where juridical ties to the church Review for Religious did not exist and where a rigorous system of separation of church and state was constitutionally binding (Hellwig, pp. 25-28). But Rome saw otherwise. In 1980 the Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education started working on a document for Catholic universities. After the new Code appeared, the document was adapted to fit the new canons 807-814 governing Catholic uni-versities. A working document, called "Draft Schema of a Pontifical Document on Catholic Universities," was composed in April 1985 and sent to all bishops and university presidents for review. A sec-ond draft was made in 1988, and a new review panel of presidents and bishops met with John Paul II and congregation officials in Rome in April 1989. This panel recommended that normative principles should be few and general in nature, and that they be adapted by regional bishops' conferences. The panel wanted no mention made of the juridical canons of the new canon law (Gallin, pp. 381-383 at 381-382). In August 1989 the congregation's draft-ing committee issued a third draft, taking into account the rec-ommendations that had been made. A further revision was presented to the October 1989 plenary session of the congregation and then to the pope. In September 1990 the apostolic constitu-tion on Catholic universities, Ex corde ecdesiae, was issued (Gallin, pp. 189-190; Hellwig, pp. 28-29). Many American presidents remained optimistic, even though the request for no mention of the new juridical canons of the Code was ignored. Still, they considered the constitution harmless enough if it was not applied to the American scene too stringently. The battle scene now changes. The document applying Ex corde ecclesiae to the United States was to be drawn up by American university presidents and the National Conference of Catholic Bishops. A committee of six bis'hops and eight presidents, chaired by Bishop John J. Leibrecht of Springfield-Cape Girardeau, Missouri, was formed. Its first draft, in 1993, met with so much dis-approval that it was promptly rejected as too juridical. Father Terry Toland, former president of St. Joseph's University, was enlisted, as director of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops' Committee to Review and Implement the Apostolic Constitution Ex Corde Ecdesiae, to compose a more acceptable draft. After exten-sive conversations with bishops and presidents all across the coun-try, he presented a new draft to the bishops' conference in November 1996; it passed 224 to 6. September- October 2000 Tripole * Ex Corde Ecdesiae By early summer 1997, what was sent to Rome and thought to be a final document was sent back as a "first draft" that was unacceptable without juridical ordinances. The document did not have any juridical elements and, instead, spoke of "trust between university and church authorities, close and consistent collaboration, and continuing dialogue" (Hellwig, pp. 34-35). A concession that Cardinal Anthony Bevilacqua had received enabled the document to pass overwhelmingly. Canon 812, which contains the requirement that theologians get a man-date from the local bishop, had been completely removed from consideration even though it was in Ex corde ecclesiae. Now it was simply mentioned in footnote 7 as a point that "would be the sub-ject of further study" (Hellwig, pp. 35-36). By early summer 1997, what was sent to Rome and thought to be a final document was sent back as a "first draft" that was unacceptable without juridi-cal ordinances. The sacred congregation specifically asked that canon 812 be con-sidered no~v, along with the "requirement that presidents and theology teachers make the profession of faith and take the oath of fidelity that canon law requires of chui'ch officials" (Hellwig, p. 36). Back at the drawing board, Bishop Leibrecht appointed a sub-committee headed by Cardinal Bevilacqua and composed of canon lawyers. Their proposal, which restored juridical elements to the document, Was presented for discussion at the bishops' annual meeting in November 1998. It caused problems. Archbishop Rembert Weakland, of Milwaukee, proposed that the bishops reject the juridical app.roach and send once again the 1996 proposal that called only for trust, collaboration, and continuing dialogue. This was seconded by the Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities (ACCU) in February 1999, but the idea never suc-ceeded. In April 1999 Monika Hellwig, representing ACCU, and Charles Currie SJ, former rector of the Jesuit community at St. Joseph's University and now head of the Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities (AJCU), went to Rome to press their views with the Congregation for Catholic Education and, back in the United States, continued to lobby the bishops here. Review for Religious In June 1999 the American bishops met to review all the com-ments made on the third draft. The subcommittee met again in September to work on a fourth draft. This was presented at the annual fall meeting in Washington in November 1999. Again ACCU and AJCU lobbied strongly to get the bishops to reject.the docu-ment, which needed a two-thirds majority to pass, and they felt they might succeed. But this document applying Ex corde ecclesiae to the United States was overwhelmingly approved by a vote of 223-31 with one abstention. "Application" went to Rome for approval by the Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education, whose new head was Archbishop Giuseppe Pittau SJ, and by the Council for the Interpretation of Legal Documents. It was returned recently with approval and only minor modifications. On 1 June 2000 the American bishops indicated that "Application" will go into effect in this country on 3 May 2001, one year after it was approved by the Congregation for Bishops in Rome. Let us now discuss the theology operating in both Ex come ecclesiae and "An Application to the United States" and then discuss the issues of contention. Theological Justification for Ex Corde Ecclesiae The title of the apostolic constitution Ex corde ecdesiae (From the heart of the church) suggests the whole story. The document's position is that Catholic universities exist as an integral part of the life of the church. The document says, "Every Catholic uni-versity., has a relationship to the church that is essential to its institutional identity" (§27). As such, the Catholic university shares in the mission of the church and is governed, like any other Catholic entity, by the local bishop and through him by the mag-isterium of the universal church. Its specific mission as a univer-sity, says Ex corde ecclesia.e, is "a continuous quest for truth through its research, and the preservatign and communication of knowledge for the good of society" (§30), but this mission as a university can never be separated from its larger mission (shared by all members of the Christian community) to deepen the presence of Christ in the world (§16). One of the roles of the university, according to Ex corde eccle-siae, is to "promote dialogue between faith and reason" so that the world becomes ever more aware of the "unity of all truth" (§ 17). Accordingly, the university's quest for truth and the promotion of September-October 2000 Tripole ¯ Ex Corde Ecdesiae the dignity of human persons can never be separated from the vision of Truth that comes through revelation and is made known by the church through the magisterium's teaching "in matters of faith and morals" (§27). The goal of Catholic universities is there-fore to be of service both to the church and to society. This it does as a university by being an "instrument of cultural progress for individuals as well as for society"; but as a Catholic university it must also serve the church in the "development of a true Christian anthropology founded on the person of Christ" (§§32-33). Most of the critics of Ex corde ecclesiae argue, ~s we have seen as early as the Land O'Lakes statement in 1967, that Catholic uni-versities must enjoy "a true autonomy and academic freedom in the face of authority of whatever kind, lay or clerical, external to the academic community itself" (Gallin, p. 7). As the document "The Catholic University and the Aggiornamento" asserted in 1969 and as was repeatedly urged by many Catholic educators thereafter, the theologian "must be able to pursue his discipline in the same manner as other research scholars," and have his work evaluated only by his peers "as is the case in other disciplines" (Gallin, p. 20). Autonomy here is understood as freedom from restraints of any kind external to the discipline. The church's perspective is quite different. If the university is Catholic, the university's autonomy includes the church. Thus, whereas critics argue that the bishop's governance constitutes an external constraint upon the life of the university, Ex corde ecclesiae argues that, "even when they do not enter directly into the inter-nal governance of the university, bishops 'should be seen not as external agents but as participants in the life of the Catholic uni-versity'" (§28) because the university is part of the life of the church. "Ex Corde Ecclesiae: An Application to the United States" (1999) expresses an even richer and deeper theological foundation for the integration of the university into the life of the church. Based on the teaching of Vatican II, "Application" argues from an "ecclesi-ology of communion" that the "church is made up of individual faithful and communities linked with one another [and with the tri-une God] through many active ecclesial relationships." The "dynamic of communion," according to "Application," unites on a deeper level "the various communities in the church" through which her "mission of salvation" operates. "The Catholic univer-sity is [seen] as a vital institution in the communion of the church and [as] 'a primary and privileged place for a fruitful dialogue Review for Religious between the gospel and culture.'" This "richness of communion" brings out the "complementary teaching roles of bishops and Catholic universities." Each has its own "distinctive autonomous nature and goal," but in the unity of communion they "are joined as complementary activities," embracing both the pastoral work of bishops and the academic work of Catholic universities, thus linking the bishops' right and obligation to communicate and safeguard the integrity of church doctrine with the right and obligation of Catholic universities to investigate, analyze, and communicate all truth freely. Thus the Catholic university as such has a "twofold relationship"-- one to the "international community of knowledge," the other to the church--"of guaranteeing in institutional form a .Christian presence in the university world" (Part 1, II and III). Issues of Contention Now I mention some of the issues of contention that these two documents address: 1. Ex corde ecclesiae states under its General Norms that all Catholic universities must conform their governin.g statutes to the general norms listed in Ex corde ecclesiae and must submit these statutes "for approval to the competent ecclesiastical authority" (II, Art. 1, no. 3) This could be seen by some presidents as a major violation of the autonomy of the university and, if implemented, as a matter for litigation. 2. Ex corde ecclesiae states that university administrators are to be recruited who "are both willing and able to promote., or at least to respect" the "Catholic identity of the university" (II, Art. 4, nos. 1-2). "Application" goes even further, saying that "the uni-versity president should be a Catholic" (Part 2, Art. 4, 3a). But, since "Application" says '!should be" and not "must be," the imple-mentation will depend upon how rigorously the local bishops wish to enforce it. 3. The same applies to boards of trustees. According to Ex corde ecclesiae, the board members must be informed of their respon-sibility to promote or respect the Catholic identity; but in "Application" the norm says further: "To the extent possible, the majority of the board should be Catholics committed to the church" (Part 2, Art. 4, 2b). Note again that the norm, while being September-October 2000 Tripole ¯ Ex Corde Ecclesiae more rigorous, demands implementation only "to the extent pos-sible," which leaves room for exceptions. The critical issue here, however, is how to determine whether a Catholic is "committed to the church." Though this phrase is not as vague as the original "faithful Catholic" requirement, it does not offer any precise way of measurement. 4. When the university president assumes office, according to "Application," the "Catholic should express his or her commit-ment to the university's Catholic identity and to the Catholic faith in accordance with canon 833, 7°'' (which states that the rector of a Catholic university, upon assuming that office, is "obliged per-sonally to make a profession of faith" to the local bishop or his delegate). If the president is not a Catholic, a "commitment to the university's Catholic mission and identity" is required (17 November 1999 "Application" [Origins 29, no. 25, 2 December 1999], Part 2, Art. 4, 3a, and endnote 36). These norms will seem unduly rigorous to many presidents and a violation of institutional autonomy. 5. "All professors are expected to be aware of and committed to the Catholic mission and identity of their institutions" ("Application," Part 2, Art. 4, 4a). This obviously will create fear among non-Catholic instructors, who will see this as a violation of academic freedom and a matter that could be used to deny tenure. 6. According to the "Application" of 1999, "the university should strive to recruit and appoint Catholics as professors so that, to the extent possible, those committed to the witness of the faith will constitute a majority of the faculty" (Part 2, Art. 4, 4a). Notice again the more rigorous norm, but with the qualifier "to the extent possible" and with the problem of how to measure commitment. On the one hand, the qualifier provides an opening--it does not have to be enforced; on the other hand, the requirement for com-mitment leaves open the possibility of arbitrary interpretation. 7. According to Ex corde ecclesiae, "all Catholic teachers are to be faithful to, and all other teachers are to respect, Catholic doc-trine and morals in their research and teaching" (II, Art. 4, no. 3). Again, many say this is a violation of academic freedom and that it will frighten nonconformist Catholic instructors and non- Catholic instructors who have unorthodox moral viewpoints from joining Catholic faculties: 8. Ex corde ecclesiae grants that "freedom in research and teach-ing" is proper to scholarly activity, but adds: "so long as the rights Review for Religious of the individual and of the community are preserved within the confines of the truth and the common good" (II, Art. 2, no. 5). For secular scholars, freedom is restricted only by the rules of one's discipline; for the church, freedom is conditioned by the truth as made known in the revelation of God in the Scriptures, tradition, and the teaching of the magisterium (II, Art. 2, no. 5; Art. 4, no. 3). 9. Probably the most contentious issue of all concerns the requirement that the local bishop authorize every theologian. Both documents declare that all those teach-ing "theological disciplines" must receive a "mandate" or "mandaturn''8 from him. This was the sticking point already in Ex corde ecclesiae, where canon 812 is cited in a foot-note (II, Art. 4, no. 3 and endnote 50). "Application" states even more strongly, in the body of the document and not simply in a footnote, canon 812: "Catholics who teach the theological disciplines are required to have a mandatum granted by competent ecclesiastical authority" (Part 2, Art. 4, 4e). The "mandaturn" is explained as "a tech-nical term referring to the juridical expression of the ecclesial rela-tionship of communion that exists between the church and the Catholic teacher of a theological discipline in the Catholic uni-versity" ("Application," endnote 41). The mandaturn acknowledges that the Catholic professor "is a teacher within the full communion of the Catholic Church" (Part 2, Art. 4, 4e, 1). It "recognizes the professor's commitment and responsibility to teach authentic Catholic doctrine and to refrain from putting forth as Catholic teaching anything contrary to the church's magisterium" (Part 2, Art. 4, 4e, 3). The declaration that the professor will teach in com-munion with the church is to "be expressed by the profession of faith and oath of fide!ity or in any other reasonable manner accept-able to the one issuing the rnandaturn" (endnote 42). The manda-turn "should be given in writing" and "remains in effect wherever and as long as the professor teaches unless and until withdrawn by competent ecclesiastical authority" (Part 2, Art. 4, 4e, c and b). Nothing is stated about what would happen if a theologian does not ask for or receive the rnandaturn or loses it. The justification for the The most contentious issue of all concerns the requirement that the local bishop authorize every theologian. September-October 2000 Tripole * Ex Corde Ecclesiae mandatum "is grounded in the right and responsibility of bishops to safeguard the faithful teaching of Catholic doctrine to the peo-ple of God and to assure the authentic presentation of the church's magisterium" (endnote 41). Conclusion Why are Ex corde ecdesiae and its "Application to the United States" causing so much excitement in higher-education circles? Ex corde ecclesiae originally received favorable press from Catholic educators because it restored to consciousness the importance of maintaining Catholic identity in our schools. Whereas in the 1970s and 1980s we were affirming that our schools were in the Catholic (and Jesuit) tradition, implying a certain aloofness from that tradition, now, in this new era that stresses individuality and uniqueness,, stressing our Catholic (and Jesuit) identity is in vogue. The problem comes with dictating what precisely constitutes this identity. The Vatican wants a juridical relationship that demands that this identity include communion with the Catholic Church and fidelity to its teachings. Opponents want this identity to come from a more attenuated relationship to the church, allow-ing for great latitude, great freedom, of thought and action. This is nothing more than an expression of the deep division con-stantly being expressed in Catholicism today between those who understand their Catholic identity to include conformity to the teachings of the church and those who do not. And so it is pre-cisely the juridical aspect of "Application" that is at the center of the controversy. Thus, since Vatican II, Catholic higher education has taken two roads: (1) toward greater integration into the life of the church and conformity to the church's teachings and (2) toward greater separation from dcclesiastical control, with Catholic iden-tity determined by individual criteria and self-regulation. Ultimately what is at issue here is the role of the church in mod-ern Catholic life. Notes ~ See Philip Gleason, Contending with Modernity: Catholic Higher Education in the Twentieth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), esp. pp. 12-17 and 318-322. Gleason summarizes Modernism this way: "Modernism has been described as a many-faceted effort to accom-modate Catholic teaching to the 'collective change in mentality' taking Review for Religious place in the late nineteenth century, and it raised new questions about many aspects of Catholic doctrine. Among the more serious were ques-tions dealing with 'the nature of revelation, of biblical inspiration, and of religious knowledge, the personality of Christ and his true role in the origins of the church and of its sacraments, the nature and function of the living tradition on the Catholic system and the limits of dogmatic evo-lution, the authority of the church's magisterium and the real import of the concept of orthodoxy, [and] the value of the classical apologetic" (Gleason, p. 12, brackets in the original; citing Roger Aubert et al., The Church in a Secularized Society, Vol. 5 of The Christian Centuries [New York: Paulist Press, 1978], p. 191). 2 See Alice Gallin OSU, ed., American Catholic Higher Education: Essential Documents, 1967-1990 (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), p. 2; and James L. Heft SM, "Have Catholic Colleges Reached an Impasse?" Chronicle of Higher Education 46, no. 2 (12 November 1999): B6-B7. 3Monika K. Hellwig, "The American Catholic University and the Apostolic Constitution Ex Corde Ecclesiae," Current Issues in Catholic Higher Education 20, no. 1 (Fall 1999): 21-40 at 21. 4John Paul II, "Ex corde ecclesiae: The Apostolic Constitution on Catholic Universities," Origins 20, no. 17 (4 October 1990): 265-276; from CNS's marginal background data, 267-272 at 268. 5 David J. O'Brien, "The Land O'Lakes Statement," Boston College Magazine 58, no. 1 (Winter 1998): 38-45 at 39. 6Oral conversation in spring 1999 with Rev. Paul C. Reinert SJ, then (1967) president of Saint Louis University, who was at the meeting. 7 "Land O'Lakes Statement: The Nature of the Contemporary Catholic University," Gallin, pp. 7-12 at 7. 8 "Application" uses the Latin "mandatum." Post-Vatican II Statements on Catholic Higher Education 1967: Land O'Lakes, Wisconsin: North American Regional Meeting of the International Federation of Catholic Universities (IFCU). Its doc-ument, "The Nature of the Contemporary Catholic University," asserts "institutional autonomy" and "academic freedom" as essential to Catholic universities. 1968: Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo: Eighth Triennial Congress of IFCU. Its document is called "The Catholic University in the Modern World." 1969: Rome: International Congress of Delegates of Catholic Universities. Its document, "The Catholic University and the Aggiornamento," names four essential characteristics of a Catholic university. 1972: Rome: 2nd International Congress of the Sacred Congregation September-October 2000 Tri~ole ¯ Ex Gorde Eccle~iae for Catholic Education (SCCE) and IFCU. Its document is called "The Catholic University in the Modern World." 1973: Rome: Plenary Assembly of the SCCE. Letter from Cardinal Gabriel Garrone, prefect of SCCE, directing improvements of the 1972 doc-ument. 1979: Vatican: Sapientia Christiana, apostolic constitution for "pontifi-cal" institutions. 1983: Rome: Code of Canon Law (1983), canons 807-814 regarding uni-versities. Canon 812: Catholic theologians required to have "mandate" from local ecclesiastical authority. 1985: Rome: SCCE. Its document is called "Draft Schema of a Pontifical Document on Catholic Universities." 1990: Vatican: Ex Corde Ecclesiae: Apostolic Constitution on Catholic Universities. In Origins 20, no. 17 (4 October 1990). 1993: Washington: National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB). Its document is the first draft of "Ex Corde Ecclesiae: An Application to the United States." In Origins 23, no. 27 (16 December 1993). 1996: Washington: NCCB. Second and "final" draft passed 224-6 and was sent to Rome. In Origins 26, no. 24 (28 November 1996). 1997: Rome: SCCE rejects this "first" draft; requires juridical ordinances; subcommittee is formed to draft a new document. 1998: Washington: NCCB. Third draft is discussed but not voted on. In Origins 28, no. 25 (3 .December 1998). 1999: Washington: NCCB. Its document, the fourth draft of the sub-committee's "Application," requiring a mandatum, passed 223-31-I, was sent to Rome and accepted by Rome with a few minor changes. See Origins 29, no. 25 (2 December 1999) and Origins 30, no. 5 (15 June 2000). Two authors who appeared in our last issue went to God before it went to press: Sister Bernadine Pieper CHM, on 20 February 2000, one day before her eighty-second birthday, and Father Hilary Ottensmeyer OSB, on 17 May 2000, at seventy-six years of age. Let us remember them and their communities in prayer. Review for Religious STAN PARMISANO Theology Lived in Faith Back in 1966 the Dominican School in Berkeley, California, was inaugurated, the first Catholic seminary within the Graduate Theological Union (GTU). The Dominican master gen-eral, Aniceto Fernfindez, was present for the grand occasion. He outlined for the public at large the projected purpose of the school? It was to be a community of study, research, and teaching in dialogue with the other faiths of the union and the university. It was to be ecumenical in the widest sense, embracing not only other Christian churches but other religions and no religion as well. The master general, like some before and many since, saw California, the State of California, as the most fitting place for ecumenical study. It was the Western world, but looking to the East. He said that California "is the society of the future. Here the changes which all society eventually will face are already tak-ing place. And here the problems which the new social situation will create for eve/Tone are already manifest." It was, he said, for the religious community to enter into dialogue with all who were confronting these problems and trying to solve them. This projected endeavor was not to be a matter of mind only but of life. It was to be a theology out of life experience and toward life's betterment. So the master general emphasized the contem-plative foundation of the school. He did not in his formal address spell out for the general public precisely what he meant by "the contemplative," but to Dominicans listening to a Dominican his Stan Parmisano OP wrote for us in the early 1970s and in the late 1980s. This article of his was a recent commencement address. His address is Saint Albert's Priory; 5890 Birch Court; Oakland, California 94618. September-October 2000 Parmisano ¯ Theology Lived in Faith meaning was clear enough: the school was to be grounded not just on contemplative prayer, prayer that quietly listens for the Lord, but on the contemplative life, living with and for the Lord. Later, in his visitation report to the Western Dominicans as a whole, he made this quite explicit.2 His directive reads: "A new priorial house is to be established at Berkeley in which there is to be the perfect Dominican life of regular [religious] observance." With this in place, "the fathers assigned there are to be ded-icated to higher and ecumenical studies." Emphasis upon the con-templative religious life of which study was both part and product was no innovation on the part of Father Fernfindez. It was the tradition of the Dominican order from its beginnings, perhaps more in the breach than in full observance, but it was the ideal that Dominicans were to be held to. They were not only to think their theology but live it, and live it antecedently to their think-ing it. It was out of a life centered upon God that thought about God and the things of God was to emerge. That was some thirty years ago. Today's theologians also come to thought out of their life experience, but often it is experience of the human dimension that has priority. God is there, but off to the side or hidden away under the human, or inhuman, situation-- as is frequently the fact in our contemporary world. It is by being immersed in a given time and place, by living the life of particu-lar assemblages of people, that we come to know them and their special problems and so can begin to theologize about them. The more traditional theology--that which, true to its name, has God (theos) as its object and center--also demands experience of the human, though more of the divine; but, if the human, the divine within it, which makes it truly human and keeps it so. It observes the priority of the Scriptures: "In the beginning God." and "In the beginning was the Word."; the priority of the decalogue and the gospel's summation of it (God first, self and neighbor second); the priority in prayer as Jesus taught it (first, recognition of the Father and his holiness, then the speaking of our needs); the pri-ority set by Jesus for his own life (he was the man for others, but first among others was his Father). Though Jesus was marvelously human, he was much more wonderfully divine. People, yes, but as beloved of God and in their deepest heart yearning for God! The human situation, yes, but as measured by the divine! Creation, yes again; but as issuing from, held by, and continually moving back to its Creator! Living with Re~i~ for Religio~s God as he is in himself, and searching him out as he is immanent in creation, we come to share his view of the world, what he wants and expects of us, not just what we and our world expect and want for ourselves. So the master general in 1966, so the whole of Dominican tradition! The school has changed through the thirty years of its exis-tence. It is not now just a school by and for Dominicans. It has embraced other traditions, whether lay or religious, and looks to profit from the variety of its membership as well as contribute to those involved with it. But what must at all costs be maintained is its initial fundamental principle that thought about God--theol-ogy- must bud from a life rooted in God, whether that life takes on a specifically Dominican character or another of a wide variety of possible lifestyles. Other great religions besides Christianity are in agreement. For Buddha, anyone who is content to know the ultimate Reality only theoretically, or merely by hearsay, is like a herdsman of others' cows. For Mohammed, the person who thinks about Allah without having really experienced him is just an ass bearing a load of books. These words resonate with the begin-nings of Christian thinking: it was only because the Apostles and early disciples lived with Christ, ate, drank, and spoke with him, listened to him, touched and were touched by him, that they were able to secure the proper theological foundation of the church. Basic to this life with God and consequent study of God and the things of God is, of course,faith, faith in the sense of creed, the body of revealed truths that become the first principles of Christian theology, but also faith as the God-given virtue or power within us by which we actually accept these revelations and see in and beyond them to God himself. Living with God presupposes that we lovingly know the God we are living with. Due objection may be raised to my use of the terms "see" and "know" in relation to the divine and to faith, for God is the hid-den one, the unknown and unknowable, and faith is traditionally opposed to seeing. "We walk by faith, not by sight," says St. Paul (2 Co 5:7); and in Hebrews 11:I we find faith defined as "the con-viction [or evidence] of things unseen." If one should object that, as Jesus himself said (Jn 20:29), the Apostle Thomas believed because he had seen ("You believe, Thomas, because you have seen"), Aquinas, in good Christian tradition, glosses that what Thomas "saw" was not the divinity of Christ, but only his human-ity. Seeing this, he was then able to believe in Christ's divinity September-October 2000 Parmisano ¯ Theology Lived in Faith (Summa Theologiae, 2a-2ae, 1, 4 ad I). Eastern religions are just as emphatic concerning the unknowability of the divine: "The ignorant," the Third Upanishad declares, "think that Brahman [God] is known, but the wise know him to be beyond knowledge.''3 A whole body of wisdom old and young suggests, however, that things are not quite so negative. The text from the Upanishad just quoted is preceded by this: "One truly knows Brahman who knows him as beyond knowledge." And it is followed by: "Through knowledge of Brahman comes power. Through knowledge of Brahman comes victory over death." Apparently Brahman can be known at the same time he is not known. There is similar ambi-guity in St. Paul. For him, faith is of the unseen, yet he can also say regarding our experience of God: "We see now darkly, as in a mirror" (1 Co 13:12). We see "darkly," but we do see. Aquinas, like St. Paul here, though firm as to our inability to know or see God in this life, concedes some slight knowledge of God to be possible, even for the ungraced rational mind, and, in question after question in Part 1 of his Summa Theologiae, he lavishly and beautifully demonstrates his point. He also places the virtue of faith primarily in the intellect, the knowing faculty. Faith, for him, though of the unknown and unseen, is an intel-ligent act (ST 2a-2ae, 4, 2). For St. John of the Cross, God is the Nada, Nothing, the Night, but a far cry from that opaque night and nothingness prayed to by one of Ernest Hemingway's faith-less souls: "Our Nada who art in Nada, Nada be thy Nada . " St. John's night and nothingness is rather luminous and fully alive, "a night," he says, "which guided me, more surely than the light of noonday, / to the place where he (well I knew who!) was awaiting me." "Well I knew who!" Knowledge of the one he did not know! The ambiguity may be resolved when we consider that God is darkness not to the total human understanding, but only to one level of it, that is, to the mind as we, in Western, and now in Eastern tradition infected by the West, generally and narrowly regard it: rational consciousness, the discursive self-directive mind. But there are other levels, just as present to us and perhaps more continuously operative. "O the mind, mind has mountains," wrote Gerard Manley Hopkins, overwhelmed at the sight of them. And Freud and Jung with their myriad disciples spent lifetimes explor-ing and categorizing them into