Suchergebnisse

Cet ouvrage contient des manuscrits inédits de JB Say sur la monnaie et sur le banque et un essai biographique qui apportent beaucoup d'éléments nouveaux ; International audience ; J.B.SAY's biography. Documents used to draft these pages are different. There are first of all the manuscripts of Say deposited in the National Library, then the various bibliographic notes which should be used with precaution because they contain numerous errors of fact when they do not raise total fiction on certain points. The works on the institutionalization of the Political economy in France allowed to show what had been J.B Say's role in this movement. It is not here a real biography which would have required the grouping of the main part of the correspondence of J.B Say. Until such a work is born the interest of these pages which constitute elements for a biography is to collect information scattered in various works and in the accessible manuscripts. The second part of these appendices is constituted by J.B Say's unpublished manuscripts on the monetary, banking questions and on the value. The interest of this "publication" is better to seize how Say worked, besides certain pages bring points of view different from those that one knows through the printed work. ; Le présent ouvrage comprend deux parties. La première rassemble des éléments développés de biographie de J.B.SAY. Les documents utlilisés pour rédiger ces pages sont de nature diverses. Il y a tout d'abord les manuscrits de Say déposés à la Bibliothèque Nationale, ensuite les différentes notices biographiques qui doivent être manièes avec précaution car elles comportent de nombreuses erreurs de fait quand elles ne relèvent pas de la fiction totale sur certains points. Les travaux sur l'institutionnalisation de l'Économie politique en France ont permis de montrer ce qu'avait été le rôle de J.B Say dans ce mouvement. Il ne s'agit pas ici d'une véritable biographie qui aurait exigé au préalable le regroupement de l'essentiel de la correspondance de J.B Say. Seule la prise en compte de cette correspondance, dispersée dans des fonds d'archives publiques et privées, permettra de réaliser la biographie à laquelle J.B Say a droit. En attendant qu'un tel travail voit le jour l'intérêt de ces pages qui constituent des éléments pour une biographie est de rassembler des renseignements dispersés dans différents travaux et dans les manuscrits accessibles. La deuxième partie de ces annexes est constituée par des manuscrits inédits de J.B Say sur les questions monétaires, bancaires et sur la valeur. L'intérêt de cette "publication" est de mieux saisir comment Say travaillait, en outre certaines pages apportent des points de vue différents de ceux que l'on connaît à travers l'oeuvre imprimée.

Cet ouvrage contient des manuscrits inédits de JB Say sur la monnaie et sur le banque et un essai biographique qui apportent beaucoup d'éléments nouveaux ; International audience ; J.B.SAY's biography. Documents used to draft these pages are different. There are first of all the manuscripts of Say deposited in the National Library, then the various bibliographic notes which should be used with precaution because they contain numerous errors of fact when they do not raise total fiction on certain points. The works on the institutionalization of the Political economy in France allowed to show what had been J.B Say's role in this movement. It is not here a real biography which would have required the grouping of the main part of the correspondence of J.B Say. Until such a work is born the interest of these pages which constitute elements for a biography is to collect information scattered in various works and in the accessible manuscripts. The second part of these appendices is constituted by J.B Say's unpublished manuscripts on the monetary, banking questions and on the value. The interest of this "publication" is better to seize how Say worked, besides certain pages bring points of view different from those that one knows through the printed work. ; Le présent ouvrage comprend deux parties. La première rassemble des éléments développés de biographie de J.B.SAY. Les documents utlilisés pour rédiger ces pages sont de nature diverses. Il y a tout d'abord les manuscrits de Say déposés à la Bibliothèque Nationale, ensuite les différentes notices biographiques qui doivent être manièes avec précaution car elles comportent de nombreuses erreurs de fait quand elles ne relèvent pas de la fiction totale sur certains points. Les travaux sur l'institutionnalisation de l'Économie politique en France ont permis de montrer ce qu'avait été le rôle de J.B Say dans ce mouvement. Il ne s'agit pas ici d'une véritable biographie qui aurait exigé au préalable le regroupement de l'essentiel de la correspondance de J.B Say. Seule la prise en compte de cette correspondance, dispersée dans des fonds d'archives publiques et privées, permettra de réaliser la biographie à laquelle J.B Say a droit. En attendant qu'un tel travail voit le jour l'intérêt de ces pages qui constituent des éléments pour une biographie est de rassembler des renseignements dispersés dans différents travaux et dans les manuscrits accessibles. La deuxième partie de ces annexes est constituée par des manuscrits inédits de J.B Say sur les questions monétaires, bancaires et sur la valeur. L'intérêt de cette "publication" est de mieux saisir comment Say travaillait, en outre certaines pages apportent des points de vue différents de ceux que l'on connaît à travers l'oeuvre imprimée.