conscious, unconscious, subcon-scious, superconscious mind. The great religions of the world have Review for Religious long since known of them, as Aldous Huxley suggests in his sum-mation of the second of our tenets held in common by them: "Human beings are capable not merely of knowing aboz~t the Divine Ground by inference; they can also realize its existence by a direct intuition, superior to discursive reasoning. This immediate knowl-edge unites the knower with that which is known.''4 Much of both sacred and profane literature speaks of these alternative modes of knowing. There is the Atman of Hindu literature, the Self with a capital S, which is identified with Brahman, the transcendent God, now inter-nalized: when one knows, one is conscious of oneself as knowing, but within oneself and out of sight it is Brahman himself as Atman who is the knower. The Tenth Upanishad says: "Unseen, but the seer; unheard, but the hearer; unthinkable, but the thinker; unknown, but the knower--there is no seer but he, there is no hearer but he. there is no knower but he. He, the Self, is the Inner Ruler, the Immortal."s This seems not much different, really, from the Catholic Christian conception of grace, which is the very life of God become our own, such that God's knowing becomes ours, his loving becomes ours--God liv-ing and knowing and loving in, with, and through us, making no sense to those who think only in terms of conscious thought and of Christianity as a matter of mere morality or of a distant love (God up there, I down here), but making the best of sense to those listening to Christ himself as he prays "that all may be one as you, Father, are in me, and I in you. I pray that they may be [one] in us ¯. that your love for me may live in them, and I may live in them" (Jn 17:20-21, 26). The operative word~ here are "one" and "in," which struck St. Paul so forcefully, leading to his preaching of the Mystical Body, and which led g~eat theologians like Augustine and Aquinas and many Christian mystics to see God as closer to us than we to ourselves. Out of this source of knowing--God's in mine, mine in God's--comes knowledge of the Unknowable. Blaise Pascal, who was much enamored of the conscious, dis-cursive mind and in fact was one of the world's great mathemati-cians, finally realized--through an experience of what he took to be God--a higher dimension of knowing and gave it classical Living with God presupposes that we lovingly know the God we are living with. September-October 2000 Parmisano * Theology Lived in Faith expression: "The heart has reasons that reason does not know." John Keats in one of his best poems sings of another level of "hear-ing" besides the sensual and the rational: "Heard melodies are sweet, but those unheard / Are sweeter; therefore, ye soft pipes, play on; / Not to the sensual ear, but, more endeared, / Pipe to the spirit ditties of no tone." T.S. Eliot takes up the same thought and deepens and expands it. He speaks of "music heard so deeply that it is not heard at all but you are the music while the music lasts." The frustrated child psychologist in Peter Shaffer's Equus, after dabbling in religion with purely rational conscious knowing, in the end cries for another kind of knowledge: "I need more des-perately than my children need me a way of seeing in the dark." And on and on. The virtue of faith is, in Christian tradition, this kind of non-rational, nondiscursive, unconscious knowing. It is this graced ele-ment of true vision that not only begins our theologizing, but is meant to run all through it, to guide and direct it, and at the end of the process to be itself expanded and deepened. Theology is not a castle built upon air, not a rational structure erected on fig-ments of blind faith that a defensive apologetics thinks it has bol-stered effectively from without. Faith is not a blind act, it is seeing. And so theology is intellective from top to bottom, a seeing or understanding all the way. Doubt and questioning will be there, even apparent rejection of my faith, but these may be only on the level of my conscious mind, leaving my deeper, inexpressible vision steady and intact. This all-pervasiveness of faith in theology has its counterpart in fine works of art, and may be better understood by considering them. If we limit our examples to the art of literature, we may cite the great Dante Alighieri, a man of prodigious faith and high consciousness, an ardent lover of rational, deliberative thought, though with a poetic instinct that could move beyond the rationally intelligible to sight, vision (fantasia) of something more. What makes his masterwork, the Divine Comedy, a great poem? Some critics have seen in it high poetic moments, but have denied its poetic character as a whole. They found too much that is unspon-taneous, deliberative, and therefore "unpoetic" about it: an over-all schema minutely worked out with mathematical precision, detailed scholastic argumentation, seemingly pointless disquisi-tions in an archaic science, crude and crass descriptions, and mat-ter- of-fact excursions into the politics of the day. Dante, some Review for Religious have suggested, would have been a better poet had he been less a philosopher. But such criticisms have been found wanting. There is something that runs all through that long poem, giving life and beauty to each of its parts, some of which in themselves may be mere prose, but in Dante's broad context are poetry. We can sort out the various elements: the story, the detailed and balanced schema, the theme and characters, the dialogue, the philosophy and theology that it incorporates and expresses, the imagery, the language, the music. But the poetry here is none of the above by itself or collectively. Rather it is the unconscious, unformu-latable vision that brought all these ele-ments into being, drew them all together in a wondrous unity, and remains within the poem seducing the listener into it. And within this overall vision the philosophy, the rational dis-course, rather than detracting from the poem, enhances it, giving it depth and breadth. Dante turns out to be a better poet precisely because he is much of a philosopher besides. So, too, in theology and preaching, all sorts of things are thought and said, but, if all is as it should be, each element springs out of and terminates in this dynamic underground river of under-standing, of faith. The conscious elements are there, but only to help the conscious mind grasp something of unconscious faith and deepen and broaden our experience of it. T.S. Eliot says: "We had the experience [faith] but missed the meaning, / And approach to the meaning [theology] restores the experience / In a different form, beyond any meaning / We can assign to happiness." It is the same for life as a whole. What was it, for instance, that held that remarkable little theologian St~ Th4r~se of Lisieux so tenaciously to God, to one she knew to be God and loved as such? It was not stubbornness or fanaticism or mere habit. Her writ-ings, the testimony of those who lived with her, and all the hard and minute ecclesiastical scrutiny of her life argue to the contrary. Anyone who reads her, especially her last letters and conversa-tions, must know it was some kind of vision that held her every moment of her life--but not a vision, finally, of conscious human perception or reflection. Conscious thought seemed, rather, to get in the way in those last days, and she experienced darkness as The virtue of faith is, in Christian tradition, this kind of nonrational, nondiscursive, unconscious knowing. Septentber-October 2000 Parmisano ¯ Theology Lived in Faith she tried to think about and pray to God, experiencing temptations against her faith. But under the darkness, penetrating through it to the light, was vision properly so designated, like the ability that eyes and rational intelligence have; though she herself scarcely knew with her conscious mind that it was there. It is life lived in and through this vision of faith that must per-meate and illuminate all study and creativity with respect to the divine. If this life is not there, we end up with a distortion of God and world. But, if it is, we can hopefully come to know God with God's own knowledge while experiencing as our own something of his perception of the world and of his compassion and redeem-ing activity for it. Notes i Father Fernfindez's address at the inaugural banquet at the Claremont Hotel, Berkeley, is printed in Season (Winter 1966): 197- 202. The address together with the foundation of the school is briefly dis-cussed in my history, Mission West: The Western Dominican Province, 18Y0-1966 (Oakland, California, 1997), pp. 409-418. 2 The visitation report is in the Western Dominican Archives, Xl:110(A). ¯ ¯ 3 As in The Upanishads: Breath of the Eternal, trans. Swami Prabhavananda and Frederick Manchester (New York: New American Library, 1960), p. 31. 4 Aldous Huxley's introduction to The Song of God: Bhagavad-Gita, trans. Swami Prabhavananda and Christopher Isherwood (New York: New American Library, 1955), p. 13. s The Upanishads, p. 96. Monks' Chant The rhythm of the chant, like quiet waves upon the sea, rocks my soul to peace. Maxine Inkel SL Review for Religious MATTHEW EGGEMEIER Generation X and Religious Life: A Personal View Generation Xers are an elusive and diverse genera-tion. It is a difficult task to pinpoint representative characteristics of a generation that spans twenty years. As a whole, Generation X embodies a myriad of char-acteristics, some of these quite different and some even diametrically opposed. As a member of this so-called Generation X and as one who is giving reli-gious life serious thought, I want to offer some reflections on Generation X literature and what reli-gious life looks like to me and at least some other members of my generation. Generation X is the cohort of those who were born between 1961 and 1981. The X stands for demogra-phers' inability to typify this generation by any single trend or belief. Demographers characterize Xers' lives as unstable, fragmented, secularized, and uncommit-ted. In general, Xers lack a solid formation in the church's teachings and often lack any strong sense of Catholic identity, an identity that was more present and important to preceding generations. Some researchers claim that Xers are the first generation to grow up in a post-Christian America, a situation affect-religious identity Matthew T. Eggemeier is a senior majoring in religious studies at the University of Dayton. His address is 4428 Parklawn Drive; Kettering, Ohio 45440. September-October 2000 Eggemeier ¯ Generation X and Religious Life ing the sociology and the psychology of Xers, particularly with respect to their attitudes toward religion. When attempting to describe Xers, some writers err, I believe, by absolutizing certain characteristics while ignoring others. Sometimes I have read that individuals within my gener-ation are leaving the church in droves. At other times I have read that Xers have great reverence for the church and the pope. I believe that the truth lies somewhere in the middle of these con-trary positions. Lilly Endowment recently published some findings about Generation X Catholics. In the study the authors state that, on the whole, Xer Catholics neither reject the institutional church nor are right of center with respect to it. Moreover, the authors say that Xers are far from "monolithic" and that any attempt to lump together their behaviors inevitably leads to an inaccurate generalization. These findings resonate with my own limited experience of my generation. I think it important that I briefly introduce myself and give the reader a betteridea of who I am. I am a twenty-two-year-old senior at the University of Dayton double-majoring in reli-gious studies and psychology. I was brought up in an upper-middle-class family in a suburb just outside of Dayton. I have two older brothers, one of whom is giving serious thought to entering a monastery. My mother is a sixth-grade teacher. My father is a professor of psychology who considered entering an active order out of high school. They have deeply held religious convictions that they lovingly imparted to their children. I have found support from both my parents and my brothers when I have expressed interest in religious life. In some respects I feel that my upbringing has been atypical in relation to many other Xers. Many have had life experiences that differ from mine, and I have observed a number of trends among them: secularization, isolation, instability, and postpone-ment of commitment. As I describe these trends, I will present what I think religious orders might do in response to them. While I do not presume to speak for all of my generation, I do know that I speak for some of us. Although the focus of this article per-tains to religious life as lived in an active order, some of the ideas may be useful to all religious looking for possible vocations. First and foremost, we Xers have grown up in a secularized culture, a culture that avoids outward expression of religious con- Review for Religious victions, a social climate in which religion has been removed from everyday life. Religion might govern one's personal rela-tionship with God, but it rarely affects one's entire lifestyle. Often I sense that others in my own peer group feel an uneasiness when religion or God is brought up as a topic of conversation. One's sex life is more readily discussed than one's religious beliefs. On the other hand, for those of us Xers who have deep religious con-victions and feel drawn to the church, outward expression of this conviction is an integral but muted aspect of our experience. We do not want to keep our religious beliefs hidden within us as though they were something we are embarrassed about or ashamed of. We want to share and express the deep joy and love that we have found in religion, but have a hard time doing so, given the nature of our secularized culture. I consider it essential, therefore, that religious trying to attract Xers not water down their commitment or disappear in secular culture. Forms of outward religious expres-sion can be attractive to Xers who see this as a witness to the sacred in the midst of a desacralized culture. Xers are known for their great spiritual hunger.1 In part, this hunger derives from living in a desacralized and secularized world. When this deep hunger for religious meaning has not been satisfied within the religious practice of families, many of us have looked outside of the traditional familial practices to come into contact with the transcendent meaning that we crave. Xers often come from broken homes and fragmented family lives that have not provided us with a stable sense of community and mean-ing. When we see, then, a community whose focus is the Ultimate, we see a unique and attractive lifestyle. The stability of solid community life, the focus of which is Christ, can be a refreshing change from the transient and fragmented lifestyles that have been the experience of many Xers. When speaking about the possibility of a vocation with one Of my friends who was brought up in a divorced family, I was told that, for her, one of the most attractive features of religious life is the stability of community life and its constant search for meaning. Just like many other Xers, her upbringing lacked consistent and stable familial relationships--and the meaning that one derives from such relationships. Xers are known for their great spiritual hunger. September-October 2000 Eggemeier ¯ Generation X and Religious Life Religious life can offer an Xer an insight into the meaning of life and death, but, more importantly, it offers the opportunity to live out this insight through the everyday structures and sup-ports of religious life. Religion offers meaning in abundance, but religious life is special in providing everyday community practices that foster spiritual growth in ways that are difficult to find on one's own. Many of my friends desire to incorporate God more deeply into their daily lives. It is a struggle, though, to follow through with this desire, given the hustle and bustle of every-day life and the relatively little support we receive in this regard from our peers. In other words, we understand that Christ should be the central meaning of life, but have trouble trans-lating this reality into a daily practice. Religious life offers Xers a lifestyle that is already centered on Christ and a disci-plined life that revolves around him and his work. As I see it, the main purpose of religious life is to cultivate a life lived in Christ and for others. Another reason that Xers have for looking into religious life is our craving for a strong community life. We have grown up in a society that has become increasingly isolated and individual-ized as a result of the growing affluence and the expanding tech-nologies. We live in an environment in which we can be entertained for hours by television, movies, and the Internet, pursuits which require no interpersonal contact. One of the most commonly found features of Generation X is its sense of isolation and its yearning for stable companionship and community. Contemporary families have become self-sufficient and isolated. They seldom have a strong sense of community support, which was once prevalent. Xers have to look elsewhere to find or rebuild the support system of faith and community that has been absent in their own families. We Xers are drawn wherever we feel wel-come and find friendship. In a society that is increasingly hostile towards ~he notion of community and continues to promote indi-vidualism, we desire friendships and a sense of connectedness. Religious orders with strong community life and ritualized com-munity practices and prayer are quite attractive to us because this lifestyle cannot be found in the secular world. We have trou-ble finding within our peer group a support community for our faith development. A religious order that has a strong community life focused on supporting one another in faith development, holiness, and service of God is a refreshing change. Review for Religious When I first began discerning several years ago, I lived with a religious community for one week, basically living their lifestyle. The entire day seemed to support what was most important to me--to be aware of God's presence, do his will, and to serve him through prayer and action. For me, and I pi-esume for many other Xers, the community life that religious life offers is an attractive quality, offering companionship and the opportunity for growth in prayer, service, and holiness; but we do not want a community just to comfort us and give us a sense of security. We want to be stretched and challenged to serve God and others with the com-munity life serving as a support that allows us to reach beyond ourselves in the service of God through prayer and works. Another characteristic of Xers is postponement of com-mitment. 2 For a generation that has seen promises broken again and again, commitment is a very serious matter, and so we hes-itate a lot. An average Xer has been close to large numbers of parental divorces and seen countless images of broken com-mitments via television and other electronic media portrayed as acceptable ways of living. Because we have seeri the fiche nature of modern lifestyles, we want something that will endure. We are determined not to make the same mistakes as the pre-ceding generations. Another reason for postponement of commitment with Xers is that we have in front of us a rich array of opportunities that, for the most part, were unavailable to earlier generations. The age for entering marriage, making a career choice, and choosing a religious vocation has gradually risen in a society that offers such a wide variety of possible lifestyles. Previous generations, I am told, saw the commitment to religious life as a noble choice and legitimate path to holiness, one that many-made directly out of high school. Today this choice is seen as countercultural. What is more, we have learned that there are many paths to holiness. When choosing the religious lifestyle, previous generations often found support from their friends and parents. Today, in most instances, this countercultural decision is supported neither by friends nor parents. Just recently I read an article in which a mother of a semi-narian documented the mixed signals she received when she told friends and acquaintances of her son's decision to become a priest. The reactions varied from bewilderment as to why he would want to do such a thing to outright opposition to his decision. Septenlber- October 2000 Eggemeier ¯ Generation X and Religious Life One person asked her if she thought that her son would stay. The mother was upset by this question. She found herself think-ing that, at the wedding of her friend's daughter, she herself would likely not ask her friend if she thought her daughter's mar-riage would last. Another parent told her that they had talked their son out of wanting to become a priest when he had dis-cussed it. Unfortunately, I think these viewpoints are indicative of what many Catholics think of a young man considering reli-gious life or the priesthood. Supporting this anecdotal evidence is a 1997 CARA survey which showed that 3 in 10 youths had considered a vocation, but only 2 in 10 of the parents supported their child's interest) As a consequence of our l~ack of cultural and parental support, we Generation Xers might typically take much longer to realize that this is our true calling. We would definitely benefit from having people close to us encouraging us in our consideration of enter-ing religious life. Another form of support would be vocation groups where several of us interested in religious life meet with one another, socialize, and discuss issues relevant to our dis-cernment. Two conclusions can be drawn from these observations for religious communities trying to attract new vocations. First, since as a generation we receive so little support from our friends and parents when considering religious life, it is very important that religious communities develop friendships with us that nurture growth in faith and commitment to God. Here I want to review some findings of a CARA survey on the role of invitation into the priesthood. New research has shown that the most important factor in young people's choosing a vocation is a personal invi-tation from a religious to join.4 A statement quoted in the arti-cle has the number of invitations gradually going down in recent years. Bishop Paul Loverde explains that "during the sixties the percentage of diocesan priests who actively encouraged boys to enter the seminary dropped from 64 percent to 33 percent and, for religious order priests, from 56 percent to 27 percent, and these figures have not changed over the last three decades." In the CARA survey, only 18 percent of youths active in their parish life had been personally invited to consider the priest-hood. Clearly, an integral component of attracting Xers to reli-gious life has substantially decreased. This does not mean that religious should haphazardly invite every young person they run Review for Religious into, but, if you invite us and we show interest, keep in contact and support us. An invitation is in itself not enough. Also, I sug-gest that religious make it clear that they are not just trying to recruit us into religious life, but rather want to help us discern what God truly wants of us, whether it be religious or married or single life. Invitation and support may help many of us to make a coun-tercultural decision more easily. The key here is friendship. As a young man interested in religion, I have often been approached by religious trying to recruit me into becoming a priest. It is discouraging to think that their interest may not be in me as a person, but instead in me as a possible vocation. This is not to say that religious should not actively recruit individuals. Many, like myself, would not consider reli-gious life if it were not for an invi-tation from a religious. There is, however, a distinct difference between inviting and supporting on the one hand and just outright recruiting on the other. A true rapport, indeed a real friendship, with one religious is more valu-able in discernment than one hundred religious asking me if I am interested in their order. A case in point: a friend of mine was recruited by a priest who had met him on retreat. They met for lunch several times after the retreat. During one meeting the priest asked him if he was going to join his particular order. Mind you, my friend had never mentioned that he was even interested in this order. When my fried said that he was not interested at this time in his life, the priest became indignant and lectured him on doing God's will rather than his own. After that meeting, the priest never con-tacted him again. Needless to say, this is not a good approach. The priest saw my friend as a number, a possible recruit, and that is all. Worse yet, he tried to manipulate my friend through pressure and guilt. My friend sensed this pressure from the begin-ning. When the priest's intentions became apparent, he was not surprised; but he was certainly disappointed. Second, as I have already said, I belimie that joining religious " life has become a radical countercultural decision. I have sensed Invitation and support may help many of us to make a counterculturaI decision more easily. Septentber-October 2000 Eggemeier * Generation X and Reli~ous Life this in my own discernment. Countless times old friends and acquaintances have asked me in a negative tone, "Are you becom-ing a priest?" or said, "Why would you become a priest--you could get married!" Religious life has become manifestly coun-tercultural. Choosing religious life has become a radical choice, and so, to attract new vocations, religious need to present them-selves as people who have benefited immensely from their voca-tion and have found peace, mission, love, and a passion for the gospel and for God through their decision. Since this is a countercultural decision, religious orders should accentuate the things they might offer us that we cannot easily acquire as laypersons. I often hear from people discerning a religious vocation that they do not see what it gives them that married life does not: "I could do the same things and have the same type of life consecrated to God as a married person." If it is true that married people can live like religious, why should anyone enter religious life? In light of this, I think orders should bring out the qualities that differentiate them from the married life. In my opinion, some qualities that religious life offers that directly oppose our current cultural trends of greed, power, and promiscuity are the vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity. We are looking for and attracted to these countercultural answers to the problems of modern society, in which there seems to be so lit-tle deep hfippiness. We see the emptiness of promiscuity and hoarding money and want to take a radical stance against these things and devote our lives to something else. Another difference between a religious commitment and that of married life is the uniqueness of the call to live a radical lifestyle consecrated to God alone. I do not know how to artic-ulate this, and I hesitate to say it. But I see something special and profound in an individual taking the stance that God is so central to his or her life that he or she is willing to sacrifice mar-riage in order to live for God in this unique manner. I think that married life and religious life are unique calls with different strengths and weaknesses. I feel that often religious have not stressed the uniqueness of their call because doing so might seem to lessen the call to marriage. Both are calls from God to live a holy life. Yet there is something very striking about religious life--few people planning to get married are ever asked why they would want to get married! In sum, Xers are not going to make Review for Religious a radical countercultural decision unless they see a radical lifestyle being lived out, one that has benefits that married life does not. Finally, for Xers the experiential is essential. In general, we do not believe in something unless we can experience it. Often the Catholic Church can be seen as suppressing the experiential side in favor of the cerebral, and for Xers this is neither satisfying nor believable. To attract Xers, religious orders should present a spirituality that is visible and palpable in everyday life. Religious orders might benefit from an emphasis on daily communal wor-ship and a radical commitment to expressing the experiential side of their practices to Xers. In doing this, religious orders can show Xers that Catholic worship and spirituality are vibrantly lived. Extended community-living experiences for Xers can also be a benefit, because these allow Xers to get a sense of the commu-nities' spiritual practice. Again, l do not presume to speak for my whole generation. I hope, however, that I have described some salient characteris-tics of my generation. We are looking for transcendent mean-ing, community, solid commitments, stability, experience, and service--all of which I feel religious life has to offer. The best way, of course, to attract new vocations has always been and always will be contact with religious who have found joy, community, commitment, and God in their religious life. This, coupled with religious actively encouraging young people to con-sider the religious lifestyle, could have a profound effect on a generation that is starved for things that religious life has and wishes to share. Notes ' Albert Dilanni SM, "Religious Vocations: New Signs of the Times," Review for Religious 52, no. 5 (September-October 1993): 745-763. 2 j. Weber, "Searching for a Vocation X-Style," Horizon: Journal of the National Religious Vocati6n Conference 22 (1997): 9-14. 3 See Ann Carey, "The Harvest Is Great, but the Workers Ain't Invited," Our Sunday Visitor, 19 October 1997. 4 Carey, "Harvest." September-October 2000 J. SHEILA GALLIGAN Bride of Christ and Ecclesial Identity I~her recent article "The Need for Self-Criticism: Affirmative omments," Elizabeth McDonough marshals an unwelcome yet necessary diagnosis of religious life. She asserts that "critical self-appraisal has been neither prevalent, nor popular among American women religious since Vatican II." Such forthright com-ments compel our attention. Made uncomfortable by critical assess-ments of the prevailing paths of renewal, contemporary women religious, she suggests, manage somehow to forget or deny the reports. Indeed, they demonstrate a bewildering, obstinate accom-modation to the rhythms of the prevailing culture. The carefully crafted analysis is pointed. It provides, in a certain sense, a pow-erful Augustinian arraignment of a currently pervasive manifesta-tion of pride: a deliberate choice to avoid and deny reality. She reminds the reader that critical evaluation (albeit accurate!) has been met with "studied unconcern or strident rejection., dis-dain., open derision." 1 The descriptives point out our penchant for self-deception. It is disconcerting to note, as McDonough does, that, while the need for public and prophetic witness is often enthusiastically acknowledged, a specific, distinctive religious witness has lessened considerably. An extensive rhetoric has emerged, but jargon has a way of irritating, and convoluted sociological or psychological expositions often obscure the theological or spiritual sense. Ironies J. Sheila Galligan IHM last wrote for us in November-December 1994. Her address remains Immaculata College; Immaculata, Pennsylvania 19345. Review for Religious are noticeable. There is lack of clarity about identity and mission; there are negative results from an exaggerated egalitarianism; reli-gious in their ministries have a general invisibility; and there is a dearth of new members. These things can affect us, excite us, and cause us to enter into serious dialogue about envisioning the future. But where, McDonough thoughtfully inquires, are the specific decisions and actions that will initiate and support a "corrective change of course" ? 