Almost immediately upon the British Library's publication of The Eighteenth Century Short Title Catalogue on CD-ROM (hereafter ESTC), there emerged criticism and controversy respecting the design and execution of that monumental bibliography, and of its access software. However, amidst these discussions and those surrounding the on line version, little notice has been taken of the historical inaccuracies inevitably entailed by the fact that ESTC and other union-catalog-type bibliographies only include books of which copies have survived. Certainly, for most scholars it makes sense to give bibliographical priority to cataloging books of which we still have copies, since those are the only ones we can read or otherwise analyze as texts. However, the lack of even a rudimentary bibliography of lost books presents often grave methodological problems for scholars interested in the history of publishing and the book trade, and especially for those who would do quantitative analyses of publishing. ESTC can make much of the work for such projects immeasurably more efficient and exhaustive. Yet we should be aware that, as databases, ESTC and other union-catalog-type bibliographies present only the books that we now have, and that they may therefore overlook many of the books which people in other centuries actually published, bought, sold, wrote, and read. The rich opportunities offered by ESTC may tempt us to dismiss books that we no longer have as historically and culturally insignificant ephemera, but surely the growing evidence we have that our historical record — especially for books — is rife with accident, politics, and outright lacunae should make us wary of the assumption that the books our libraries now hold sufficiently represent the bibliographical past. Indeed, when we proceed in our analyses as if other books never existed simply because they have not survived, are we not subjecting them to what has been called, in quite different contexts, "the enormous condescension of posterity"? The two appendixes that follow in this article are presented as illustrations of how attention to "lost books" may alter our understanding of the eighteenth-century book trade, and of British literary culture generally. They also constitute a very modest contribution toward a bibliography of books that were demonstrably published and read during the eighteenth century, but of which no known copies are extant. Both lists have been compiled in the course of doing a quantitative comparison of the kinds of fiction published by publishers who also ran circulating libraries, with the kinds published by publishers who did not. At present, this analysis is based upon the 804 evident works of fiction listed in the circulating-library catalogs of Thomas Lowndes (1766) and M. Heavisides (1790).

All in all, the activism of the Aliabad seyyid women in the Iranian Revolution followed the lines of traditional concerns, traditional methods, and traditional constraints on the activities of women. Women hoped for improved justice, safety for their families, and restoration of a semblance of peace in the village and the nation as a whole. Women's political methods were those of social interaction and use of their verbal abilities, emotional displays, and physical presence to show support. They followed the usual constraints on their behavior by marching in the company of their usual network of companions, separate from men and covered with their chadors, and did not neglect their families and households. The two changes were in the level of political involvement: national rather than local level, and the locus of political activity—Shiraz rather than the village of Aliabad. The local level of political activity was no longer the level at which policy and forces determined the safety and welfare of their family and relatives. With the Shah's centralization program, power over the lives of villagers lay at higher levels. With the merging of local level politics and national level politics during the incidents of violence on December 7 and 8, 1978, women began to realize that the target of their political activism must also be at higher levels. In hopes of having some effect on national level politics and thereby on the safety and welfare of their family members, the Aliabad seyyid women traveled into Shiraz to demonstrate in the revolutionary movement In her studies of women's activities in some strikes between 1917–1922, Temma Kaplan also found women to go to the locus of action and decision making regarding their concerns. She found that women organizing from neighborhood and kin networks did not form lasting organizations after their strikes, as was also the case among the Aliabad women, as they had aimed primarily at providing for the welfare of their families through their strike activities, and not at becoming involved in politics on a regular basis. Striking similarities exist between the situations described by Kaplan and the participation of women in the Iranian Revolution. Kaplan uses the concept of \ldfemale consciousness\rd to explain why women took part in strikes: they accepted the female responsibility of preserving life and wished to force the authorities into providing them with the food and necessities to do so. The Aliabad women seemed also to be concerned about the preserving of life, although in this case their concerns developed more as a result of outrage and fear about physical harm to their family members and relatives than insufficient food. One wonders how women's concern to protect their families has taken form during the last several years in Iran.

Based on a comparative case study of nine firms in the Canadian graphic arts industry in 1964–86, this paper suggests that managerial conduct plays a significant role in technological change. There were clear differences in managerial conduct between technological leaders and followers, and managerial conduct was influenced by firm performance, managerial capacities and attitudes and contextual conditions. These four elements, managerial conduct, firm performance, managerial capacities and attitudes, and contextual conditions, constituted feedback cycles of technological change. Firm performance induced managerial conduct that was influenced by managerial capacities and attitudes and by contextual conditions and led to technological change, depending on the intensity and extent of conduct, and technological change further affected firm performance. The paper focuses on managerial work processes as they cause differences in technological change in technological leaders and followers, but other elements of the feedback cycles are considered as well. Technological change has increased productivity growth and standard of living, but technological development also "destroys the economic viability of certain industries, firms, and jobs, as it creates new ones" (Nelson, 1981: 1054). This kind of impact has created a need to predict and control technological change, and thereby to understand the phenomenon better. Despite the fact that technological change takes place in firms (Moss, 1981: 51–53), most of the economics research explains technological development at the aggregate level (see Kamien & Schwartz, 1982 for a review), and the majority of the so called innovation studies concentrate on individual adoption behaviour (see Rogers, 1983 for a review). However, in order to understand the process of technological change, we must go inside the firms where the change takes place. A useful starting point seems to be a comparison between firms that are technological leaders and followers (Schumpeter, 1934; Porter, 1983). This would increase understanding of the factors facilitating and preventing technological change. Technology can be defined as the tangible production process of converting inputs to outputs (Shen, 1981), and it is often embodied in physical capital (Nelson, 1981). Changes in production processes via production equipment are the main concern here. The central question of this paper is: Why do some firms become technological leaders while others are followers? And more specifically: How does managerial conduct differ between technological leaders and followers? The answers were sought through a comparative case study of Canadian graphic arts firms. The results indicate that the crucial factor determining leadership and followership was managerial conduct, shaped by firm performance and by the context of the firm. The role of managerial conduct in technological leadership and followership is focused on in this report.

Purpose of the Study Since 1977 the Virginia High School League (VHSL) has been the subject of reports, legislative agendas and resolutions introduced in the General Assembly. These documents raised several questions concerning the authority, structure and performance of the VHSL. The purpose of this study was to answer the following primary questions: 1. What is the legal source and basis of the VHSL's authority? 2. Who governs the VHSL? 3. Does the VHSL provide adequate due process? 4. What is the source of any dissatisfaction that may exist and how can such dissatisfaction be abated? Design of the Study The study consisted of two phases. The first involved the research and analysis of state statutes and case law related to the administration of interscholastic athletics, and a review of the handbooks of selected state athletic associations. The second phase was the design, construction and implementation of a survey to determine and compare the opinions of a sample of principals, local superintendents, local school board chairmen and legislators concerning the authority, governance and performance of the VHSL. The data were analyzed using the cross-tabs and frequencies commands available on SPSS-X. Conclusions 1. Based upon their implied authority to implement rules and regulations necessary to supervise the schools within their jurisdictionL . local school boards have delegated the administration of interscholastic athletics to the VHSL. 2. The VHSL is governed by the principals of the member schools, but avenues of participation do exist for local school boards, the state department of education and others. 3. The due process provided by the VHSL satisfies any requirement that may exist . concerning the provision of either substantive or procedural due process. 4. The respondents were satisfied with the performance of the VHSL, but authority and power was a source of dissatisfaction. Most high school principals believe the VHSL should be able to pass regulations binding upon local school boards, but the remainder of respondents disagreed. Most local school board chairmen believe they have no input into the formulation of VHSL policy, but believe they should be actively involved in the governance of the VHSL. Principals disagreed and stated th~t local school boards should have an advisory role. 5. If the dissatisfaction of local school board members is not abated, the VHSL will be made accountable to local school boards by the concerted action of the local school boards or the General Assembly. The VHSL could reduce existing dissatisfaction by increasing the participation of local school boards in the governance of the VHSL within the existing structure of the VHSL. Most respondents did not favor the intervention of state agencies. ; Ed. D.

Industrial Unions in Poland (W.O.G.) (A contribution to the study of the economic reform in Poland).
The Vlth Polish Unified Workers' Party Congress in Warsaw (December, 1971) elaborated certain improvements to the techniques of administration and management of the Polish economic system. Whereupon the Party and the Government delegated a special commission to propose and implement "model solutions" for a limited number of specially chosen and technically advanced organizations.
Although it appears that on the whole the changes adopted are a mere matter of form and do not fundamentally alter the previous system or the planning methods, certain modifications in the practice of foreign trade, price-fixing, investment, finance, etc. are noteworthy.
The most far-reaching changes have been introduced in the administration and planning methods of the great industrial unions (W.O.G.), which is a consortium grouping certain firms and several thousands employees in the industrial, trade branches, etc. The function of these unions is to coordinate production and encourage industrial specialization. They are supposedly autonomous, having extended authority and the appropriate means of applying advanced decision-making techniques. Even more elastic statutes have been accorded to approximately thirty of them, consisting of techniques especially designed for the organizations in question with specific regulations concerning the reciprocal obligations of management and production units, according to the specific economic needs.
The central plan continues to be directive and compulsory, but certain economic indicators have been abolished. Pluriannual norms and coefficients have been set forth to achieve the plan objectives. Administrative limitation of salary funds will be abolished, and the latter will henceforth depend on the firm's net income (added-value). The great industrial unions will also have more freedom to use and distribute salary funds.
The amount of profit is the criterion for te evaluation of the organization's economic results. After the payment of investment loans and other liabilities, the remaining profit is divided into to separate funds — the employees' incentive fund, from which fringe benefits are drawn, and the development fund for the constitution of self-financing of stocks and investments.
The current practice of a tax levy on gross benefits to enhance the budget will be progressively reduced by a proportional tax on fixed and circulating capital and on the salary fund.
In spite of the fact that the present price system, arbitrarily decreed and fixed by Central Authority, is far from a healthy economic indicator, nothing, at present, indicates how or when it will be changed. To efface certain anomalies in the official price system, certain industrial unions are authorized to establish internal prices, based on real production costs but only applicable within their group of firms. This should permit a more accurate evaluation of economic achievements.