2 I believe that a possible and necessary first step in critical reflection and corrective decision making depends upon the rather neglected perspective of ecclesial identity. Corrective effort must take place on two levels: the level of theological insight and the level of "heartsight"; that is, insight must become embodied in effective symbol. This article suggests that we seek a renewed understanding of the church as the bride of Christ and explore a renewed use of spousal imagery in the service of a "corrective change of course." I will offer a rationale in support of a readily identifiable religious habit, specifically distinguished by a veil, as a form of public, prophetic witness and a "sign of consecration, poverty, and mem-bership in a particular religious family" (vc §25).3 Since the spe-cific issue of the religious habit is intimately connected with bridal consecration, I will also discuss the significance of clothing in gen-eral and ecclesial directives specifically. I suggest that a religious woman's key ecclesial identity is that of bride of Christ and that the key sign of this is the veil. The church! How does one evoke the meaning of its mystery, the meaning of something so elusive and paradoxical and yet so beautiful and evocative? Acknowledging that an image supports and illustrates some aspect of truth, the church describes itself in metaphor. The Second Vatican Council drew upon the rich trea-sury of images in Sacred Scripture. According to Lumen gentium, the church is a sheepfold, a tract of land, a choice vineyard. The church belongs to Christ as people, body, and bride (LG §6). Vatican II, with its interpersonal understanding of the church as the people of God, signaled a turning point in its history, casting a warm light on the image of the church as bride (see LG §9). Biblical Foundations From the biblical perspective, bridal and marriage imagery is September-October 2000 Galligan ¯ Bride of Christ incredibly rich, yet in recent decades this perspective has been prac-tically lost.4 Beginning as a whisper in the history of Israel, this image rises later in prophetic cries, to be echoed eventually in the Gospels and in apostolic teaching. This image of Christ as bride-groom of the church was prepared for by the prophets, especially Hosea and Isaiah, and announced by John the Baptist (see Jn 3:29). Jesus referred to himself as the "bridegroom" (Mk 2:19). The Catechism of the Catholic Church reinforces the theme and reminds us that the Scriptures speak of the whole church, and of each of the faithful members of his body, as a bride "betrothed" to Christ (§796). Significantly, the last image of the church in the Bible is bridal. The Apocalypse is replete with marriage symbolism: "The marriage of the Lamb has come" (19:7; see Ep 5:25-27). The new Jerusalem is "a bride adorned for her husband" (Rv 21:2-3), a city whose meaning is revealed in bridal language: "the bride, the wife of the Lamb" (21:9-22:5). The final use of bridal imagery is in Revelation 22:17: "The Spirit and the Bride say, 'Come.'" The wife, on the day of her wedding, is recognized by her bridal gown. In that attire she is the bride. The gown is the "righ-teous deeds or works." All these texts mirror the church's rela-tionship to .Jesus. The language is about reciprocal love, love for him who is "the first love" (Rv 2:4). The Vision of John Paul II John Paul II understands the church in such personalist terms. He consistently uses the distinctive language of relationship, trini-tarian communion, covenant fidelity. The church is a mysterious living reality that becomes fruitful by its bridal relationship to Christ, who loved the church and gave himself up to mak~ her holy. Being overwhelmed by and responding to love--that is at the heart of the mystery. It is a description of a people called to identify passionately, deeply, with the mission of Jesus. While often ignored in current scholarship, the image of the church as bride of Christ is clearly declared in Scripture and is reaffirmed by the magisterium through the ages. Because it gets to the heart of the church's nature, this image can help (beyond any nostalgia or romanticism) in our discussion of the ecclesial identity of conse-crated women religious. Vatican II provided consecrated life with a splendid theologi-cal framework for understanding its place in the church (LG ~6).5 Review for Religious Recent ecclesial documents also offer a theological vision of the consecrated life within the mystery of the church. The symbolic and transformative role of the consecrated religious is at the heart of the church. The 1994 synod of bishops identified the common reality unifying consecrated persons: "the call to total self-giving to God; love for Christ the teacher, Lord, and bridegroom of the church, who is intimately followed and served above everything; and the decision to live according to the Spirit.''6 Even a superficial reading of Vita consecrata reveals John Paul'S appreciation of the gift of consecrated life as a special manifestation of the "striving of the whole church as bride toward union with her one Spouse" (VC §3). But, more than simply reflecting on the revelatory dimensions of the image in terms of the whole church, the pope provides a marvelous insight. He speaks of conse-crated persons expressing "their spiritual fruitfulness by becoming receptive to the word, in order to contribute to the growth of a new humanity" (vc §34). This perspective undoubtedly flows from his deep conviction that the world desperately needs to reappropri-ate the reality of spousal communion. The focus is sharpened by these words: "Tl~e church can in no way renounce the conse-crated life, for it eloquently expresses her inmost nature as 'bride'" (vc §105). This is not a matter merely of pious sentiment or lit-erary style, but of theology. The point is central for religious because it is a question of identity. References to this theme pervade this papal exhortation. John Paul says (vC §19), "The consecrated life becomes a particularly profo~and expression of the church as the bride who, prompted by the Spirit to imitate her spouse, stands before him 'in splendor, without spot or wrinkle or any such thing, that she might be holy and without blemish'" (Ep 5:27). This finds a special emphasis in an extended section titled "The Living Image of the Church as Bride." The pope writes: "In the consecrated life particular impor-tance attaches to the spousal meaning, which recalls the church's The image of the church as bride of Christ is clearly declared in Scripture and is reaffirmed by the magisterium through the ages. September-October 2000 Galligan ¯ Bride of Christ duty to be completely and exclusively devoted to her Spouse, from whom she receives every good thing. This spousal dimension, which is part of all consecrated life, has a particular meaning for women, who find therein their feminine identity and, as it were, discover the special genius of their relationship with the Lord" (//C §34).7 Eloquence of the Liturgy The liturgical "Rite of Religious Profession for Women," a public prayer, incorporates spousal language,s Candidates to be professed respond to the specific question "My dear sisters (daugh-ters), what do you ask of God and of his holy church?" by saying, "We ask for perseverance in following Christ our bridegroom in this religious community all the days of our lives" (§59). Presentation of the veil is accompanied by the following exhorta-tion: "Receive this veil, which proclaims that you belong entirely to Christ the Lord and are dedicated to the service of the church" (§34). The solemn blessing or consecration of the professed is replete with references to the church as bride: "Father in heaven, ¯. you make the human family your bride . When your bride, deceived by the evil one, broke faith with you, . . . the world's Redeemer . . . formed the church into his bride, loving it with love so great that he gave himself up for it" (§72). This richly sug-gestive theme is emphasized and expanded in a beautiful section: "Father, in your loving wisdom you have singled out many of your daughters to be disciples espoused to Christ and to receive the honor of his love. Holy church shines with their rich variety, a bride adorned with jewels . Strengthened by the vows of their consecration, may they be always one with you in loving fidelity to Christ, their only bridegroom" (§72). After the blessing the newly professed come to the celebrant, who gives the ring to each: "Receive this ring, for you are betrothed to the eternal king; keep faith with your bridegroom so that you may come to the wedding feast of eternal joy" (§73). Indeed, St. Mnbrose, writing in the 4th century, crystallizes the idea in five words: Virgo eft quae Deo cubit (a virgin is a woman who has married God). The rite and all its parts are instantly, theologically expressive of the mystery and event being celebrated. What the church understands about reli-gious consecration--its unique public, ecclesial, nuptial, eschato-logical identity and character--is precisely what the rite of Review for Religious profession says and celebrates. Although persons participate in the rite only once, it continues to define and guide them all their life. The mystical, ascetical, and apostolic dimensions somehow coalesce in the dynamic of this profoundly relational image of "disciples espoused to Christ. their only bridegroom" (§72). A Call That Began with Baptism Two presuppositions provide a framework for further dis-cussion. First, inserting the theology of consecrated life into the sacramental dimensions of the church, Vatican I! highlights its relationship with baptismal consecration and its demands.9 Some Christians are invited to deepen that consecration, to manifest that baptismal light with a particular intensity. In the response to the call of consecrated life, this discipleship becomes a public profession to live the gospel, a prophet-ically public witness, an all-encom-passing commitment. Attempts to accommodate, to make religious more like lay people, are detrimental to the church. When the distinctiveness of this vocation becomes blurred, role clarity suffers. Second, the radical nature and meaning of religious life needs to be proclaimed and clarified, not only in descriptive ecclesial documents such as Perfectae caritatis and Vita consecrata, but also in the personal conviction of those committed to it and in the shining witness of their day-to-day lives. Living in community and practicing the vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience challenge the assumptions of the culture. The human goods of marriage, possessions, and self-determination are put into a fresh perspective. VCithout an appreciation for the mystery--a love for the way in which religious consecration takes hold of the very depths of one's being--the fruitfulness of the vocation will be compromised. The radical nature of religious life is threatened by a growing secular-ization, a cultural assimilation. By consecration women religious are established in a new relationship to Jesus Christ, a specifically nuptial one. The veil publicly proclaims the existence of this nup-tial bond, the external sign of an internal reality The radical nature of religious life is threatened by a growing secularization, a cultural assimilation. September-October 2000 Galligan ¯ Bride of Christ Norms of the Church Commenting on canon 669, the one canon in the 1983 Code that directly concerns the religious habit, McDonough carefully delineates its spiritual and ascetical functions: "The habit is con-sistently understood to be indicative of a way of life with both transcendent and immanent consequences. Its purpose is to point ~o the value of something beyond this material world while it simultaneously communicates something of import about the very real circumstance of this material world."9 It heralds a commit-ment to witness to the permanent things in a culture numbed by materialism, sensualism, and contempt for the sac~ed. Many religious communities, with goodwill and intent, do indeed follow the canon's directive and wear a form of habit, but the current practice often omits the veil or makes it optional. Many women religious wear various kinds of secular clothing, from skirts and blouses and hand-me-downs to highly fashionable suits and dresses, complete with jewelry and other accessories. Several neg-ative consequences result. The great diversity of charisms among communities of religious is now lumped into one bland group of "generic church workers." The distinctive concrete "sign" of con-secration is diminished if not lost. A habit that lacks a veil is a diluted public witness, an ambiguous sign. Without the veil, how do people recognize us as religious? Even more, how do people recognize us as members of a unique group of Franciscans or Dominicans or Sisters of Charity? We become "The Anonymous: The Sisters without a Sign!" The veil is important for giving witness to the ecclesial nature of religious identity, to its "bride of Christ" symbolism. Recall the words of Vita consecrata: Consecrated life "eloquendy expresses" the church's nature as "bride" (see §105). Today public witness is iron-ically diluted precisely when the visual, the highly visible, is needed. The veil communicates a sense of dynamic purpose as well as a sense of unity and esprit de corps. Silent Language That Sparks Imagination Some cultural background about the nature of clothing may help here. Throughout history, clothing has served many purposes. According to the insights of those who specialize in these matters, "clothing serves as a means of communication. To the person who is knowledgeable about a particular culture, clothing is a sort of Review for Religious silent language." t0 Rebecca Cunningham's Magic Garment offers a striking insight. A special garment "helps concentrate the powers of imagination, expression, emotion, and movement into the cre-ation and projection of a character to an audience."tt This asser-tion that "clothing is a sort of silent language" is born of experience. The idea is expressed in the 1994 synod's working paper: "Many ask that women and men religious give a silent proclamation of their consecration through wearing the habit of their institute" (§86). The symbolism of the veil has somehow been embedded: it persistently suggests "bride." It bespeaks, quite specifically, a carefully constructed world of meanings and com-mitments. The veil, connoting exclusive love, intimacy, and unre-served self-gift, has been recognized for centuries as a sign of betrothal to Christ (in imitation of Roman marriage customs). It was an integral part of the liturgical ceremony of consecration as early as the 4th century,t2 In fact, for centuries there were no rit-ual words of profession; one "took the habit" or "put on the veil." t3 The concept, the "habit of being," of women religious as "bride of Christ" is manifested in two ways: the interior geogra-phy of the heart shaped by the practice of the evangelical coun-sels and the public symbol of the veil proclaiming spousal union with Christ. Vita consecrata says: "Their lifestyle too must clearly show the ideal which they profess, and thus present itself as a living sign of God and as an eloquent, albeit often silent, procla-mation of the gospel" (vC §25). Perhaps this is what many of the faithful are struggling to articulate when they see a religious with a veil and say: "I'm so glad to see a religious in a habit. Thank you" or "There is a real sister." Here, I believe, the practical and pastoral import of the veil comes to the fore. People are not mak-ing a judgment about the moral state or holiness of the religious, but rather recognizing her ecclesial identity and role, affirming the public witness of her vocation. Just what, precisely, prompts such remarks? When do these comments occur? At the sight of a simply dressed woman wearing a little cross or a medal or some kind of pin? No. It is precisely the veil which evokes the response. Indeed, it is through this visible symbol that identity is affirmed and meaning maintained. Recall, too, that in Jesus' parable of the Good Samaritan (Lk 10:25-37) the man who needs care represents "everyman" precisely because he lacks the two human means of specific identification. He is unconscious and so cannot speak. He is stripped of the clothing Septewtber-October 2000 Galligan * Bride of Christ that communicates something about identity. Have contemporary religious in some way become speechless and stripped? A Culture in Need of a Visible Sign Vita consecrata is direct and straightforward: "The church must always seek to make her presence visible in everyday life, espe-cially in contemporary culture, which is often very secularized and yet sensitive to the language of signs. In this regard the church has a right to expect a significant contribution from consecrated persons, called as they are in every situation to bear clear witness that they belong to Christ" (VC §25). Distinctive attire is a way to respond to the church's challenge. The veil serves as a gracious irritant, an explicitly prophetic sign. Although Western moder-nity is inhospitable to the transcendent, the full habit visibly and powerfully conveys an eschatological message "to the people of God here and now, even--or perhaps especially--to many who might otherwise have neither a ready understanding of nor an easy access to the spiritual import of eternity." ~ In contemporary sec-ularized culture, where the external signs of sacred realities tend to vanish, people must be able to recognize the consecrated woman religious, this bride of Christ representing the church. Attire is an unequivocal sign of dedication and identity, a "way that their con-secration is recognizable" (vC §25). It assumes a public represen-tational function.Is Whose She Is The primary meaning of the word habitus is a condition, a state, a pattern of behavior, a quality of nature or character. The nature of the consecrated religious is essentially bridal. In keeping with her ecclesial and personal identity, the bride of Christ provides visible witness most specifically and completely by wearing a veil. This external practice announces and reaffirms her identity, not only who she is, but Whose she is and what she aspires to be. It acknowledges a passionate love, ever deepening into conscious communion, which gradually becomes the ruling "habit of life." Consecrated religious, in both their personal and their corporate lives, are meant to be identifiable. In a society increasingly needing an appreciation of the tran-scendent, in our secularized post-Christian culture, consecrated Review for Religious religious are called to speak and act in evangelical, bold, and imag-inative ways. Where do we stand? Will we manifest a dash of dar-ing, a truly radical "habit of being," through the practice of the vows and through the external sign of religious consecration? Cogent questions perennially confront those on the road of reli-gious consecrktion. These are such cogent questions. In the conclusion to Vita consecrata, John Paul does not flinch from proclaiming: "You have not only a glorious history to remem-ber and to recount, but also a great history still to be accomplished!" (vc § 110). In short, can a dedicated corps of consecrated religious women rise out of the current mass of "generic" church workers, out of the paralysis of an ambiguous identity, to provide joyful, courageous witness to the Bridegroom and to his bride, the church? Will the "habit of our being" affirm a full and faithful witness? For, indeed, this "corrective measure"--an internal un.derstanding of our personal identity as bride of Christ and its outward sign, the veil--will clearly reveal that we are caught up in a love affair, passionately proclaiming our love for God and his people. Notes ~ Elizabeth McDonough OP, "The Need for Self-Criticism," Review for Religious 58, no. 3 (May-June 1999): 251 and 256. See also David J. Nygren CM and Miriam D. Ukeritis CSJ, "Affiliative Decline and Role Clarity," in their Future of Religious Orders in the United States (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993), pp. 248-249. Or see their "Future of Religious Orders in the United States," Origins 22, no. 15 (24 September 1992): 257-272; available also in Review for Religious 52, no. I (January- February 1993): 6-55. 2 McDonough, "Need," p. 259. 3John Paul II, apostolic exhortation Vita consecrata, 1996. Henceforth this will be referred to in the text as 4 Further insights and expanded development of this may be found in Geoffrey Preston OP, Faces of the Church (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997). Chapter 8 explores the "Bride of Christ." Raymond Orlund Jr.'s book Whoredom: God's Unfaithful Wife in Biblical Theology (Eerdmans, 1996) explores the theme of spiritual adultery, delving into scripture pas-sages that describe human violations of God's covenant with Israel in marital and sexual terms. See also Gilberte Baril, The Feminine Face of the People of God: Biblical Symbols of the Church as Bride and Mother (Slough, U.K.: St. Paul, 1991; also Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1992). 5 "This constitutes a special consecration, which is deeply rooted in their baptismal consecration and is a fuller expression of it" (Perfectae caritatis, §5). See Lumen gentium, §4, and all of chap. 5, "The Call of the L49 i Septentber-October 2000 Galligan ¯ Bride of Christ Whole Church to Holiness." 6 Vatican Synod Secretariat, "The Consecrated Life and Its Role in the Church and in the World: Working Paper for October 1994 World Synod of Bishops," Origins 24, no. 7 (30 June 1994): 97-138. Christ is described as "bridegroom" in several other passages: §18, §48, §111. 7 John Paul II's new orientation is perhaps best summed up in the priority which the Catechism of the Catholic Church (§773) accords the Marian dimension over the Petrine dimension in the church, in the order of holiness. Keenly conscious of the unique role of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the history of redemption, the pope presents a link with the New Testament passage that portrays Mary with the Apostles (Ac 1:13-14). "We can see here a vivid image of the church as bride, fully attentive to her bridegroom and ready to accept his gift . In Mary the aspect of spousal receptivity is particularly clear; it is under this aspect that the church, through her perfect virginal life, brings divine life to fruition within herself" (vc §34). Consecrated women religious are "called in a very special way to be signs of God's tender love toward the human race and to be special witnesses to the mystery of the church, virgin, bride, and mother" (VC §57). The image is biblically, theologically, and pastorally appropriate. 8 International Commission on English in the Liturgy, "Rite of Religious Profession during Mass," in The Rites of the Catholic Church, Vol. 2, approved by NCCB and confirmed by the Apostolic See (Collegeville: A Pueblo Book, Liturgical Press, 1991), pp. 247-285. The sectitn numbers given in parentheses in this paragraph refer to this rite on these pages. 9 Elizabeth McDonough OP, "Habit and Habitus: Current Legislation," Review for Religious 56, no. 6 (November-December 1997): 652. ,0 Phyllis G. Tortora and Keith Eubank, Survey of Historic Costumes (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1994), p. 3. n Rebecca Cunningham, The Magic Garment: Principles of Costume Design (New York: Longman, 1989), p. 1. ~2 McDonough, "Habit," p. 654. ~3 According to the Rule of St. Benedict, profession was to be made both orally and in writing, but not necessarily for validity. Benedict knew nothing of the juridical concept of such "validity." It is worthwhile to note the role of the habit in the tradition. Since the Council of Trent, reli-gious profession in order to be valid must be expressed orally. At the time of Gratian, however, profession made tacitly was taken to be true profession. Some clear fact or deed was taken to be religious profession, usually to assume the monastic habit. Gratian says nothing of the neces-sity of profession. Instead he speaks of entry into religion in a precise con-crete way. He uses the terms "monasticum habitum sume~e" (C17, q2, c3) and "habitum religionis sumere" (C20, ql, cl). The veil (cowl for men) was an integral part of the liturgical ceremony of consecration as early as Review for Religious the 4th century. In fact, for centuries there were no ritual "words," no vows formally articulated. Historically, ecclesial recognition, the sign of betrothal to Christ, was usually expressed by someone's "taking the veil." 14 This notion is emerging in new literature that speaks of religious garb. See Harry J. Byrne, "Ecclesiastical Garb," America 180, no. 21 (19-26 June 1999): 22. The author notes that the U.S. bishops in their November 1998 meeting decreed that "a black suit and the Roman col-lar are the appropriate attire for priests, especially in the exercise of their ministry." The Directory for the Life and Ministry of Priests (1994) is straight-forward: "In a secularized and materialistic society, where the external signs of sacred and supernatural realities tend to disappear, it is partic-ularly important that the community be able to recognize the priest, man of God and dispenser of his mysteries, by his attire., which is an unequivocal sign of his dedication and his identity as a public minister" (§66). The directory also states that, "outside of entirely exceptional cases, a cleric's failure to use this proper ecclesiastical attire could man-ifest a weak sense of his identity as one consecrated to God." 15 The French theologian Louis Mari Chauvet (Symbol and Sacrament, Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1995) says that symbol as a language of recognition is "the foundation of the identity of the group and the indi-vidual" (p. 5) and that symbol "becomes the agent for recognition and identification between subjects." Chauvet affirms silent communication too: the act of symbolization carries out the "essential vocation of lan-guage" (p. 130). The veil is both self-referential and proclamatory. Thus the consecrated woman religious should be identifiable primarily through personal holiness, but also by a manner of dressing that makes visible to all the faithful, indeed to all people, her specific role in the church. The attire serves as a mediating reality in the construction of authentic iden-tity. It demands personal and communal "habits of being" so that its meaning does not erode and so lose its compelling force. Peter and the Servant Girl The servant girl asked of him, "Aren't you he who was with Jesus?" Curiously she looked in his eyes, did not accuse, for who has not felt fear? And who was she? No true believer, but one who serves, and serving knows not all our masters are deserving. She looked again at him who was afraid and left to seek the one whom all betrayed. June A. Kramer September-October 2000 a way of living MARIE BEHA Work in Such a Way "Work in such a way as not to extinguish the spirit of prayer and holy devotion to which everything else should be subservient." That is what St. Francis of Assisi and St. Clare wrote in their respective Rules for the Friars and the Poor Sisters (RC1 7,2). Nice, I thought, but what does it mean? More important, how do I do it? For some reason I found those words repeating themselves over and over again in my heart as I went about my work that day and the next and the next. I always "suspect" the action of the Spirit when some-thing like this happens, so I began to hold this challenge against the reality of my everyday experience. After all, I had lots of experience working, doing all kinds of things. In fact, activity had been the focus of most of my efforts to hasten the coming of God's king-dom. I knew something of its risks, as well as its chal-lenges and the immediacy of its motivation. But somehow this was different. It soon became clear, that I needed to emphasize four words: "working in such a way"; the focus was less on what I did and more on how I did it. That was lesson number one. Kinds of work, hours devoted to it, or even levels of accomplishment--con-cerns which had dominated most of my previous reflec- Marie Beha osc writes once again from the Monastery of St. Clare; 1916 North Pleasantburg Drive; Greenville, South Carolina 29609. Review for Religious tions--were too task oriented. Whatever Francis and Clare were talking about, it was something more. I passed on to "the spirit of prayer." I began reflecting on familiar experiences of bringing work into prayer, of how my work had often provided the raw material for some of my most urgent prayers of petition. I .easily recalled times when I had spent whole periods of formal prayer begging for the needs of those with whom I worked. On other occasions most of my prayer was preoccupied with fervent requests for personal divine assis-tance. When I felt especially unable to accomplish what I really needed to do, then I got down to serious praying! "God, come to my assistance!" But it was also true that sometimes, in fact way too often, work spilled over into my prayer time, threatening the possibility of any prayer at all. Sometimes a task that I had decided to com-plete chiseled away at my time for prayer; I began late or at least without allowing myself a moment to just be and transition into a more reflective stance. I was still back "there" at whatever I had been doing, even when my body had arrived "here." At other times I deliberately shortened my time for personal prayer because "there is so much to do." Granted that there were circumstances when shortened prayer time had to be the only loving responses to the urgent need of others, but honesty compelled me to admit that this was not usually the case. Then it dawned on me that shortened prayer time was one of the ways my spirit of prayer was being extinguished by work. I began giving myself permission to let my periods of formal prayer be as much a "full-time" occupation as any other of my concerns. It was a start, but by no means an easy discipline. I soon discovered how proficient I had become in rationalizing the urgency of my work load. Too often I was more driven by self-imposed standards than by charity or the reality of the situation. It was my need to accomplish something that compelled me tofin-ish whatever I had set out to do. Achievement motivated me to surpass last week's goals; that was why I worked overtime. Working provided the self-satisfaction of knowing I had done something, maybe even done it well. Others were grateful. At least I was pleased with myself. To my embarrassment I discovered how often I named this a "good day" because"I got so much done." Or, conversely, I complained in frustration, "I didn't get a single thing done today." I could not even recall the last time I had fallen September-October 2000 Beba ¯ Work in Such a Wa~ asleep telling myself how happy I was that I had been able to pray well or work prayerfully that day. With this realization came others. (The Spirit was beginning to work overtime.) Maintaining a spirit of prayer even during times of formal prayer was more than just hard work. Exposing myself to the Spirit of Truth was risky; disciplining and quieting my busy mind was harder still. I would rather have done almost anything else. Too often I did; such escapism surely ran counter to a spirit of prayer. But there was still more. I returned to the original challenge of "working in such a way as not to extinguish . " Francis and Clare seemed to focus less on what happened at times of prayer and more on manner of working. That was realistic. After all, most of us spend more time working or doing other things than praying. How could I work more prayerfully? I tried to recall some things I had been taught many years before about "being recol-lected." After searching around in my mental attic, I remembered something about saying ejaculations while working and the incred-ible example of a certain Jesuit priest who said literally thousands of ejaculations even while ministering in the trenches during World War I. In a period of early fervor, I had tried the practice myself, but had never gotten the hang of it at all. In fact, I felt myself breaking out into a rash at the very thought; such split-level exis-tence was not for me! And I doubted very much that it was what Clare or Francis was suggesting. Once more I returned to my original question: What does it mean to work in the spirit of prayer? I continued to keep my focus not on my prayer but on my work, and the beginnings of an answer slowly emerged: I worked prayerfully when I worked lovingly. Of course. The "spirit of prayer" had to be the work of the Holy Spirit, "the Spirit praying in us with unutterable groaning," espe-cially "when we do not know how to pray as we ought" (Rm 8:26). And that Holy Spirit was God's love "dwelling within" (Rm 8:9). What extinguished my prayer was also what extinguished my love. Examined experience proved the truth of these .reflections. When I failed to "love" my work, rushed through it, did it care-lessly, pushed it aside as soon as I decently could, both work and the spirit of prayer suffered. When my work was less gift given to others and more self-serving gratification, any possibility of prayer-ful work was extinguished. When the bitterness of critical think-ing, harsh judgments, impatient murmuring, ran counter to Review for Religious whatever I was doing, I was neither loving nor praying. And in most instances I was so caught up in my own limited concerns that I was not even working very effectively. But, when I worked lovingly, a quiet reverence, a peaceful pres-ence, transformed any and all of my labors. I was careful without being so care-filled that anxiety replaced trust. I could give myself to whatever most needed doing if I kept my focus in the present and not turned toward the need to accomplish as much as possible. Even when the list of necessary tasks got longer and longer, I found that I was more at peace if I set pri-orities rather than driving myself to get it all done now. My charity was more needed than the accom-plishment of what I had predetermined to do. Being focused on whatever I was doing began to make a critical difference. I became more aware of just how I was going about my labor, rather than concentrating solely on the task itself. As awareness opened up space within, I found myself faced with choices. Somewhere between being lazy and being a . workaholic lay the balance of saving grace. Self-gift rather than self-satisfaction seemed to hold one key. When my focus was more on God at work in whatever needed doing, rather than on what I wanted to do, I could relax. I was