A Review Symposium consisting of "A Discussion and Introduction" by Harley L. Browning (U of Texas, Austin) & Dudley L. Poston, Jr. (U of Texas, Austin) plus 4 contributions. The Introduction comments on THE REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON POPULATION GROWTH AND THE AMERICAN FUTURE (New York, NY: New American Library, 1972) which is being reviewed. It is stated that this commission did its work well, hearing more than 100 witnesses across the country. The Report deserves a wide readership. Then the symposium participants are introduced & their papers summarized. Joseph J. Spengler (Duke U, Durham, NC), "Numbers Versus Welfare," places the Commission Report in historical perspective within a discussion of traditional views on pop growth held by earlier Amer's. Details of the Report & the prospects it holds out are then discussed, eg, how to control pop size & adjust the economy & policy for the advent of a stationary pop. It is noted that one of the more serious problems will be rendering the economy flexible enough to adjust to the changes in the US pop's demographic state as a stationary pop is achieved. Arthur J. Dyck (Harvard U, Cambridge, Mass), "Ethical Assumptions and Implications of the Population Commission's Report," notes that while the Report is replete with moral admonitions, it does not analyze & present the various arguments for & against its moral admonitions. Focus is on freedom, distributive justice & soc welfare, & examined are not only the moral consequences which could follow from implementing the Commission's recommendations, but also the moral assumptions & alternatives behind some of the recommendations. It is felt that for the most part the Report does not give all the reasons & evidence necessary to decide whether or not the implementation of all the recommendations into soc policy would in fact be more beneficial than harmful to society. Ozzie L. Edwards (U of Michigan, Ann Arbor), "The Commission's Recommendations From the Standpoint of Minorities," feels that the recommendations on fertility control will not bear positive consequences for US soc minorities & do not represent a viable solution to their problems. The choice between fertility control & full participation in the good things of Amer life is not an acceptable one for US racial minorities. Susan O. Gustavus (U of Utah, Provo), "Commission Report: Implications for Women," focuses esp on contraception & role alternatives for women. It will be interesting to see which of the recommendations will be more favorably received: that on removal of illegitimate status or that on liberalizing abortion laws. Women's Liberation has stated many of the points in the Report in a less academic, but perhaps more provocative way. The Report may help these issues to get wider exposure, gain greater respectability & credibility, & stimulate more discussion. Modified HA.

Background and Objectives The prevalence of child and adolescents mental health problems has been increasing in Hong Kong and is comparable to that of the world. It is estimated that the mental health problems of the future generations would account for 15% to 30% of their disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) and become a healthcare burden on societies in the near future. Therefore, it is necessary to address their mental healthcare needs now. The objective of the project is to review how the mental health services for children and adolescents have been changing in Hong Kong throughout the past few decades and to assess whether the local services have improved. While the service advancement in adult and old age (for example dementia) psychiatry has been significant, the children and adolescent mental health services would be reviewed by using the Donabedian framework. Based on some local and western models, the project will also address what the local healthcare providers can do for the children and adolescents with the capacity of developing multi-disciplinary and community-based integrated care as well as primary care and prevention. Service gap and areas of improvement on addressing the healthcare needs would be identified for the consideration of policymakers. Methods This project is a literature review. Archives of the Hong Kong College of Psychiatrists and Paediatricians, PubMed, PsycInfo, World Psychiatry, Lancet, etc have been searched with keywords including "children", "adolescents", "mental health services", "child psychiatry" and "Hong Kong". Journals from 1991 to 2011 have been retrieved. Publications and official sites of Hospital Authority and government organizations have also been searched. 52 journals, articles and online sources have been searched. 38 papers are identified and 19 are providing relevant materials. Studies with aggregated population level data rather than clinical studies which focus on symptoms and treatment of individuals are much more useful and providing more relevant information to this project. Results Secondary and tertiary care, in terms of screening, detection, in-patient and out-patient setting and rehabilitation services have been developed in Hong Kong since the 1980s whilst there are rooms for further development on primary care and prevention. An integrated approach, which emphasizes early identification and treatment by specialists-led multi-disciplinary professionals, has been more prominent. The stigmatization, which would result in reluctance of treatment, should also be addressed by enhancing the public understanding and awareness on the mental healthcare needs of children and teenagers. Conclusions It is necessary to work on the improvement of child and adolescent mental health in the primary, secondary and tertiary care in Hong Kong at present. Policymakers shall consider strengthening the support for child and adolescent psychiatry services in addition to the adults'. ; published_or_final_version ; Public Health ; Master ; Master of Public Health

10/17 "1100 Fewer Cases of Flu Reported" p. 7 • It appears that Spanish influenza's spread in New Orleans is being stopped. • Reports received by the city board of health up to 11:00 AM told of 1,556 new cases since Wednesday at noon. 24 of these cases developed at Algiers Naval Station and 2 at West End. • The health authorities are encouraged by the fact that 1,100 fewer cases were reported on Thursday than Wednesday. • Dr. Corput received from Surgeon General Blue the authority to take charge of the Spanish influenza situation in LA. He met with Dr. Robin and Dr. Dowling to make plans to fight the epidemic. • Dr. Corput stated that he will only enact measures that are necessary at the time they are necessary. He does not want to cripple the businesses of LA or incite panic. • There were 10,741 new cases in the entire state of LA, with 3,683 total cases in New Orleans and 7,058 cases in the country. That makes the total number of cases for the state of LA: 45,302. • On Thursday night the Red Cross staff was busy equipping the emergency hospital in the Shakespeare Almshouse. The hospital will probably not be able to receive patients until late on Saturday. • Dr. Paul J. Gelpi, president of the Orleans Parish Medical Society, proposed that the city of New Orleans be divided into ten zones and that a physician (or physicians) be assigned to the patients in each zone. He believes this will enable doctors to see more patients and in a more efficient manner. • W. S. Lewis suggested that citizens be organized, as they were during the yellow fever epidemics. Also that ward political organizations do a door-to-door survey to determine the full impact of influenza. Lewis envisions that the canvassers would also distribute literature on how to prevent influenza and/or care for patients of influenza. • Educational posters about the treatment and causes of influenza have been manufactured by the health authorities and will go up in streetcars, railroad trains, and places of business. • Dr. Dowling wrote to Governor Pleasant and asked him for an additional $20,000 appropriation to fight the epidemic. The prior amount granted to the state board was, in Dowling's opinion, insufficient. • Mrs. George Denegre, president of the Travelers' Aid Society, reports that her society has spent the majority of their time treating patients of influenza. • Dr. P. H. Jones of Baton Rouge reports that 9 doctors in his city are down with influenza and the epidemic situation is not improving. • Dr. Dowling sent a "circular" to all doctors in LA, asking them to make mailed reports every day. ; Newspaper article ; 7