To be clear, my time in Europe is not over, and Mrs. Spew has a few more days, but Berlin is, well, home enough for me that tomorrow I will be returning to my apartment and my normal.  I will still be doing a heap of tourism but now as tour guide for my wife and my sister and her boyfriend.  So, I will just highlight some stuff we saw the past few days here in Lombardy (which reminds me that Italy is the country that gave us irredenta as a word!) and then some thoughts about intra-Italy contrasts before moving onto some thoughts about the trip as a whole.I made a fun mistake--we ended staying in a very nice hostel rather than a hotel.  Not a huge mistake as it worked out fine, but the Hilton (and its points) nearby was actually not that much more expensive.  It would have meant a larger elevator, perhaps slightly older neighbors, and, perhaps we wouldn't have roomed with Molly Mosquito.  We bought a package of transportation/museum tickets/etc, but couldn't really get the metro part of that to work for us.  But Milan has some turnstiles where you can just tap your credit cards.  Once we figured that out, the metro was a breeze.  We were deterred from the trams (bigger, uglier, slower than those in Erfurt) as I was not sure how to pay.  The package did pay off for getting us into the Duomo (but only the stairs to the terrace, which meant not for us), the fortress, and the Ambrosian Library.The Duomo lift situation reminded of how the Church did and does perpetuate inequality.  Three ways to get to the top--stairs for those who pay a bit extra, elevator for those who pay more than that, and then an express elevator for those who yet more.  No line for the last one, of course.  Whenever I see cathedrals, I always think about how they exploited the peasants to make them.  But to be fair, these projects involved a lot of jobs for a long time (several hundred years in this case).  On the other other hand, sculptors made lots of Saint Lucy statues since she is the patron saint of the bline, and carving marble .... was not good for one's eyes.  I have a question: are sculptures in cathredals normally this violent?  I can't recall anything like this.  What is this scene depicting?  In the museum next to the Duomo, they had a bunch of statues that are no longer in the cathedral, mostly for preservation/safety reasons.  Lots and lots of Abraham nearly smiting his son--which is one of the key points in my religious education which led me to being pretty hostile to religion.       The fortress, designed by Leo Da V, was pretty amazing.  Just a beautiful structure that seemed impossible to attack.  Not sure it was ever successfully attacked.  Too much art inside to get into the history.  Museum for musical instruments, museum for furniture, plenty displays of glass and ceramics, etc.  Most impressive.  But our fave museum in Milan was the Ambrosian Museum--it had a lot of incredible displays.  My faves were an exhibition where they gave artists moleskin notebooks and they went to town on them in many different ways;  the Raphael drawing that serves as guide to the Philosopher's football meeting; and Da Vinci's own notebooks.  It was very cool to see his own handwriting.    Because we couldn't make reservations for the big museums for our first day in Milan, we headed off to Como to see lake and mountains and George or the Smiths.  And, yes, Como is beautiful--lake and mountains and the buildings all make it a special place.  We didn't have time to either use the funicular (can't spell it without fun) or rent a boat or take a ferry.  But we did have time to walk around, people watch, and check out the area.   The food, including the gelato, was terrific.  I had a great calzone in Como, had some wonderful pasta in Milan, and had an amazing sandwich with the freshest foccacia bread just off a canal in the Navigli area--the Venice of Milan.  Hmm, how many Venices of have I been to?  Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Stockholm, ... am I missing any?  I only repeated gelato flavors once--coffee!  Milan vs Venice: Milan has some amazing museums, and we didn't really get a taste of that in Venice.  Venice has a heap more beautiful sights, but damn it is crowded outside of peak season.  Milan was far easier to walk with only bridges/canals in Navigli.  The food was amazing in both.  Milan was not quite the tourist trap that Venice is.  Venice had Murano and Burano, and I guess we could have tried to see some other parts.  I am glad we did both.Northern Italy vs my memories of southern Italy: I spent one overnight in Naples in 2001 on my way to Bosnia, and my other Italian experience was Rome/Florence in 1987.  I remember the roads/the walking to be far more chaotic and, um, thrilling in the south than in the north. While we saw some old stuff here in Milan and in Venice, well, it doesn't get much older than Rome (except my trip to Jerusalem 5 years ago).  The food?  My palate has changed a lot and I am willing to pay much more now (not traveling on $25/day max anymore) so I can't make any comparisons.  I didn't get food poisoned this time, so there's that!  Much more English this time, which is no surprise.  Navigating via google maps made things far easier this time--to use the metro system, to get to the sights, to navigate the alleys of Venice, to find excellent restaurants, and only get gelato at places rated 4.5 or higher.Overall, how would I rank the places we visited over the past ten days?  Venice.  Just too pretty, too much fun.  Points off for not letting us into their castle.Erfurt. Small and sweet and I knew it complete. Kept up our castle streak nicely with its citadel.Dresden.  Its old town is spectacular--huge buildings of all different kinds of shapes and histories, nicely positioned on the Elbe (fun to be on the river that divided Soviet and western forces at the end of the war).  Bumps up with the Schloss nearby that we enjoyed so much.  We had our best German food here--a German tapas place if I remember correctly.Nuremberg.  The rise and fall of Nazis in one place with site of rallies and the trials plus a really cool castle.  Some great food.Milan.  Only this far down the list because the other places were that special.  Definitely gets points for a fantastic Da Vinci designed castle, terrific food (the last dinner's service had much to be desired).  Points off for Mosquito Molly.  Leipzig.  It was ok, didn't knock our socks off.And yes, between the German heavy food of Franconia and the gelato of Italy, I blew my diet bigtime.  Hopefully my lack of treadmilling was offset by all the walking.I will be spending another three months in Berlin next winter/spring for the second half of the Humboldt Award, again at the Hertie School.  Where will I wander next time?  The Italian Alps are calling--good snow and better food than the Austrian Alps.  Maybe Greece, maybe some part of the Balkans, depends on a variety of things including the possibility of traveling with my daughter.  Anyhow, as always, I am so lucky.  I was very frustrated with my career at the start and for some time, but I have been in a good place in spirit and physically for quite some time.  I do have a plan for the next sabbatical in seven years.  Hopefully, it can come into fruition as well as this one. 