The post-World War II period has been marked with global, political and economic restructuring in which forces of capitalism and modernist planning flourished. International development institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund (IMF), Alliance for Progress (AFP), Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), and Ford Foundation worked synergistically and post-colonial societies like Pakistan and Brazil became celebrated partners of this development regime. The influence of global capitalism is shown in the inevitable urban restructuring and management of Pakistani and Brazilian societies. Islamabad and Brasilia were planned and projected as model cities for the Global South to offer solutions to the urban problems in a hitherto underdeveloped world. The planning and construction of both cities were celebrated both nationally and internationally as the embodiment of development, progress, and growth that is approved by the Global North through its army of international consultants, advisory groups, funding organisations, and scientific experts. This research is an attempt to understand how the urban poor are being treated and represented in such cities where free-market forces and capitalist ideologies are naturalised by celebrating developmentalism and modernist planning. Focusing on Islamabad and Brasilia as the case study, this research is an attempt to understand how the urban poor are being represented in the development discourse of the Capital Development Authority (CDA) and Federal District Authority (FDA). Using labelling theory as the theoretical framework for the study, this research finds that the urban poor of Islamabad and Brasilia are represented through various labels like poor, encroachers, invaders, environmental threat, favelados, slum dwellers, and mafia. Based on archives, in-depth interviews, and ethnography, this research argues that this form of representation of the urban poor establishes them as a socially deviant group that is subjected to control, surveillance and segregation from the rest of society. Using Critical Discourse Analysis as a methodological toolbox, this research shows that the dominance of discourse reflects power hierarchies in society. The purpose of this research is to dislocate and unsettle the legitimised hegemonic discourses to provide a tool against structural exploitation and domination. In this way, this research attempts to engender various sets of possibilities to read texts in their socio-political contexts. It is in this way that the public policy discourse can be judged, criticised, and democratised to make societies more inclusive. ; Die Nachkriegszeit ist gekennzeichnet durch globale, politische und ökonomische Umstrukturierungen, in denen der Kapitalismus und die modernistische Stadtplanung treibende Kräfte darstellen. Postkoloniale Gesellschaften wie Brasilien und Pakistan wurden zelebrierte Partner der gemeinsamen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit von internationalen Organisationen wie den Vereinten Nationen (UN), dem Internationalen Währungsfonds (IMF), der Allianz für den Fortschritt (AFP), der Wirtschaftskommission für Lateinamerika und die Karibik (ECLAC) und der Ford-Stiftung. Der Einfluss des globalen Kapitalismus wird unausweichlich im Stadtumbau und in der Organisation der pakistanischen und brasilianischen Gesellschaften sichtbar. Sowohl Islamabad als auch Brasilia wurden als Modellstädte für den globalen Süden geplant, um die urbanen Probleme in einem Entwicklungskontext zu lösen. Die Planung und der Bau beider Städte wurde national und international als Inbegriff für Entwicklung, Fortschritt und Wachstum gefeiert, die von dem globalen Norden, respektive internationalen Beratungsunternehmen, Fördermittelgebern und wissenschaftlichen Experten, allgemein befürwortet wurden. Vor dem Hintergrund der Naturalisierung der Kräfte des freien Marktes und kapitalistischen Ideologien durch Übernahme von Wirtschaftstheorien wie dem Developmentalismus und der Anwendung modernistischer Planungsprinzipien in diesen Städten, zielt die vorliegende Forschungsarbeit darauf, ein Verständnis der Darstellung und Behandlung der armen Bevölkerung (the urban poor) zu erlangen. Diese Fallstudie versucht, zu verstehen, wie die urban poor in Islamabad und Brasilia im Entwicklungsdiskurs der Stadtentwicklungsbehörden (Capital Development Authority, CDA) und der Hauptstadtdistriktbehörden (Federal District Authority, FDA) dargestellt werden. Als theoretischer Rahmen dieser Studie wird der Labelling-Ansatz (Etikettierungsansatz, labelling theory) genutzt. Es zeigt sich, dass die urban poor in Islamabad und Brasilia durch verschiedene Labels dargestellt werden, z.B. als Arme, Eindringlinge (encroachers), Invasoren, Umweltbedrohung, Favelados, Slumbewohner, Mafia. Anhand von Archivdaten, Tiefeninterviews und ethnografischen Methoden kommt diese Studie zu dem Ergebnis, dass diese Darstellungsform der urban poor sie als eine sozial abweichende Gruppe erscheinen lässt, die sich einer Kontrolle, Überwachung und Segregation von der restlichen Gesellschaft unterwerfen muss. Weiterhin zeigen die Ergebnisse der kritischen Diskursanalyse, dass die Dominanz dieses Diskurses Machthierarchien in der Gesellschaft widerspiegelt. Der Zweck dieser Forschung ist es, an den legitimierten hegemonialen Diskursen zu rütteln und diese aufzuweichen, um letztlich struktureller Ausbeutung und Herrschaft entgegenzuwirken. So versucht diese Dissertation, Möglichkeiten bereitzustellen, um Texte in ihren sozio-politischen Kontexten zu lesen. Auf diese Weise kann der öffentliche politische Diskurs besser beurteilt, kritisiert und demokratisiert werden, mit dem übergeordneten Ziel, inklusive Gesellschaften zu erreichen.