David J. Bier


My latest policy analysis published today explains why it is impossible for nearly all immigrants seeking to come permanently to the United States to do so legally. The report is a uniquely comprehensive and jargon-free (to the extent possible) explanation of U.S. legal immigration. Contrary to public perception, immigrants cannot simply wait and get a green card (permanent residence) after a few years. Legal immigration is less like waiting in line and more like winning the lottery: it happens, but it is so rare that it is irrational to expect it in any individual case.
The figure below shows the U.S. legal immigration system for people who are abroad who presently intend to immigrate permanently to the United States. Below I briefly describe the main problems and choke points in this labyrinth.







Guilty Until Proven Innocent
Until the Immigration Act of 1924, everyone in the world was eligible to immigrate to the United States unless the government proved they fell into an ineligible category. In other words, innocent until proven guilty. Since then, the foundational principle of U.S. immigration law is that everyone in the world is ineligible to immigrate unless they prove to the government they fit into an eligible category. The result is that over 99 percent of all those wanting to immigrate to the United States cannot do so legally.







The Narrow Categories
Today, people must show they fit into one of five exceptions to the worldwide ban on immigration: 1) the refugee program, 2) the diversity lottery, 3) family sponsorship, 4) employment-based self-sponsorship, and 5) employer sponsorship. These categories are extraordinarily narrow. Few people can qualify, and thanks to low immigration caps, those who do qualify are often subject to decades-long waiting periods before they can enter legally.
1. The Refugee Program: the Lucky Few
The refugee program is supposed to provide a legal way to immigrate for people who fear return to their home countries. But the rules limit admission to those who fear return based on persecution by a government (or someone the government refuses to control), and only if the persecutor is motivated by someone's race, religion, political opinion, nationality, or social group. More importantly, the program will only process refugees if they flee from their homes to a group of about 30 countries, and it will only accept applicants from about 30 countries.
Applicants usually need a referral from the United Nations, and they have a less than one percent chance of receiving such a referral. Moreover, the program has a cap, and the government has adopted processing procedures that make filling that cap extremely difficult. Barely one in 5,000 displaced persons will be admitted to the United States under the refugee program. The figure below shows the increasing number of displaced persons and the decreasing number of admissions under the refugee program.











2. The Diversity Lottery: the Golden Tickets
The diversity lottery has four basic rules: 1) applicants must show that they can support themselves at or above the poverty line, 2) applicants must have at least a high school degree or work experience in a job typically requiring a college degree, 3) only people from countries from which fewer than 50,000 people immigrated to the United States in the last five years can apply (excluding a majority of the world's population), and 4) there are only 55,000 slots awarded through an annual lottery. The chances of winning the lottery and getting a green card have plummeted more than 90 percent since the first lottery was held in 1995.











3. Family Sponsorship: Only the Closest Relatives, Endless Waits
The biggest limitation on family sponsorship is having a qualifying sponsor. The family sponsorship is reserved primarily for the closest relatives: spouses and children of U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents as well as siblings and parents of adult U.S. citizens, and minor children and spouses of those relatives can join except in the case of parents, minor children, and spouses of U.S. citizens. The second limitation is the cap. Only spouses, minor children, and parents of adult U.S. citizens are uncapped, but their numbers reduce the cap of 480,000 for other relatives down to just 226,000. The result is a massive backlog of 8 million cases. For most countries and category combinations, sponsors will die before their relatives can immigrate.











4. Employment-Based Self-Sponsorship: Only for the Most Elite
Employment-based self-sponsorship is available only in the rarest set of circumstances. The three categories are for 1) people with "extraordinary ability," 2) workers with advanced degrees or exceptional ability who are conducting activities of national importance, and 3) investors able to invest not less than $800,000 and—in some cases—more than $1.05 million in a business that creates 10 new jobs for U.S. workers within 2 years. These highly unusual cases apply to very few potential immigrants, but even in those cases, the government strictly enforces the criteria to make them as difficult to meet as possible. In 2019, for instance, the "extraordinary ability" category had a denial rate of over 40 percent.
5. Employer Sponsorship: Backlogs Wrapped in Red Tape
Employer sponsorship is the one chance where, in theory, it should be open to anyone with an employer sponsor in the United States. In practice, the procedures are so backlogged, so costly, and so time-consuming that very few employers are willing to attempt it except for the highest-paid workers in America. Aside from a few specific occupations, employers must advertise the job to U.S. workers. The process takes years, and even if no U.S. worker applies, very few employers can afford to keep a job open for such a prolonged period.











This is why nearly all employer-sponsored green cards go to people already in the United States who can start working on a temporary work visa, such as the H-1B visa, much sooner while they go through the lengthy green card process. But the H-1B visa is capped at just 85,000. The odds of winning the lottery and ultimately getting an H-1B visa were just 16 percent in 2022. But the even bigger problem for potential immigrants is that the H-1B visa requires a bachelor's degree, and only 10 percent of the world's population has a bachelor's degree.











Even if you have a bachelor's degree, win the lottery, and convince the employer to pay for the green card processing, the employment-based annual cap is massively oversubscribed. There was a backlog of about 1.4 million in 2020 for a cap of just 140,000. Because every country has the same cap, and immigrants from India account for half of all applicants, the backlog is overwhelmingly Indians who face a lifetime of waiting for a green card.











The U.S. Can Handle Much More Legal Immigration
The U.S. legal immigration system is restrictive in three ways. First, the system is restrictive compared with demand. Nearly 32 million people tried to receive a green card in 2018, while just 1 million were successful, and most could not even try the process. Second, the system is restrictive compared with U.S. history. In the decades prior to the 1920s, the United States routinely permitted a rate of legal immigration three to four times higher than 0.3 percent of the population permitted to receive a green card in recent years.
Finally, the system is restrictive compared with other countries. The United States ranks in the bottom third of wealthy countries for foreign-born share of the population. Even if it accepted 70 million immigrants tomorrow, it would still not surpass the likes of Australia.











Immigration benefits the United States, so there is no reason to place hard caps or strict categorical limits. Moreover, enforcing restrictive laws is costly and results in illegal immigration. The entire legal immigration system is actually designed not to be followed by most people, but to keep most people out. America should return to its system of openness that reflects U.S. traditions and benefits the country.
David J. Bier, "Why Legal Immigration Is Nearly Impossible: U.S. Legal Immigration Rules Explained," Cato Institute Policy Analysis no. 950, June 13, 2023.

The article aims to describe and analyse international relations debates, focusing on the contributions that feminisms make to the field as one of the dissident currents and reflectivist approaches -especially in its postcolonial/decolonial formulations. The methodology used is qualitative, and a specific bibliography is reviewed in order to examine the current discussions in the discipline, the confrontations within feminisms in IR, as well as their contributions. Moreover, we will look at the revision that Latin American and Caribbean decolonial feminism has instigated, considering the importance of intersectionality for expanding disciplinary boundaries. The text is articulated around the following questions: What debates run through the contemporary disciplinary field? What do the approaches of feminisms, within this framework, question and propose? What methodologies and notions do they introduce in IR studies? Which contributions are made by Latin American and Caribbean feminism? Thus, specific methodological and epistemological issues illuminated by feminisms in IR, such as the body politics,the micropolitics approach, and the focus on everyday practices,are given particular consideration. Solomon & Steele (2016) affirm that it "is only now — with increasing shifts to the micro — that academic IR has begun to (re)discover the lives and people of global politics, and to breathe life back into a field that grand theory mostly neglected". Every life of any person around the world should be recognized; there is no international system or society without the actions and practices of ordinary people. In this regard, feminisms have been key introductions into the field of IR, along with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, which are regular research instruments in disciplines like anthropology or sociology. For instance, ethnographic studies or participant observation are techniques that support the turns and innovations mentioned above. This framework is fundamental to make gender differences visible from an intersectional perspective. Postcolonial/decolonial feminism concentrates their studies on that difference, especially considering its links with other inequalities and concrete oppressions: e.g. in relation to race, ethnicity, religion, class, and nationality. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this perspective takes on an added relevance, and gives rise in this text to the problematization of its entanglement with human rights; the relationship between women, work and racialization; inequalities and violence; together with their links with global neoliberalism. In this respect, the article gives a comprehensive account of the main issues tackled by feminisms in the region, such as women's positions during the colonization period, and the multiple forms of violence related to their role. For instance, there is the importance of state responsibility in femicides, and the internal colonization and the neglect of diversity in national (plurinational) societies. These are performed by academia and social movements, particularly so in Western (white) feminist perspectives. The text is divided into three sections. Firstly, the framework of current IR debates is established, the differences between feminisms in IR and their classifications are described, and the theoretical contributions that these approaches have made to the discipline through methodological instruments such as micropolitics, corporeality and the practices of everyday life are elaborated. In the words of Enloe (2007, p.100) "Feminism is a multidimensional yet coherent worldview. Feminism is an achieved mosaic of understandings, yet it is still unfolding. […] feminism is a complex set of understandings about how power operates, how power is legitimized and how power is perpetuated". Regardless of which perspective within feminism is being highlighted, some fundamental common issues will appear: neoliberalism and patriarchy are two of them, but also violence against women, gender identities and rights, exploitation, public and private spheres distinctions, etc. Then, the particularities of decolonial feminisms in Latin America and the Caribbean, along with their intersectional look at the field, are discussed: the question of subalternity, difference and neoliberalism, the concrete forms they acquire in the Global South and in the region. Moreover, the relevance of the link between neoliberalism and patriarchy is brought into consideration as a research topic shared by different feminist perspectives. In this respect, we name some authors form the region that propose feminist genealogic studies (Ciriza, 2015; Parra, 2021). As Marchand (2013, p.64) explains, the opportunities of a young middle-class woman with a university education are greater than those of a 65-year-old indigenous man with little formal education and a peasant life. While obviously not in a dominant position in society and the labour market, the young woman still has a privileged position with respect to the indigenous. These differences are invisible in the rational mainstream, and also in liberal -and some socialist or poststructuralist- feminisms. Some particular research is mentioned to show how the body politics, micropolitical approaches, and the practice turn are effectively used in IR studies, with innovative techniques oriented towards ethnographic studies and participated action. For instance, the examination of global women (and gender diversities), migration and mobility are illuminated by focusing in particular case: women from Guerrero in Texas (Muñoz y Mendoza, 2018). Also, the incidences of sexual violence in the conflict in Guatemala is brought to light through the voices of the Maya women survivors and thanks to the research of Fulchiron (2016). This research emphasises the use of the femininized body as a war instrument. In addition, this paper mentions the contribution that Latin American and Caribbean feminisms have made to the field of human rights, especially through the participation in international organizations such as OAS and UN. (Barrancos, 2021; Chiarotti Boero, 2021) Considering all the above mentioned, we state that critical and intersectional feminisms allow us to think IR as a diverse field, with true planetary scope, and capable of recovering the importance of the well-being and daily lives of people. Finally, the conclusions are presented with possible relevant lines for future research (ecofeminism and the Latin American approaches to it). Dissident contributions in IR, in general, call into question the mainstream, giving rise in recent years to alternative, peripheral and silenced voices through postcolonial studies (decoloniality) and the feminisms, amongst others. These voices of difference generate discussion beyond hegemonic perspectives, producing key contributions for the continued interrogation of the discipline. These voices, for instance from Latin America and the Caribbean, draw on their own worldviews, along with traditional and popular knowledge. This assists in the promotion of new approaches and value situated, plural, intersectional and corporeized knowledges. ; El artículo se propone describir y analizar los debates en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), focalizando en los aportes que los feminismos hacen al campo como corriente disidente, y en especial, en sus vertientes postcoloniales/decoloniales. Con una metodología cualitativa, se revisa bibliografía específica que permite dar cuenta de las discusiones actuales en la disciplina, las confrontaciones al interior de los feminismos en RRII y sus contribuciones, y, en ese plano, se repasan los aportes propios del feminismo decolonial latinoamericano y caribeño, considerando el señalamiento sobre la interseccionalidad realizada por este. Así, se examinan cuestiones metodológicas y epistemológicas concretas como la cuestión del cuerpo, los estudios desde la micropolítica y el foco en las prácticas cotidianas de las personas, iluminadas por los feminismos en las RRII. Ese marco es fundamental para visibilizar las diferencias de género desde una perspectiva interseccional, que desde el feminismo postcolonial/decolonial se concentra en sus vínculos con otras desigualdades y opresiones (raza, origen, clase social, entre otras). En América Latina y el Caribe esta mirada adquiere una relevancia distintiva y da lugar en este escrito a la problematización de sus vínculos con los derechos humanos, con las desigualdades y las violencias, y sus articulaciones con el neoliberalismo transnacionalizado. El texto se divide en tres apartados: primero, en el marco de los debates actuales del campo de estudio, se revisan los aportes de los feminismos en las RRII y se describen las diferencias al interior de estos. En particular, se indican como contribuciones teórico-metodológicas de los enfoques feministas a las RRII aquellos estudios basados en la micropolítica, la corporeidad y las prácticas de la vida cotidiana. Luego, se tratan las particularidades de los feminismos decoloniales en América Latina y el Caribe y su mirada interseccional en el campo: la cuestión de la subalternidad, la diferencia, la inequidad y el neoliberalismo, las formas concretas que adquieren en el Sur Global y en la región. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones con posibles líneas relevantes para futuras investigaciones. Los aportes disidentes en las RRII, en general, ponen en cuestión la corriente principal, dando lugar en los últimos años a voces alternativas, periféricas y silenciadas a través de los estudios postcoloniales (decolonialidad) y los feminismos, entre otros. Son esas voces de la diferencia las que presentan discusión a las perspectivas hegemónicas, produciendo contribuciones claves para continuar pensando la disciplina; en América Latina y el Caribe esto se realiza desde cosmovisiones propias, que buscan amalgamar saberes tradicionales y populares, propiciar nuevos enfoques y valorizar un conocimiento situado, interseccional, plural y corporeizado.

El corto segundo periodo republicano de la historia de España (14.04.1931, proclamación de la República, a 01.04.1939, parte de Franco dando por terminada la guerra: 7 a., 11 m., 17 d.) está lleno de reseñables y significativos hechos para la sociedad española respecto del pasado del que venía –algunos no querían salir de él– y el futuro distinto –que algunos querían como posible–. Los meses de enero a septiembre de 1936 son el cénit de los deseos republicanos e inicio del ocaso de aquellos sueños. El fracaso de los gobiernos de centro-derecha (1934-35) obliga a la convocatoria de elecciones generales a Cortes (enero). El triunfo electoral de los partidos políticos del Frente Popular trae consigo un gobierno provisional (febrero). Su consolidación y los enfrentamientos entre derechistas y frentepopulistas en las calles (marzo). La destitución del Presidente de la República y elección de uno nuevo (abril-mayo). Se aceleran los preparativos del golpe militar por una parte del ejército (mayo). Actuaciones sociales y económicas frentepopulistas: reforma agraria; huelgas y lock-outs en ciudades por aplicación de medidas laborales (mayo-junio). Golpe militar (julio); éxito parcial del golpismo (julio-agosto); resistencia republicana (julio-septiembre). Coexistencia de 2 poderes: golpista y republicano (septiembre.). Este abanico de acontecimientos es la materia de investigación de la Tesis en el marco concreto de Andalucía, con específicas referencias al espacio nacional y, en algún caso, también internacional, dado que la región no era una isla a la que no llegue y afecte lo que pase fuera de ella. La Tesis se estructura en 3 Partes y un Epílogo. Primera parte: Febrero 1936. Las terceras, y últimas, elecciones a Cortes de la Segunda República Española. 4 capítulos. Segunda parte: Cinco meses de Frente Popular. 4 capítulos. Tercera parte: Andalucía en tiempo de Frente Popular. 4 capítulos. Epílogo: Del golpe militar y la represión. Las fuentes de investigación utilizadas son: • la doctrina historiográfica en sus 2 vertientes: anti y pro republicana. • Archivos. Andalucía: locales, provinciales y General, públicos y privados. Nacionales: públicos y privados, civiles y militares. • Prensa: periódicos y revistas de 1936 y fechas anteriores y posteriores. • Entrevistas personales con especialistas de los temas objeto del estudio: profesores, historiadores, periodistas, miembros de distintas confesiones religiosas. A lo largo de las páginas se desgranan los acontecimientos investigados y las consecuencias sociales, políticas y económicas para la región: El triunfo del Frente Popular en febrero; la crisis granadina por la anulación de las actas electorales. La posición de los poderes económicos y sociales –terratenientes, grandes empresarios, capitalistas, iglesia católica– en las explosiones de crisis y violencia que se dieron en la región. El enfrentamiento de los propietarios a los expedientes de expropiaciones de fincas. La activa presencia de CGT y UGT. La dubitativa actuación, con excepciones, de la Guardia civil en el control del incumplimiento de las órdenes de reparto de jornaleros en el campo, reclamaciones por invasiones de tierras, manifestaciones sociales (ejemplo: los incidentes del carnaval de Pechina y la ocupación de fincas en Lebrija). La escasa presencia de una fuerza de seguridad republicana en la región. Los documentos oficiales conservados, aun recogiendo situaciones de violencia importante, contradicen el "caos" y "estado de pre revolución socialcomunista" voceado por las fuerzas conservadoras. El enfrentamiento más duro del periodo se da en Málaga entre los sindicatos de UGT y CNT. En estos meses sí se quemaron iglesias y otros edificios religiosos, sin ninguna víctima entre los religiosos católicos, terratenientes, grandes empresarios, capitalistas. Y sí un total de 28 víctimas mortales de civiles. Encontramos una sociedad viva, con graves problemas económicos, de paro y sociales; falta de colegios públicos, de vivienda para las clases populares. La catastrófica riada de febrero-abril. Deseosa de días de paz y regocijo en sus fiestas: Carnaval chirigotero gaditano; Semana Santa sevillana; Corpus laico y popular granadino. Sus festejos populares, cines, partidos de fútbol, corridas de toros, bailes, verbenas, misses. Era aquella una sociedad que buscaba una vida mejor en el marco de una República imperfecta, arrasada por una dictadura cruel y perfecta. ; he Spanish Second Republic encompassed only almost 8 years that started with its proclamation on April 14th 1931 and finished when Franco announced the end of the war on April 1st 1939. This period included remarkable facts for the Spanish society linked, on one hand, to past times, in which some people wished to remain, and, on the other hand, to a different future which others envisioned as a feasible one. The months from January to September 1936 were the zenith of republican desires and the beginning of the decline of those dreams. The failure of the center-right governments (1934-35) lead to the general elections in January 1936 followed by a provisional government in February upon the electoral triumph of the Popular Front political parties. Soon, in March, the government consolidation evolved in parallel to confrontations between rightists and front-popularists in the streets and, just a couple of months later, the President of the Republic dismissed and a new one was elected. Between May and June, social and economic front-popular actions, such as the agrarian reform, took place accompanied by strikes and lock-outs while the army accelerated the preparations for the military coup that finally bursted in July. The coup partially succeded until August and encountered the Republican resistence from September on when the two powers, coup and republican, co-existed. The research of these events in the specific framework of Andalusia is the main focus of this thesis. It includes specific references to the national and, in some cases, to the international context. The thesis contains three parts and an epilogue. First part. February 1936: The third, and last, elections to Courts of the Second Spanish Republic. 4 chapters. Second part: Five months of Popular Front. 4 chapters. Third part: Andalusia in the times of the Popular Front. 4 chapters. Epilogue: The military coup and the repression. The research sources used have been: (1) The historiographical doctrine in its two aspects: anti- and pro-republican. (2) Andalusian and national files: Local, provincial, general, public and private files in Andalusia and public, private, civil and military at the national level. (3) Press: newspapers and magazines from 1936 and earlier and later dates. (4) Personal interviews with specialists of the subjects under study: professors, historians, journalists, members of different religions. The thesis analyzes the social, political and economic consequences in Andalusia of the following events: The triumph of the Popular Front in February. The Granada crisis over the annulment of the electoral records. The position of the economic and social powers such as landowners, big businessmen, capitalists and the catholic church in the explosions of crisis and violence. The confrontation of the owners to farm nationalization. The active presence of CGT and UGT. The actions of the "Guardia Civil" to control the breach of the orders of distribution of workers in the farmfields, claims for invasions of lands, social demonstrations (such as the incidents of the carnival of Pechina and the occupation of farms in Lebrija). The poor presence of a republican security force in the region. Other remarkable issues analyzed in the thesis include: (1) Although the available official documents reflect events of significant violence they, however, contradict the "chaos" and "state of pre-communist social revolution" claimed to exist by the conservative forces. (2) The toughest confrontation of the period that occured in Malaga between the UGT and CNT unions. (3) The fact that churches and other religious buildings were burned with a total of 28 civilian fatalities that did not include religious catholic , landowners, big businessmen or capitalists. In general the events described in this thesis occur within a society that was alive, but suffering from unemployment and serious economic and social problems such as the lack of public schools and housing for the popular classes. Special attention is paid to the impact of the catastrophic flood from February to April. This society was certainly eager for peace and joy as reflected by their popular festivities: The Carnaval in Cadiz, the Holy Week in Seville, the laic Corpus in Granada and other popular activities including movies, football matches, bullfights, dances and beauty contests. In summary, it was a society yearning for a better life in the framework of an imperfect Republic, devastated by a cruel and perfect dictatorship.

ABSTRAKSaat ini wisata syariah yang biasa dikenal dengan wisata religi sedang menjamur, khususnya di Jawa Timur. Sosok yang dianggap wali oleh sebagian orang itu berada di Surabaya, Gresik, dan Tuban, namun saat ini berkembang di kabupaten Jombang, yakni makam Presiden ke-4 Abdurrahman Wahid yang disebut Gus Dur. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pemahaman masyarakat dalam memanfaatkan peluang wisata religi makam Gus Dur dalam meningkatkan perekonomian masyarakat sekitar pondok pesantren Tebuireng khususnya di dusun Jalan Seblak gang III. Penelitian ini dapat dicermati melalui perubahan kehidupan ekonomi, pemanfaatan peluang usaha dan faktor penghambat bagi kepentingan usaha. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat setempat mengalami perubahan ekonomi dengan memanfaatkan peluang untuk membangun warung di atas tanah mereka dan menyewakannya kepada pedagang luar. Ini memberikan nilai ekonomi tambahan. Namun, penjualan warung-warung tersebut dinilai tidak mencukupi, sehingga mengharuskan mereka untuk membuka usaha sampingan. Terdapat peluang yang sangat baik bagi masyarakat untuk memilih menyewakan lapaknya karena faktor penghambat yaitu keluarga, tenaga kerja, permodalan, dan rasa empati yang tinggi terhadap pedagang pendatang. Saran bagi Pemerintah Kabupaten Jombang adalah memfasilitasi masyarakat dengan pengetahuan kewirausahaan dengan mengadakan seminar agar memiliki pengetahuan dan motivasi yang tinggi untuk menjalankan bisnis.Kata Kunci: Wisata Religi Makam Gus Dur, Peningkatan Ekonomi, Peluang Usaha. ABSTRACTCurrently, sharia tourism, commonly known as religious-friendly tourism is proliferating, especially in East Java. The figure, who is considered a guardian by some people, is located in Surabaya, Gresik, and Tuban but currently developing in the Jombang district, namely the tomb of the 4th President Abdurrahman Wahid, who is called Gus Dur. This study aims to determine the understanding of the community in taking advantage of religious tourism opportunities in Gus Dur's tomb in improving the community's economy around the Tebuireng Islamic boarding school, especially in the hamlet of Street Seblak street alley III. This study can be observed through changes in economic life, utilization of business opportunities and inhibiting factors for business interests. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with interview and documentation data collection techniques. The results of this study show that the local community is experiencing economic changes by taking advantage of the opportunity to build a warung on their land and rent it out to outside traders. It provides added economic value. 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The Convention on the Rights of the Child, approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 20 November 1989, states in Article 2 that "States Parties shall respect and ensure the rights set forth in the present Convention to each child within their jurisdiction without discrimination of any kind, irrespective of the child's or his or her parent's or legal guardian's race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status." Therefore, the child becomes a citizen from birth and is competent to learn from birth. Competent in learning, asking questions, seeking answers, and generating a culture of their own. By affirming the right to be recognised as a citizen of the present, competent, culture-generating, we affirm the strength and extraordinary potential of the child and their right to express it. Infant-toddler centres and preschools are excellent educational places, where to build the paradigm of care and community for the child as citizen. Not all-encompassing places for education, but essential. They help to process, rework and update childhood data, to define childhood and to be defined by them and to define societies. It is not just the care of the child, it is the child's culture, it is the child's look at the world, their generative whys. The great cultural and political "revolution" of the last century – never completely accomplished – is making children active protagonists, leaving them their autonomy, considering them as holders of rights and culture. But now we know that society needs its childhood, too. ; carla.rinaldi@unimore.it ; Fondazione Reggio Children – Centro Loris Malaguzzi (The Reggio Children – Loris Malaguzzi Centre Foundation) ; Acemoglu D., Robinson J. 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The enthusiasm in the Tahfidz House (TH) education program especially for children shows an increasing trend in Padang, a modeling city in developing Islāmic character for children. The purpose of this study was to investigate the Tahfidz House program trends development in early childhood in Padang. This study uses qualitative methods with data collection tools, namely inter- views, direct observation, and document analysis. The results showed that: First, the Tahfidz House program attracted public interest because it offered dimensions of character formation such as in- creasing Intelligence Quotient, Emotional Quotient, and Spiritual Quotient. Second, there is a theo- logical reason in the landscape of local people to think that the Qur'an offers a blessing concept in our lives. Third, Tahfidz House existences as non-formal education has two dominant affiliations, namely pure education and based on market interests or capitalization. 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El aspecto de un dilatado continente que aparecía en el mundo político, emancipado de sus antiguos dominadores, y agregando de un golpe nuevos miembros a la gran sociedad de las naciones, excitó a la vez el entusiasmo de los amantes de los principios, el temor de los enemigos de la libertad, que veían el carácter distintivo de las instituciones que América escogía, y la curiosidad de los hombres de Estado. Europa, recién convalecida del trastorno en que la revolución francesa puso a casi todas las monarquías, encontró en la revolución de América del Sur un espectáculo semejante al que poco antes de los tumultos de París había fijado sus ojos en la del Norte, pero más grandioso todavía, porque la emancipación de las colonias inglesas no fue sino el principio del gran poder que iba a elevarse de este lado de los mares, y la de las colonias españolas debe considerarse como su complemento.
Un acontecimiento tan importante, y que fija una era tan marcada en la historia del mundo político, ocupó la atención de todos los Gabinetes y los cálculos de todos los pensadores. No ha faltado quien crea que un considerable número de naciones colocadas en un vasto continente, e identificadas en instituciones y en origen, y a excepción de los Estados Unidos, en costumbres y religión, formarán con el tiempo un cuerpo respetable, que equilibre la política europea y que, por el aumento de riqueza y de población y por todos los bienes sociales que deben gozar a la sombra de sus leyes, den también, con el ejemplo, distinto curso a los principios gubernativos del Antiguo Continente. Mas pocos han dejado de presagiar que, para llegar a este término lisonjero, teníamos que marchar por una senda erizada de espinas y regada de sangre; que nuestra inexperiencia en la ciencia de gobernar había de producir frecuentes oscilaciones en nuestros Estados; y que mientras la sucesión de generaciones no hiciese olvidar los vicios y resabios del coloniaje, no podríamos divisar los primeros rayos de prosperidad.
Otros, por el contrario, nos han negado hasta la posibilidad de adquirir una existencia propia a la sombra de instituciones libres que han creído enteramente opuestas a todos los elementos que pueden constituir los Gobiernos hispanoamericanos. Según ellos, los principios representativos, que tan feliz aplicación han tenido en los Estados Unidos, y que han hecho de los establecimientos ingleses una gran nación que aumenta diariamente en poder, en industria, en comercio y en población, no podían producir el mismo resultado en la América española. La situación de unos y otros pueblos al tiempo de adquirir su independencia era esencialmente distinta: los unos tenían las propiedades divididas, se puede decir, con igualdad, los otros veían la propiedad acumulada en pocas manos. Los unos estaban acostumbrados al ejercicio de grandes derechos políticos al paso que los otros no los habían gozado, ni aun tenían idea de su importancia. Los unos pudieron dar a los principios liberales toda la latitud de que hoy gozan, y los otros, aunque emancipados de España, tenían en su seno una clase numerosa e influyente, con cuyos intereses chocaban. Estos han sido los principales motivos, porque han afectado desesperar de la consolidación de nuestros Gobiernos los enemigos de nuestra independencia.
En efecto, formar constituciones políticas más o menos plausibles, equilibrar ingeniosamente los poderes, proclamar garantías y hacer ostentaciones de principios liberales, son cosas bastante fáciles en el estado de adelantamiento a que ha llegado en nuestros tiempos la ciencia social. Pero conocer a fondo la índole y las necesidades de los pueblos a quienes debe aplicarse la legislación, desconfiar de las seducciones de brillantes teorías, escuchar con atención e imparcialidad la voz de la experiencia, sacrificar al bien público opiniones queridas, no es lo más común en la infancia de las naciones y en crisis en que una gran transición política, como la nuestra, inflama todos los espíritus. Instituciones que en la teoría parecen dignas de la más alta admiración, por hallarse en conformidad con los principios establecidos por los más ilustres publicistas, encuentran, para su observancia, obstáculos invencibles en la práctica; serán quizá las mejores que pueda dictar el estudio de la política en general, pero no, como las que Solón formó para Atenas, las mejores que se pueden dar a un pueblo determinado. La ciencia de la legislación, poco estudiada entre nosotros cuando no teníamos una parte activa en el gobierno de nuestros países, no podía adquirir desde el principio de nuestra emancipación todo el cultivo necesario, para que los legisladores americanos hiciesen de ella meditadas, juiciosas y exactas aplicaciones, y adoptasen, para la formación de las nuevas constituciones, una norma más segura que la que pueden presentarnos máximas abstracciones y reglas generales.
Estas ideas son plausibles; pero su exageración sería más funesta para nosotros que el mismo frenesí revolucionario. Esa política asustadiza y pusilánime desdoraría al patriotismo americano; y ciertamente está en oposición con aquella osadía generosa que le puso las armas en la mano, para esgrimirlas contra la tiranía. Reconociendo la necesidad de adaptar las formas gubernativas a las localidades, costumbres y caracteres nacionales, no por eso debemos creer que nos es negado vivir bajo el amparo de instituciones libres y naturalizar en nuestro suelo las saludables garantías que aseguran la libertad, patrimonio de toda sociedad humana que merezca nombre de tal. En América, el estado de desasosiego y vacilación que ha podido asustar a los amigos de la humanidad es puramente transitorio. Cualesquiera que fuesen las circunstancias que acompañasen a la adquisición de nuestra independencia, debió pensarse que el tiempo y la experiencia irían rectificando los errores, la observación descubriendo las inclinaciones, las costumbres y el carácter de nuestros pueblos, y la prudencia combinando todos estos elementos, para formar con ellos la base de nuestra organización. Obstáculos que parecen invencibles desaparecerán gradualmente: los principios tutelares, sin alterarse en la sustancia, recibirán en sus formas externas las modificaciones necesarias, para acomodarse a la posición peculiar de cada pueblo; y tendremos constituciones estables, que afiancen la libertad e independencia, al mismo tiempo que el orden y la tranquilidad, a cuya sombra podamos consolidarnos y engrandecernos. Por mucho que se exagere la oposición de nuestro estado social con algunas de las instituciones de los pueblos libres, ¿se podrá nunca imaginar un fenómeno más raro que el que ofrecen los mismos Estados Unidos en la vasta libertad que constituye el fundamento de su sistema político y en la esclavitud en que gimen casi dos millones de negros bajo el azote de crueles propietarios? Y sin embargo, aquella nación está constituida y próspera.
Entre tanto, nada más natural que sufrir las calamidades que afectan a los pueblos en los primeros ensayos de la carrera política; mas ellas tendrán término, y América desempeñará en el mundo el papel distinguido a que la llaman la grande extensión de su territorio, las preciosas y variadas producciones de su suelo y tantos elementos de prosperidad que encierra.
Durante este período de transición, es verdaderamente satisfactorio para los habitantes de Chile ver que se goza en esta parte de América una época de paz que, ya se deba a nuestras instituciones, ya al espíritu de orden que distingue el carácter nacional, ya a las lecciones de pasadas desgracias, ha alejado de nosotros escenas de horror que han afligido a otras secciones del continente americano. En Chile están armados los pueblos por la ley; pero hasta ahora esas armas no han servido sino para sostener el orden y el goce de los más preciosos bienes sociales; y esta consoladora observación aumenta en importancia al fijar nuestra vista en las presentes circunstancias, en que se ocupa la nación en las elecciones para la primera magistratura. Las tempestuosas agitaciones que suelen acompañar a estas crisis políticas no turban nuestra quietud; los odios duermen; las pasiones no se disputan el terreno; la circunspección y la prudencia acompañan al ejercicio de la parte más interesante de los derechos políticos. Sin embargo, estas mismas consideraciones causan el desaliento y tal vez la desesperación de otros. Querrían que este acto fuese solemnizado con tumultos populares, que le presidiese todo género de desenfreno, que se pusiesen en peligro el orden y las más caras garantías... ¡oh!, ¡nunca lleguen a verificarse en Chile estos deseos! ♦
El Araucano, Santiago de Chile, 1836.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAOvoga 20. listopada obilježit ćemo dvije obljetnice, 120 godina od izgradnje Šumarskoga doma i početka visokoškolske šumarske nastave u Hrvatskoj, upravo u Šumarskome domu. Naime, toga dana 20. listopada 1898. godine počela je s radom Šumarska akademija u sklopu tadašnjeg Mudroslovnog (Filozofskog) fakulteta, kao četvrta visokoškolska ustanova Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Time je Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo ostvarilo još jedan temeljni cilj, nakon dovođenja u Hrvatsku više šumarske nastave (Gospodarsko šumarsko učilište u Križevcima 1860. god. te početak tiskanja svoga znanstveno-stručnoga i staleškoga glasila Šumarski list 1877. god.). Za poznavanje i gospodarenje najsloženijim ekosustavom – šumom, potreban je visokostručni kadar, geslo je tadašnje politike (sugestija Marije Terezije), koje je putem Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva ostvareno. Za razliku od današnje politike tada je šumarstvu i šumi dano tako vidno mjesto, koje mu po značaju i pripada. Gospodariti po načelu potrajnosti na gotovo polovici (47 %) kopnene površine Hrvatske zahtijeva drukčiji pristup šumi i šumarstvu u odnosu na današnji. Ponajprije, šumi treba vratiti protuvrijednost koju ona pruža. Ona je danas za mnoge neprepoznata, a nju Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo kao predstavnik objedinjene struke (šumarskoga obrazovanja, prakse i znanosti) neprestano ističe. Sa žaljenjem ističemo da resorni ministar do danas, unatoč molbi, nije našao za shodno primiti na razgovor rukovodstvo Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva i informirati se o problemima dijela resora kojega pokriva, i to na stručnoj, a ne političkoj razini. Baš nas interesira koliki će značaj dati obilježavanju spomenutih obljetnica?Ostavit ćemo politiku i prelistati dvadeset prvo godište (ili tečaj kako piše) Šumarskoga lista i spomenuti samo neke značajnije napise iz davne 1898. god. Ponajprije treba istaknuti da je glavni urednik bio Josip Kozarac, državni nadšumar iz Vinkovaca, a časopis je tiskan u 12 brojeva.Milan Tordony, kr. šumar polemizira na temu Preborna šuma – primjeri iz Šumarije Fužine – zagovara normalnost sastojine kojoj se gospodarenjem nastojimo približiti – cilj je potrajno dobivati prihod, što je ovisno o strukturi sastojina. Tekst i rasprava poznatog nam A. Kerna naslovljen je na temu "Uređivanje prebornih sastojina". Gašo Vac, krapinski šumar piše "Šume i šumsko gospodarenje u Donjo Miholjačkom kotaru" općenito, a potom o vlastelinskim i o šumama zemljišnih zajednica, posebice hrastovim šumama. Na temu "Kasni (pozni) hrast (Quercus pedunculata var. tardisima Simonkai, glavni urednik Josip Kozarac najavljuje dvije rasprave koje slijede: kr. ugarskog nadšumara Ivana Földesa i W. Nikodema šumarskog upravitelja Turn-Taxisa u Lekeniku.S. Partaš piše na temu "O lugarnicama i lugarskim tečajevima; Aus dem Walde i vin H. Burckhardt u nastavcima o zaštitnom drveću: a) za zaštitu tla, b) za zaštitu sastojine i c) kao zaštitni rub; Jos pl. Ane, kotarski šumar "Oštećenje voluhara u hrastovoj sastojini"; Slavko Sulki "Poledica i njene posljedice na Krašu" (početak prosinca u Općini Hreljin); Nadšumar Kraft "O biološkim podlogama za uzgoj sastojina" (u šumarskoj struci uvijek je osnovica praksa – teorijom se ne mogu šumarska pitanja a priori riješiti, no ona ima zadaću ono što proizlazi iz prakse, znanstveno obrazložiti); Dragutin Hirc u nekoliko nastavaka piše "Iglasto drveće i grmlje hrvatske flore"; Prof. J. Partaš "Hrast u visokoj šumi"; F.X. Kesterčanek "Treba li nam uz akademiju u Zagrebu muzej šumarskog društva?" Naravno, tu su tekstovi: "Šumsko i gospodarsko knjižtvo, Zakoni i normativne naredbe, Zapisnici sa sjednica Upravljajućeg odbora, Državni ispiti za šumarsku struku, Dražbe drvnih proizvoda (dakle prije 120 godina to se rješavalo po tržišnim načelima, a danas politika određuje cijene i puni džepove privatnika pod izlikom da čuva posebice male pilanare i potiče visoko finaliziranu (vidimo li je?) proizvodnju proizvoda iz drva, koja osigurava veće zapošljavanje?), Različite viesti" i dr. Naposljetku slijedi "Naredba kr. hrv.-dalm. zemaljske vlade, odjela za unutarnje poslove i za bogoštovje i nastavu od. 7. listopada 1898. br. 66102., kojom se izdaje naukovni i ispitni red za slušatelje šumarstva na mudroslovnom fakultetu kr. sveučilišta Franjo Josip I. u Zagrebu", sa satnicom predavanja, načinom polaganja ispita i dr. Godište završava s popisom članova ("začasnih, utemeljiteljnih, podupirućih te članova I. i II. razreda").Uredništvo ; EDITORIALOctober 20th 2018 marks two important events: the 120th anniversary of the ceremonious opening of the Forestry House and the beginning of university forestry education in Croatia in the premises of the Forestry House. On October 20, 1898, the Forestry Academy was established within the Faculty of Philosophy as the fourth institution of higher education of the University of Zagreb. The Croatian Forestry Association fulfilled yet one more basic goal, after bringing higher forestry education into Croatia (Agriculture and Forestry College in Križevci in 1860 and the beginning of publishing its scientific forestry-specialized publication - Forestry Journal in 1877). To learn about and manage the most complex ecosystems, the forest, highly expert personnel is needed: this was the motto of the politics of that time (suggested by the Empress Maria Theresa). This motto was put to life through the Croatian Forestry Association. Unlike present-day politics, forestry and forests were then paid due importance. Implementing the principle of sustainability to manage forests that cover almost half (47 %) of the land territory of Croatia required a different approach to forests and forestry than is used today. First of all, the forest should be given back the values it provides. For many, these values are not recognized, although the Croatian Forestry Association as a representative of an integrated profession (forestry education, practice and science) continuously stresses them. We regret to say that, despite our repeated requests, the competent minister has not yet found time to receive the Managing Board of the Croatian Forestry Association to discuss problems arising in a part of the department he is responsible for. We do not wish to discuss problems on a political but on a professional level. Let us wait and see what importance will be given to the anniversaries mentioned above. However, let us leave politics and turn to leafing through Forestry Journal published in 1898 (the twenty-first year of the publication). We shall mention here only several of the more important articles from the year 1898. First, Editor-in-Chief was Josip Kozarac, a state head forester from Vinkovci, and the journal came out in 12 issues. Milan Tordony, the royal forester, discusses the topic of selection forests - examples from Fužine Forest Office - and advocates the normal status of a stand to be achieved with management practices. The goal is to obtain sustainable yield, which depends on the structure of a stand. The text and the debate of the renowned A. Kern bears the title "Managing selection stands". Gašo Vac, a forester from Krapina, writes about "Forests and forest management in the municipality of Donji Miholjac" in general, and then about forests owned by landed gentry and by land communities, in particular about oak forests. Using the topic of "Late flushing oak ( Quercus pedunculata var. tardisima Simonkai), editor-in-chief Josip Kozarac announces two discussions: by the royal Hungarian head forester Ivan Földes and W. Nikodem, forest manager of Thurn-Taxis in Lekenik. S. Partaš writes on the topic of "Ranger's lodges and ranger's training courses; Aus dem Walde and H. Burckhardt write in sequels on protective trees; a) for soil protection, b) for stand protection, and c) as protective edges; Jos Ane, municipal forester, discusses "Vole damage in oak stands"; Slavko Sulki writes about "Glazed frost and its consequences on Karst" (the beginning of December in the Municipality of Hreljin); head forester Kraft writes about "Biological priciples for stand cultivation" (in the forestry profession, practice always comes first - forestry issues cannot be solved a priori by theory, but the task of theory is to give scientific explanations of what arises from practice); Dragutin Hirc writes in several sequels about "Conifer trees and shrubs of the Croatian flora"; Professor J. Partaš discusses "Oak in a high forest"; F. X. Kesterčanek asks "Do we need a Museum of Forestry Association in addition to the Academy in Zagreb?" There are also the following articles: Forestry and agricultural publications, Laws and normative acts, Minutes of management board meetings, State examinations for the forestry profession, Auction sales of wood products (as we see, 120 years ago the sale of wood products was based on market principles, while today it is politics which determines prices and fills the pockets of private owners under the pretext of protecting small sawmill owners and stimulating highly finalized production of wood products to increase employment), "Miscellaneous news", and others, Finally, there is the "Order by the Royal Croatian-Dalmatian Government of the Land, Department of Internal Affairs and of Religion and Education" of October 7, 1898, No 66102, issuing the order of lectures and exams for forestry students at the Faculty of Philosophy at the Royal University of Francis Joseph I in Zagreb", completed with timetables of lectures, manner of taking exams and others. The yearbook ends with a list of members (honorary, founding, supporting, and member of the I and II Class).Editorial Board