El present article analitza les evolucions ideològiques que van envoltar al Museu Internacional de la Resistència Salvador Allende, des de la seua implantació a Espanya en 1976, fins a l'enviament a Xile de les obres que el van conformar, ja en 1991. Després del colp d'estat en aquest país, i com a continuació del Museu de la Solidaritat (1972-1973), aquest «museu en l'exili» va sorgir com una manifestació artística de resistència cultural contra la dictadura del general Augusto Pinochet. Pretenia donar suport a la resistència xilena des de l'exterior amb una col·lecció d'obres artístiques que viatjarien en exposicions itinerants. Després d'haver observat el seu caràcter internacionalista i antifeixista inicial, es mostrarà com, paral·lelament a l'aprofundiment de les polítiques governamentals de la Transició a Espanya, la gestió del Museu va canviar el seu significat simbòlic cap a un caràcter memorialista i folklòric d'esquerres. En un últim punt s'explicita com l'arribada de la col·lecció a Xile va acabar de consumir la ruptura amb el seu llegat reivindicatiu i de transformació social originari. L'article ha implicat la revisió de material documental a Espanya, Xile i França, amb l'objectiu de documentar procés, però sobretot d'aportar una anàlisi crítica sobre la deriva de la solidaritat artística amb Xile, des d'Espanya en general i en particular des de la Comunitat Valenciana, així com la seua estada en el Museu d'Art Contemporani Vicent Aguilera i Cerni de Vilafamés. ; This article analyzes the ideological developments surrounding the Museo Internacional de la Resistencia Salvador Allende, from its establishment in Spain in 1976 until the time the works that constituted the museum were sent to Chile in 1991. After the coup d'état in Chile, and as a continuation of the Museo dela Solidaridad (1972-1973), this «museum in exile» emerged as an artistic manifestation of cultural resistance against the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. It was intended to support Chilean resistance abroad with a collection of artistic works that would tour in travelling exhibitions. After an observation of its initial internationalist and anti-fascist nature, we will show how –as the governmental policies of the Spanish Transition advanced– the management of the Museum changed its symbolic meaning towards a left-wing memorial folkloric character. A final point explains how the arrival of the collection in Chile finally consummated the rupture with its original legacy of activism and social transformation. This article has required a review of documentary material in Spain, Chile and France in order to record the process; and above all, to provide a critical analysis of the drift of artistic solidarity with Chile coming from Spain ingeneral and from the Valencian Community in particular, as well as its stay at the Museu d'Art Contemporani Vicente Aguilera Cerni in Vilafamés. ; El presente artículo analiza las evoluciones ideológicas que rodearon al "Museo Internacional de la Resistencia Salvador Allende", desde su implantación en España en 1976, hasta el envío de sus obras a Chile en 1991. Tras el golpe de Estado en Chile, y como continuación del Museo de la Solidaridad (1972-1973), este "museo en el exilio" surgió como una manifestación artística de resistencia cultural contra la dictadura del general AugustoPinochet. Pretendía apoyar la resistencia chilena desde el exterior mediante la recolección de obras y la organización de exposiciones itinerantes en los países donde se estableció. Después de haber observado su carácter internacionalista y antifascista inicial, se mostrará cómo, paralelamente a la profundización de las políticas gubernamentales de la Transición en España, la gestión del Museo cambió su significado simbólico hacia un carácter memorialista y folclórico de izquierdas. En un último punto se explicita cómo la llegada de la colección a Chile acabó de consumir la ruptura con su legado reivindicativo y de transformación social originario. El artículo ha implicado la revisión de material documental en España, Chile y Francia, con el objetivo de no documentar tan solo el proceso sino de aportar un análisis crítico sobre la deriva de la solidaridad artística con Chile, desde España en general y en particular desde la Comunidad Valenciana, así como y estancia en el Museu d'Art Contemporani Vicente Aguilera Cerni de Vilafamés.