The purpose of this thesis is to explore trade union agency and its limits in an African country that is highly dependent on oil. The overall research question is: What are the opportunities and constraints to trade union agency in Nigeria? This case study of the Nigerian trade unions focuses on the 2012 fuel subsidy protests that constituted among the biggest popular mobilisations in Nigerian history. Many of the Nigerian trade unions' achievements over the last decades relate to their leading role in the recurring and successful resistance against fuel subsidy removals. This is widely recognised, but insufficiently understood, and the unions are both over- and under-estimated in terms of their capacities. The thesis addresses a research gap on African trade unions. It is motivated by an apparent paradox. On one hand, are theoretical dismissals of the relevance of trade unions, in assuming that there is a limited civic agency and space for trade unions in African states and in petro-economies. On the other, are reports of widespread labour rights abuses from many African governments and employers, undoubtedly due to the significance of the unions. Additionally, whereas emerging studies of civic agency in Africa tend to focus on relatively disempowered groups and informal labour, the focus on the strategically positioned trade unions into the analysis opens for a renewed conversation about state–society relations, the constitution of power and discussions about the capacities of social actors to engage with structures. Theoretically, the thesis engages with the concepts of agency and power. Power is understood as inherent properties or capacities of an actor, while agency concerns the subjective, reflexive and purposeful realisation of these capacities. Agency is further considered as relational, contextual and historical. In understanding the unions' contexts and relations, the thesis emphasises a holistic understanding of labour's multiple roles and relations in what I have called the 'labour triangle': state, market and society. Methodologically I have used an extended case method, which is reflexive in nature, combines fieldwork and interviews with theoretical explorations, and implies moving between scales and levels. As agency is rooted in history, the introductory chapter emphasises the specific historical formation of state, market and society in Nigeria. The Nigerian state is characterised by prebendal elite politics, a federalised and divided governance system with divisions according to regions and ethnicities, as well as parallel social logics of the civic and the 'primordial' publics. The unions are rooted in a modern, civic public. Although the state has attempted to control the unions, they operate largely autonomously. The Nigerian economy is dominated by oil and a large informal sector, and there are deep class divisions horizontally, between the haves and the have-nots; the elites and the popular masses. Additionally, there are social divisions vertically in terms of ethnicity, religion and region. Although these divisions have at times disturbed union efficiency and the relevance of class identity for mobilisation, the unions largely cut through these separations. Within the unions, ideological divisions between radical and reformist are more prominent. While the oil resources have fuelled the distanced relationship between state and citizen, a growing sense of injustice caused by the lack of redistribution and of popular benefits from the oil resources has been a source for trade unions' mobilising power. This, together with the workers' strategic position in the oil economy, allows the unions a particularly strong structural power. The thesis consists of three articles. The first article – Nigerian unions between the street and Aso Rock: The role of the Nigerian trade unions in the 2012 fuel subsidy protests – critically examines the trade unions' contested positions and actions during the 2012 protests. Whereas unionists described the outcome as a victory and demonstration of popular sovereignty, fellow protesters expressed anger towards the unions for unfulfilled democratic opportunities and accused the unions of succumbing to bribery. The article shows in practice how the unions' capacities to mobilise, strike and negotiate were instrumental in the reinstatement of the subsidy, and also how the unions' agency is both enabled and constrained by their embeddedness in the state, society and the market. The second article – Casualisation and conflict in the Niger Delta: Nigerian oil workers' unions between companies and communities – explores the particular opportunities and constraints to organised oil workers' actions. Although the 2012 fuel subsidy protests mobilised an unprecedented number of people on the streets, the government did not call for negotiations until the oil unions threatened to shut down oil production. However, production was never shut down, and the oil unions were criticised for 'empty threats' and for abandoning their historical democratic and social role. Based on the premise that the conditions for labour actions are found at the local and industrial workplace levels, the paper explores how processes of informalisation of labour (casualisation) and conflict interlink and affect the local labour regime and the oil unions' powers in the Niger Delta. It shows how the labour fragmentations and erosions of labour power from casualisation are exacerbated when unfolding into this context of conflict and social fragmentation. Despite the oil unions' strategic position in the oil industry and their relatively high union density, these processes have challenged both their capacity and will to mobilise, strike and bargain. The third article – Popular protest against fuel subsidy removal: Nigerian trade unions as mediator of a social contract – explores the popular idea that cheap fuel is an economic right for Nigerian citizens, and is part of a social contract. In contrast to perspectives that underscore the lack of civic opportunities in the relations between the state and its citizens in Nigeria, the article proposes that the protesters asserted and claimed deeper citizenship. They did so by rallying behind the fuel subsidy as a social right, and also by utilising civil rights to bargain and political rights to participate. Here, the trade unions played a critical and mediating role, based in their specific industrial citizenship, with collective forms of representation, organising and bargaining. This social contract is fragile however, and the unions' roles as mediators of this social contract are both critical and contested. In addition to expanding our understanding of an African trade union in an oil-dependent economy, this thesis opens for a renewed conversation about state–society relations, power and agency. Whereas agency studies from Africa have focused on relatively powerless actors and the tactical agency of getting by, studying the agency of the relatively powerful unions reveals their ability to influence the surrounding structures. Trade unions have strategic powers in relation to state, market and society in their ability to mobilise socially, hurt the economy through strike action and negotiate with elites in state and market. This allows them to play a far greater role than their relative size suggests. Although Nigeria is among the most difficult countries for unions to operate in, the Nigerian trade unions have contributed to ensuring social benefits to Nigerians through cheap fuel, and they have been a counterforce to the expansion of informal and patronage relations at the workplace. They have additionally contributed to strengthening civic relations and state institutions through a mediating role between state and citizen. The study clearly shows the need to engage with trade unions in the study of power and politics in Africa. ; Et tilsynelatende paradoks har motivert denne avhandlingen: På den ene siden avvises fagbevegelsens relevans i afrikanske land og i oljeøkonomier. Teorier hevder at sosialt aktørskap og aktivt medborgerskap har begrensede muligheter i slike kontekster. Det antas også at fagbevegelser har liten betydning på grunn av at lønnsarbeidere er få i økonomier som er lite industrialiserte og har store uformelle sektorer. På den andre siden vitner innsatsen fra stater og næringsliv for å begrense fagorganisering og fagbevegelsens handlingsrom – indikert ved utbredte brudd på faglige rettigheter i afrikanske land – om at fagbevegelsens i praksis anses som (potensielt) viktige og mektige. Mange afrikanske fagbevegelser opplever også press fra andre sivilsamfunnsorganisasjoner om å engasjere seg i en rekke sosiale, økonomiske og politiske spørsmål, utfra forventninger om at de er spesielt effektive endringsagenter. Betydningen av afrikansk fagbevegelse er både over- og undervurdert, og fagbevegelsers konkrete roller i Afrika er utilstrekkelig forstått. Denne avhandlingen bidrar til å fylle et tomrom i forskningen. Formålet med avhandlingen er å undersøke fagbevegelsens vilje og evne til påvirkning i et oljeavhengig afrikansk land gjennom en case-studie fra Nigeria. Det overordnede forskningsspørsmålet er: Hvilke muligheter og begrensninger har nigeriansk fagbevegelse for aktørskap? Fokuset på fagbevegelsen, med sin strategiske politiske, økonomiske og sosiale posisjon, åpner også for en fornyet analyse om sosialt aktørskap, og om forhold mellom stat og samfunn i Afrika.

While one can cite a wide range of local and international development co-operation promoting social change in the social position of women in Nepal, one also sees changes arising from local communities themselves. Local and international concepts of change do not always coincide; indeed they sometimes clash. The need for change and development in women's social position is a given in development discourses, yet the definitions of change and development are complex, incorporating as they do colonial and imperial power structures intertwined with local hierarchies and inequalities. Alongside these considerations, one finds traditional elements that support women's wellbeing and social change in communities, yet are not always recognised in development discourses and practices. In this ethnographic inquiry in the field of social work, I analyse the change process(es) in the women's social position in Nepalese rural communities. I view social change as a complex transition towards multiple goals with varying rhythms. My analysis lies at the intersections of the international and local, and conceptual and practical knowledge bases. The study seeks to contribute to the discussion on international social work, with particular emphasis on decolonising and feminist approaches. My main research question is: How can one promote ethically sustainable social change processes with the women in globally and locally marginalised communities? I also ask how is the women's social position in Nepalese rural communities shaped at the intersection of traditions and transition; how do the global and local driving forces reshape the women's social position; and how are the women's perspectives and environments that promote the transition in their social position related to the international paradigms of development and social change. My analytical focus is on the activism and perspectives of the women participating in the research in their particular environment and their links with communal and societal structures and international politics. My primary research material consists of the data collected in six months of ethnographic fieldwork (from 2012 to 2013) and in return visits to Nepal totaling an additional month (in 2014, 2015 & 2016) working with two women's communities in rural Nepal. The research encounters took place in the communities' daily contexts and the registered organisations that local women had established. The data include group, pair and individual discussions with the women, as well as my participatory observation. The study takes account of the women's perspectives from multiple social positions, from both the centres and the margins of the communities. My earlier experiences with communities elsewhere in Nepal, gained in seven different periods of living and working in the country (during 2005–2011), provided in-depth background knowledge of the context. Throughout the study I reflect on questions of ethical knowledge production and epistemological hierarchies and privileges. The research also discusses how equality and social justice are promoted within social work research, on the level of both ideology and practice. The findings illustrate that the women assumed diverse roles and positions in their communities and daily settings. These positions were actualised in the women's social relationships and communal roles—as wives, daughters-in-law, mothers, 'sisters', community activists and leaders—as well as in their duties and responsibilities—maintaining the household, nurturing, ensuring survival, and representing culture and religion. The analysis indicates that the women were subject to multiple social restrictions but that they also played an essential role in their communities, one which expanded to bringing about transformations. The women's aims in and tools for producing social change were diverse and linked to their daily realities and traditions as well as to their close relation to the land and spirituality. Their goals culminated on a concrete level in improving their means of livelihood and fighting poverty, and on an abstract level in their being seen and heard. The research highlights the value of the traditions that supported the women's wellbeing and of the cultural and religious practices and ideologies that they sought to maintain. It also underscores the importance of taking these elements into account in development discourses and practices. I reflect on the women's perspectives in the light of feminist and decolonising theorisation. This theoretical analysis led me to identify five goals of the transition in the women's social position: decolonisation of subjectivities, renegotiation of social hierarchies, decolonisation of epistemologies, feminisation of the economy, and redistribution of space. Achieving these aims requires critical reflection on global and local power imbalances and recognition of the hierarchies between the different actors within the transition process. The research indicates that the focal transition in the women's social position was pervaded by power imbalances that created ruptures and transgressions in social, gendered, spatial and epistemological dimensions. The study argues that changes towards greater social justice can be achieved by bridging the gaps between the epistemologies from the Global South and North, centers and margins, practice and theory as well as spirituality and rationality. The research prompts the conclusion that ethically sustainable change in women's social position in the global and local margins is promoted by solidarity that includes dialogue, alliance and exchange, on both the conceptual level and in practice. The inquiry provides insights on the value of striving for holistic inclusion and of respect for diversities as a basis for locally relevant and contextually specific social work practice. ; Naisten sosiaalisen aseman muutos on yksi keskeisimmistä tavoitteista kansallisessa ja kansainvälisessä kehitysyhteistyössä, joka vaikuttaa laajasti Nepalissa. Samaan aikaan paikallisyhteisöt edistävät sosiaalista muutosta ruohonjuuritasolla. Eri tasoilla ajetun muutoksen suunnat, keinot ja tavoitteet ovat moninaiset, ja ne ovatkin usein ristiriitaisia keskenään. Ne sisältävät myös kolonialistisia ja imperialistisia valtarakenteita, jotka kietoutuvat paikallisiin hierarkioihin ja epätasa-arvoon, mikä monimutkaistaa muutoksen dynamiikkaa. Monimutkaisuutta lisää se, että kulttuuristen ja uskonnollisten perinteiden merkitys naisten ja yhteisöjen hyvinvoinnissa sekä muutoksen taustavoimana usein sivuutetaan kehitysyhteistyön keskusteluissa ja käytännöissä. Tässä sosiaalityön etnografisessa tutkimuksessa analysoin naisten sosiaalisen aseman muutosprosesseja sekä niiden tavoitteita nepalilaisissa maalaisyhteisöissä. Tutkimus tarkastelee sosiaalista muutosta kompleksisena siirtymänä, jolla on moninaisia suuntia. Samalla se valottaa keinoja muutoksen eettiseen ajamiseen. Osallistun tällä tutkimuksella kansainvälisen sosiaalityön keskusteluihin painottaen erityisesti dekoloniaalista ja feminististä lähestymistapaa. Analyysini paikantuu paikallisen ja kansainvälisen tason sekä teoreettisen ja käytännöllisen tiedon risteyskohtiin. Tutkimukseni tehtävänä on tuottaa tietoa siitä, miten eettisesti kestävää sosiaalista muutosta voidaan edistää paikallisesti ja globaalisti marginalisoitujen naisten rinnalla. Etsin vastausta tähän kolmella yksityiskohtaisemmalla kysymyksellä: 1) Millaiseksi naisten sosiaalinen asema muodostuu perinteiden ja muutosten risteyskohdassa; 2) Miten globaalit ja paikalliset muutosvoimat risteävät naisten sosiaalisen aseman muutoksessa; 3) Miten naisten omat näkemykset ja ympäristöt, jotka ajavat sosiaalista muutosta, suhteutuvat kansainvälisiin keskusteluihin kehityksestä ja sosiaalisesta muutoksesta. Tutkimukseni analyyttinen fokus on naisten kokemuksissa sekä niiden yhteydessä yhteiskunnallisiin rakenteisiin ja kansainväliseen politiikkaan. Olen tuottanut ensisijaisen tutkimusaineistoni kuuden kuukauden etnografisessa kenttätyössä (2012–2013) sekä uudelleen vierailuilla yhteensä kuukauden ajan (vuosina 2014, 2015 ja 2016) kahdessa naisten yhteisössä Nepalin maaseudulla. Tutkimuskohtaamiset paikantuivat yhteisöjen arkikonteksteihin sekä paikallisten naisten rekisteröimiin ja johtamiin organisaatioihin, joiden tavoitteena oli edistää kylien kehitystä ja parantaa naisten asemaa. Empiirinen aineisto on tuotettu naisten ryhmä-, pari- ja yksilöhaastatteluilla sekä osallistuvalla havainnoinnilla. Tutkimukseen osallistuneet naiset asemoituivat sekä yhteisöjen keskiöihin että marginaaleihin. Tutkimusta edeltävät kokemukseni Nepalissa vuosilta 2005–2011 seitsemän eri jakson ajan toimivat kenttätyöni kontekstuaalisena ja kulttuurisena taustana. Eettisen tiedontuottamisen sekä epistemologisten hierarkioiden ja etuoikeuksien kysymykset ovat olleet keskeisiä pohdintojani läpi tutkimusprosessin. Niihin liittyy olennaisesti kysymys, miten tasaarvo ja sosiaalinen oikeudenmukaisuus kietoutuvat osaksi sosiaalityön tutkimusta käytännöllisellä ja ideologisella tasolla. Tutkimus osoittaa, että naiset saivat moninaisia rooleja ja asemia heidän yhteisöissään ja arjessaan. Nuo roolit ja asemat toteutuivat naisten sosiaalisissa suhteissa – vaimoina, miniöinä, äiteinä, 'siskoina', yhteisöaktivisteina ja johtajina – sekä tehtävinä ja vastuina – kodinhoitajina, hoivaajina, elättäjinä ja kulttuurin ja uskonnon edustajina. Naisten tarinat kuvastivat monitasoisia marginaaleja ja erityisesti köyhyyden kanssa kamppailu oli niiden keskeinen elementti. Naisten yhteisöllinen asema näyttäytyi samaan aikaan keskeisenä ja rajoitettuna, mikä näkyi myös muutoksen edistämisessä. Naisten keinot sosiaalisen muutoksen ajamisessa olivat moninaiset ja ne linkittyivät muun muassa arkeen, perinteisiin, maahan ja hengellisyyteen. Heidän tavoitteensa kiteytyivät elinkeinon parantamiseen, köyhyyden vähentämiseen sekä pyrkimyksiin tulla kuulluiksi ja nähdyiksi. Tutkimustulokset painottavat, että perinteisiin ja paikallisyhteisöhin kiedotut muutosvoimat – kuten hengellisyys ja tunteet –, jotka ajoivat naisia ajamaan muutosta, ovat eettisesti kestävän sosiaalisen muutoksen ydintä. Analysoin naisten näkemyksiä sosiaalisesta muutoksesta dekoloniaalisen feministisen teorian valossa. Identifioin viisi muutoksen suuntaa, jotka tunnistavat ja reflektoivat kriittisesti paikallisia ja kansainvälisiä valtarakenteita: naisten subjektiviteetin dekolonisaatio, yhteisöllisten hierarkioiden uudelleenneuvottelu, talouden feminisaatio, epistemologioiden dekolonisaatio, sekä sosiaalisen tilan uudelleenjakaminen. Naisten aseman muutos, joka kietoutui paikallisiin ja globaaleihin valtarakenteisiin, synnytti railoja sekä rajojen ylityksiä sosiaalisella, sukupuolisella, tilallisella ja epistemologisella ulottuvuuksilla. Tutkimus esittää, että muutos kohti sosiaalista oikeudenmukaisuutta tavoitetaan rakentamalla siltoja erilaisten kuilujen, kuten globaalin Etelän ja Pohjoisen, sosiaalisten ja taloudellisten keskusten ja marginaalien, käytännön ja teorian, sekä henkisyyden, ruumiillisuuden ja rationaalisuuden välille. Tutkimustulosten pohjalta väitän, että eettisesti kestävää sosiaalista muutosta voidaan edistää dekoloniaalisesti ja feministisesti orientoituneella solidaarisuudella, joka sisältää dialogin, liittoutumisen (alliance) ja vaihdon (exchange) paikallisten toimijoiden kanssa. Tutkimukseni tuottaa syväluotaavia näkökulmia holistisen inkluusion ja moninaisuuden kunnioittamiselle, mitkä ovat kulttuurisesti relevantin ja paikallisesti erityisen sosiaalityön perustaa.

International audience ; The Jews of Algeria, who had been full French citizens since the « Crémieux decree » of October 24, 1870, were brutally relegated to the condition of simple "French subjects" by the Vichy regime's law of October 7, 1940 which repealed the decree which had originally collectively awarded them full citizenship. The Jews who were natives of the three districts of Algeria (the « departments » of Algiers, Oran and Constantine) remained French subjects whose civil rights, and effective and personal statuses remained dependent on French law But stripped of their French citizenship, their political rights were aligned on the lower status of Algerian Muslim natives. Those who resided in metropolitan France in 1940 were moreover victims of German decrees of exclusion in the directly German-administered areas of northern France, and of Vichy edicts in both the north and south of the country, aimed at excluding Jews from the national community. The measures of anti-Jewish legislation included a specific census of Jews, the special marking of their identity and rationing documents economic spoliation, the compulsory wearing of yellow stars, arrests, round-ups and internment. It is thus that Algerian Jews who had resided in metropolitan France for years, and sometimes for decades, or were simply caught up passing through there at the time, were among the six million Jews killed during the Shoah.According the historian Serge Klarsfeld, nearly 76,000 Jews then in France were deported, mostly to Auschwitz death camp. Only 3,860 survived. One should add that a further 3,000 Jews died in internment camps in France itself. Among these 80,000 victims, S. Klarsfeld estimated that there were 24,500 French Jews or French Jewish subjects, the rest being of other nationalities. Among the 24,500, there were about 1,500 natives of Algeria. Ever since the very first deportation convoy of March 27, 1942, French Jews and immigrants of other nationalities found themselves side-by-side in the same railway carriages. Among the internment records opened in their names in the "Fichiers juif" (listings of Jews), or on the lists of deportees, French Jews appear as "French subjects" (SF) or "Of French origin" (FO), or sometimes, as "French protégés." In Marseilles, many Jews were arrested during « Aktion Tiger », the code name given to the round-up carried out in the "old harbor" area of the city in January 1943. These Jews made up a majority (780 among 994 deportees) of the deportees sent by convoy number 52 to Sobibor death camp on March 23, 1943. Some 571 of these deportees held one of the multiple forms of legal attachment to French nationality: They were either born French or had opted to become French, or were French by marriage, or were naturalized or declared French, or were French protégés or French subjects. Some 212 of them, including 198 who were resident of, or refugees in, Marseille, were originally from Algeria. There were no survivors from this convoy.The total number of Jews deported who were from the Constantine district, ie the subject of this study, was 218 including 139 men, 58 women and 21 minors aged under 18 including some very young children. The highest number of deportees (86) was from the city of Constantine itself; 45 men, 30 women and 11 children. Just 13 survived. The number from other cities in the Constantine district were 30 from the city of Bône, 17 from Bougie, 12 from Sétif and 11 each from the towns of Aïn Beïda and Guelma. There were ten deportees each from the cities of Batna and Philippeville. Many individual records from the "listings of Jews" kept by the French National Archives at the Paris Shoah Memorial show that in a way, the victims sought to resist their fate: One sometimes reads "CA" (Married to an Aryan), "half-Jews," "says he (or she) is not Jewish", (Christian) "Orthodox", "Copt," "Muslim," "Ward of the Nation" or even "Spanish subject". All these self-descriptions concerning other nationalities or religions were aimed at avoiding deportation. Right to the end, the Jews of Constantine, of Algeria and of elsewhere did all they could, alas often without success, to defeat the exterminating logic of the Third Reich which was largely helped by the zealous leaders of the French (Vichy) state. Alas, only very few of the individual records carry at the top of them the word: "Escaped." ; Citoyens français depuis près d'un siècle, en vertu du décret Crémieux du 24 octobre 1870, les Juifs d'Algérie, où qu'ils vivent, se voient brutalement relégués à la condition de simples « sujets français » par la loi du 7 octobre 1940 qui abroge le décret de naturalisation collective. Les Juifs indigènes des trois départements restent des sujets français dont les droits civils, le statut réel ainsi que le statut personnel demeurent réglés par la loi française. Mais, déchus de leur citoyenneté française, leurs droits politiques sont désormais alignés sur ceux des indigènes musulmans algériens. Ceux d'entre eux qui vivent en France métropolitaine en 1940 ont, au surplus, été victimes, des mesures d'exclusion allemandes (en zone nord) et vichyssoises (dans les deux zones) visant à éliminer les Juifs de la communauté nationale : législation antijuive, recensement, marquage des papiers d'identité et d'alimentation, exclusions professionnelles, spoliation économique, port de l'étoile jaune, arrestations, rafles et internement. C'est ainsi qu'établis en France depuis plusieurs années, voire des décennies, ou simplement de passage, des Juifs d'Algérie s'inscrivent parmi les six millions de morts de la Shoah.Suivant les recherches entreprises par l'historien Serge Klarsfeld, près de 76 000 Juifs de France furent déportés, la plupart vers Auschwitz ; seuls 3 860 d'entre eux environ survécurent. Il faut y ajouter quelque 3 000 Juifs qui moururent dans les camps d'internement en France. Sur ces 80 000 victimes au total, S. Klarsfeld dénombre environ 24 500 Juifs français ou sujets français, dont environ 1 500 natifs d'Algérie. Dès le premier convoi de déportation, le 27 mars 1942, des Juifs français et immigrés se sont côtoyés dans les mêmes wagons. Sur les fiches d'internement établies à leurs noms dans les « Fichiers juifs » ou encore sur les listes de déportation, ils figurent comme « sujets français » (SF), « Français d'origine » (FO) ou parfois, « protégés français ». À Marseille, de nombreux Juifs sont arrêtés au cours de l'« Aktion Tiger », nom de code donné à la rafle du Vieux-Port de la fin janvier 1943. Ils constituent la grande majorité des déportés du convoi n° 52 parti le 23 mars 1943 vers le camp de Sobibór (780 sur 994). La plupart des déportés, soit 571, possédaient l'une des multiples formes juridiques de rattachement à la nationalité française : Français d'origine, Français par option, Français par mariage, Français naturalisé, Français par déclaration, protégé français, ou encore sujet français. 212 d'entre eux étaient natifs d'Algérie, dont 198 domiciliés ou réfugiés à Marseille. Aucun déporté de ce convoi n'est revenu.Le bilan de la déportation des Juifs originaires du Constantinois – objet de cette étude –, se monte à 218 personnes : 139 hommes, 58 femmes et 21 enfants de moins de 18 ans, parmi lesquels de très jeunes enfants. Le nombre de déportés (86) est le plus élevé pour Constantine-même : 45 hommes, 30 femmes et 11 enfants. Seuls 13 d'entre eux survécurent. Suivent les villes de Bône (30 déportés), de Bougie (17 déportés), de Sétif (12 déportés) puis les deux localités d'Aïn Beïda et de Guelma, avec chacune 11 déportés. Les villes de Batna et de Philippeville enregistrent respectivement 10 déportés. Nombreuses sont les fiches des « Fichiers juifs », conservées par les Archives nationales au Mémorial de la Shoah qui témoignent, à leur façon, de leurs tentatives de résistance : on y lit parfois sur leurs en-têtes, des mentions telles que "CA" (conjoint d'aryen), "demi Juif", "se dit non Juif(ve)", "orthodoxe", "copte", "musulman", ou "pupille de la nation", ou encore "citoyen espagnol" – autant de situations, autant de nationalités ou de confessions, censées les épargner de la déportation. Jusqu'au bout, les Juifs de Constantine, d'Algérie et d'ailleurs ont tout fait pour déjouer la logique exterminatrice impulsée par le Troisième Reich à laquelle ont largement collaboré les dirigeants zélés de l'État français, trop souvent, hélas, sans y réussir. Sur peu, trop peu de fiches, figure en en-tête, la mention "évadé".

Hasta hace un par de meses, las elecciones presidenciales brasileras parecían destinadas a ser un calco de las anteriores. La presidenta y candidata por el Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), Dilma Rousseff, se encaminaba a una lenta y previsible victoria por sobre el candidato del centro derechista Partido de la Social Democracia Brasilera (PSDB, los "tucanos"), Aécio Neves, senador de Minas Gerais y nieto de Tancredo, ganador presidencial que por su muerte no llegara a asumir. Se creía que el PSDB volvería a ganar en el próspero Sur, mientras el PT arrasaría en el humilde Nordeste, obteniendo este último una cuarta victoria consecutiva.Nadie esperaba, no obstante, que el candidato que iba tercero en los sondeos, el socialista Eduardo Campos (Partido Socialista, PSB), muriera en un trágico accidente de avión en el puerto paulista de Santos. Como consecuencia de esto, el partido nominaría a la hasta entonces candidata a vice, Marina Silva. Y con este paso, comenzaron a rugir las alarmas en el partido de gobierno. Apenas proclamada, de repente Rousseff se encontraba, según las encuestas, en empate técnico en primera y segunda vuelta.Este radical cambio en la intención de voto demostró que el favoritismo de la presidenta se basaba más en el voto incondicional al PT y el rechazo al PSDB que otra cosa. Antes de profundizar en la figura de Marina Silva, recordemos algunos hechos que podían comprometer la reelección y que regresaron a la memoria del electorado al enfrentar una alternativa carismática y -aparentemente- creíble.Es menester recordar que Rousseff llegó a la presidencia apadrinada por Luis Ignacio Lula Da Silva como una administradora transparente, luchadora contra los escándalos de corrupción del partido como el mensalao, es decir, la compra de votos de legisladores, práctica bastante común en Brasilia y -por qué no- en Latinoamérica casi toda. Y los primeros dos años esto pareció ser cierto, con la televisión parodiando a la presidenta como una masculinizada e implacable gestora que retaba y echaba por teléfono a ministros y congresistas por corruptos o incapaces o ambas cosas.Dicha imagen fue poco a poco socavándose, y en junio 2013 el pueblo brasileño -principalmente la clase media urbana- salió a las calles para protestar contra el precio del boleto primero, el derroche en la organización del Mundial de Fútbol y los Juegos Olímpicos de Río de Janeiro después, siguiendo por la falta de servicios básicos y, a continuación, finalizando con nuevos escándalos de corrupción. ¿El principal de ellos? El pago de coimas a legisladores, gobernadores y el círculo interno de la presidenta en adjudicaciones de PETROBRAS. Este tema es de nunca acabar, y la prensa derechista ataca edición tras edición con nuevas revelaciones. "¿No era "Dilma" la encargada de acabar con estas cosas?": esa pregunta de la ciudadanía fue una de las claves del creciente escepticismo en cuanto a las capacidades de la Jefa de Estado.Pero, por supuesto, tampoco podemos olvidar la economía, un tema que paradójicamente preocupa bastante a aquellos sectores que para el gobierno de Lula pasaron a engrosar las filas de la "clase media". El milagro brasilero se ha visto truncado por la incapacidad de continuar a un ritmo de crecimiento como el de la década pasada y, en el presente año el país debió enfrentarse a la recesión técnica y la amenaza bajista de las calificadoras de deuda, sin olvidar el fantasma de una inflación creciente. Brasil había tocado techo y la reducción de exportaciones y la incapacidad de crecer en un mercado interno endeudado avizoraban espesos nubarrones.Derroche, economía y corrupción: la capacidad de la presidenta se puso en entredicho, y sólo faltaba un candidato que le pegara a Rousseff -aparentemente- por la izquierda. Es aquí donde aparece Marina Silva. ¿Qué sabíamos de ella?Por más que muchos hayan tratado a Silva como un fenómeno típico de outsider de la política, esto es todo menos cierto. Electa senadora dos veces por el distante estado de Acre (frontera con Bolivia y Perú), tuvo la oportunidad de ejercer como Ministra de medio ambiente durante el gobierno de Lula, cargo que desempeñara con brillo, éxito y reconocimiento nacional e internacional (transformándose en algo así como "la Juana de Arco de la Amazonia"). De orígenes muy humildes y analfabeta hasta su adolescencia, Silva era un ejemplo paradigmático del progresivo desarrollo social brasileño de las últimas décadas y, ya como política, una gestora transparente de fuerte personalidad y con dotes de liderazgo. En otras palabras: exactamente lo mismo que se esperaba que "Dilma" fuera.Sus convicciones o su hambre de poder, o las dos cosas, hicieron que en el 2010 cortara lazos con el PT y se postulara, en plena rebelión, como candidata del Partido Verde. Su increíble performance (casi el 20% de los votos, el doble de lo esperado), obligaría a Rousseff a tener que concurrir a una segunda vuelta y ya desde entonces se la comenzó a calificar como una amenaza para la continuidad oficialista.Volviendo a las presentes elecciones, las circunstancias -(mejor dicho, la ineficacia de las autoridades electorales)- quisieron que el nuevo partido de Silva (Red Sustentabilidad) sorpresivamente no lograra alcanzar el medio millón de firmas necesarias para auparla nuevamente como candidata a la presidencia. Esto explicaría que la popular ambientalista finalmente hubiese tenido que contentarse con una derrota segura como vicepresidenta de Campos en la fórmula del PSB. Claro que nadie esperaba el trágico accidente que la regresara a su destino como principal desafío al continuismo.Habiendo establecido que la candidata en cuestión no era una desconocida, hay algunas cosas que cabe aclarar. La más fundamental: "Marina" fue una candidata de "izquierda" cuyas ideas -(y buena parte de sus votantes)- definitivamente no pertenecen a ese espectro ideológico. Esto provocó por un tiempo que muchos "tucanos", jóvenes del sur de clase media consolidada, hayan cambiado su apoyo a Neves para aupar a la accidental nueva esperanza de librarse del PT… cosa que eventualmente no ocurriría. Busquemos razones.Para ser de "izquierda", las propuestas de Silva eran un tanto controvertidas y jugueteaba con ideas un tanto ortodoxas como la independencia del Banco Central, la disminución del déficit público para luchar contra la inflación y negociar tratados de libre comercio con toda nación que se cruce. De hecho, Marina terminaría convertida extraoficialmente en "la candidata de los mercados".La religión es otro tema a tener en cuenta. Silva se convirtió al evangelismo pentecostal hace ya varios años y esto rechina un poco con el relato "laico" de las reformas sociales que podemos encontrar en Argentina, Uruguay y México. De este modo, la presidenciable se vio obligada en los últimos días en tachar el apoyo al matrimonio homosexual del programa del PSB como "un error" y que de ninguna manera iría más lejos de las uniones civiles (hay que recordar que el matrimonio homosexual se encuentra vigente en Brasil pero por decisión judicial, no legislativa). El aborto, por supuesto, también fue anatema para la entonces desafiante. Hasta el derechista Neves se mostró más comprensivo en estos temas, y no fue en absoluto una mala jugada.La campaña de Rousseff aprovechó estos elementos con astucia. Primero, atemorizando a las clases bajas del Nordeste con la tesis que "Marina" eliminaría todos los planes sociales que ha fomentado el PT en sus tres períodos de gobierno. Segundo, intentando acercarse a la juventud socialmente liberal mostrando a su contendiente como una fanática religiosa.Continuamos, pues, con una situación de "mundo al revés", donde evangélicos y banqueros impulsaban a la otrora senadora comunista, mientras el PT volvía a reconstruir su relato de "defensores de los pobres". Y con esto, el resultado ha terminado siendo el más imprevisto de todos: tres días antes Aécio Neves empataba técnicamente en las encuestas con Marina. Un día después, la sorpresa se manifiesta en los resultados: Rousseff 41%, Neves 34%, Marina 21% (apenas un punto y medio más que las últimas elecciones). Otra vez el PT y el PSDB se consolidan como los grandes partidos. Veremos hacia dónde va el voto "marinista" y si la segunda vuelta será un trámite para Rousseff o una nueva sorpresa de Neves.Marcos Rodríguez Schiavone es estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios InternacionalesFACS-ORT-Uruguay