The school press programme, conceived as a pedagogical strategy to promote reading and writing in the classrooms of the children of the country, generates a network of pedagogical relations that transcend the school paradigm and places the child in the role of subject, turning the classroom into a real space of political coexistence and thus diversifying the very function of education, insofar as it unites the classroom and the city in the same space and converts the student into subject. This construction of subject, as we will see, raises paradoxes and discussions between divergent and apparently irreconcilable theoretical positions such as the different critical theories (Frankfurt School and School of Suspicion) and the biology of love (Maturana), discussions that this work tries to resolve by building a dialogue and a meeting place in the so-called epistemologies of the South (De Sousa). This article, therefore, aims to highlight this relationship between the classroom as a space of the city and the constituent subject of the construction of citizenship, starting from a dialogue between the critical theory of Boaventura de Sousa and the biology of love of Humberto Maturana, with a view to the construction of political subjects born in an ethic of legitimacy that recovers love as the founding emotion of the human. In this sense, and in spite of the theoretical and epistemological differences of both positions (diverse and possibly incompatible epistemological bases, a variable role and preponderance of rationality, ontological differences between the social and the biological, the paradoxical situation of the concept of subject), we will ask ourselves how to think about the construction of political subjects in the Press School program based on the relationships that are woven between critical political theory and the biology of love, and how to harmonize and build a dialogue between both perspectives. For this purpose, a simple case study has been designed and is supported by a documentary review. ; El programa prensa escuela, concebido como estrategia pedagógica para promover la lectura y escritura en las aulas de clase de los niños y niñas del territorio nacional, genera un entramado de relaciones pedagógicas que trascienden el paradigma escolar y sitúa al niño en el rol de sujeto, convirtiendo el aula de clases en un espacio real de convivencia política y diversificando así la función misma de la educación, en la medida en que une aula y ciudad en el mismo espacio y convierte al estudiante en sujeto. Esta construcción de sujeto, como veremos, plantea paradojas y discusiones entre posturas teóricas divergentes y aparentemente inconciliables como las diferentes teorías críticas (Escuela de Frankfurt y Escuela de la Sospecha) y la biología del amor (Maturana), discusiones que este trabajo intenta dirimir construyendo un diálogo y un lugar de encuentro en las denominadas epistemologías del sur (De Sousa). Este artículo, pretende pues hacer relieve de esta relación existente entre aula de clase como espacio de ciudad y sujeto constitutivo de la construcción ciudadana, partiendo de un dialogo entre la teoría crítica de Boaventura de Sousa y la biología del amor de Humberto Maturana, con miras a la construcción de sujetos políticos nacidos en una ética de la legitimidad que recupere el amor como emoción fundante de lo humano. En este sentido, y a pesar de las diferencias teóricas y epistemológicas de ambas posturas (bases epistemológicas diversas y posiblemente incompatibles, un papel y preponderancia variable de la racionalidad, diferencias ontológicas entre lo social y lo biológico, la situación paradójica del concepto de sujeto), nos preguntaremos ¿Cómo pensar la construcción de sujetos políticos en el programa Prensa Escuela a partir de las relaciones que se tejen entre la teoría política crítica y la biología del amor? ¿Cómo armonizar y construir un diálogo entre ambas perspectivas? Para este propósito, se ha diseñado un estudio de caso simple que se soporta en una revisión documental

Последние десятилетия новейшей Российской истории стали периодом бурных перемени эпохальных инноваций, кардинально изменивших основы социально-экономического и политического устройства страны. В этой связи в статье предпринята попытка ответить на актуальные вопросы: «Как повлияли эти радикальные изменения на повседневную жизнь россиян? Каковы тенденции базовых сдвигов в массовом сознании и социальном поведении людей за прошедшие четверть века? Каков их социальный характер и цивилизационная направленность?The last decades of the modern Russian history can be referred to as the age of radical transformations, which have radically changed the foundation of social, economic and political organization of Russian society. The article is an attempt to analyze these changes and answer the following questions: how have these radical changes affected the everyday life of Russians? What are the tendencies in their changing mass consciousness and social behavior? What is its social character and how does it affect the civilization course? The main methodological instrument for the research is a strategy of comparative study of a single process (way of life) based on a single method and two different samples, which represent Russian population during two alternative social and political systems: the Soviet one and the one of today. The results of comparison show that there has happened a radical decrease in social, moral and working potential of Russian people in the last quarter of a century. It can be described as an inversion of everyday behavior standards and related instrumental values. The author suggests that the innovations which occurred in everyday practices and social perceptions of people are generally regarded as negative. They bring a handful of economic and moral losses to the Russian society, rather than act as positive tendencies in coping with existing economic problems. The labour is regarded in terms of purely instrumental values (i.e. more people regard their work, first of all, as a means of earning money to sustain their lives). Positive motivation to work is very rare among contemporary Russians and it has been steadily reducing during the last quarter of a century. The people are also getting more afraid to lose their jobs and get socially excluded, which leads to a state of forced employment in all sectors of economy. Besides, although the satisfaction of people with their jobs is rather high, there is also an evident tendency towards its decrease. Egocentrism is also becoming a common phenomenon in the everyday life. Highly threatening is the sharp rise of the ethnic non-tolerance, alcoholism, while most healthy processes, which accompany any civilized form of societal development (mutual support, responsiveness, respect, etc.), are gradually fading away. All of this shapes a very hazardous social environment. Similar, but more apparent tendencies can be revealed through the analysis of change in instrumental values. As for the terminal values, their nucleus (family and work) is more or less stable and invariant to the fundamental societal transformation. However, today it features a confidence in future as a most important un-realized value in contemporary Russia. The break in the axiological nucleus of a Soviet way of life gave rise to an antinomical structure of mass consciousness, which is, in turn, a reflection of social and economic reality created by the wild Russian capitalism. At the same time there is an apparent movement towards a social (or even a civilizational one, on a wider scope) pathology: the weakening of rational ethic principles and the dominance of egocentrism (a non-ethical individualism); the actualization and production of numerous social risks (psychological illbeing, anomies, deviant and self-destructive behavior). This is a cumulative result of interrelated factors: a cardinal change in relation of property and sociopolitical organization, and another peculiar phenomenon an invasion of alien norms and values into the Russian culture. The energy of this social decay can only be kept at bay via socially democratic regulation a skilful combination of different norms and values with the domination of those which sustain the development of a free personality, efficient economy and a healthy civil society

Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht, einen ersten umfassenden Überblick über die aktuellen rechtlichen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Probleme des bisher größten Haftungsfalls der japanischen Geschichte – der Nuklearkatastrophe von Fukushima I – zu geben. Neben einer Bestandsaufnahme der einschlägigen Vorschriften des geltenden Atomhaftungsrechts und der Präjudizien aus vorherigen Zwischenfällen werden dabei das einschlägige Schrifttum, Presseberichte sowie Ergebnisse der von der Regierung eingesetzten "Prüfungskommission Atomschadensersatzstreitigkeiten" ausgewertet.Dabei geht der Beitrag u.a. den Fragen nach, wer am Ende tatsächlich für die Schäden der Reaktorkatastrophe, die auf bis zu 86 Mrd. Euro geschätzt werden, aufkommen wird und welche Opfer Ansprüche geltend machen können: z.B. die evakuierte Bevölkerung, betroffene Fischer, Landwirte oder das Kraftwerkspersonal. Hier werden auch Anspruchsgrundlagen außerhalb des Atomrechts, z.B. aus Arbeits- und Sozialrecht, geprüft; insbesondere wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob möglicherweise zusätzlich der Staat wegen mangelnder Atomaufsicht haftbar gemacht werden könnte. Zudem ist zu klären, welche konkreten Schäden unter welchen Voraussetzungen überhaupt ersatzfähig sind, etwa die Kausalitätsanforderungen bei gesundheitlichen Spätfolgen oder unternehmerischen Absatzeinbußen aufgrund bloßer Gerüchte. Trotz vorhandener gesetzlicher Regeln haben Regierung und Justiz eine ganze Reihe praktischer Probleme zu lösen: Das beginnt mit der Frage, ob angesichts des Erdbebens nicht eine "außergewöhnliche Naturkatastrophe" vorliegt, die einen Haftungsausschluss zur Folge hätte. Dazu gehört außerdem, wie die Forderungen zehntausender Evakuierter rasch und gerecht durchgesetzt und abgewickelt werden können und wie die Finanzierung gewährleistet wird, wenn die Mittel des Betreibers aufgebraucht sind.Wenngleich zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt angesichts der noch unvollständigen Faktenlage und im Fluss befindlicher politischer Verhandlungen nicht auf Hypothesen verzichtet werden kann, zeichnet sich im Ergebnis bereits ein außergerichtliches, von hoheitlich angeordneten, vorläufigen Pauschalzahlungen flankiertes Verfahren ab. Auch in materieller Hinsicht scheint die Rechtsfindung und Finanzierung nicht unerheblich von der Politik determiniert zu werden. Trotz der grundsätzlich unbegrenzten Haftung des Betreibers trifft wohl die wirtschaftliche Last über eine Deckungsvorsorge und Unterstützungszahlungen zuvörderst den Fiskus. Zudem sollen nach Kabinettsplänen weitere Stromkonzerne und Banken – freiwillig, d.h. bislang ohne Rechtsgrundlage – über den Haftungsfonds mitbelastet werden. Die vorläufigen Ergebnisse, die sich v.a. als Diskussionsanstoß verstehen, werden schließlich einer kritischen rechtspolitischen und volkswirtschaftlichen Bewertung zugeführt. Dabei werden auch Vergleiche zu verfahrens- und verfassungsrechtlichen Problemen der Bewältigung anderer Krisen, wie der Ölkatastrophe im Golf von Mexiko 2010, oder dem "Atom-Moratorium" in Deutschland angestellt. ; This paper is intended to give a first comprehensive overview of the legal problems and corresponding political implications of the largest liability case in Japanese history – the Fukushima Dai'ichi nuclear disaster. Starting with a survey of the relevant provisions of nuclear liability law, the paper draws upon legal precedents, Japanese legal scholarship and press reports, as well as the first report of the newly established Nuclear Damage Dispute Resolution Panel.Amongst other issues, the paper attempts to establish who is liable by law, who will actually have to carry the burden of the damages estimated to be as high as 86 billion Euro, and which victims of the catastrophe (e.g. the evacuated population, affected fishermen, farmers or the power plant staff) can claim compensation. Other causes of action beyond nuclear liability law, e.g. from labour and social law, are also investigated. In particular, the question is asked whether the state could additionally be made liable because of insufficient nuclear energy supervision. Furthermore, it has to be clarified which damages can be compensated at all, such as loss of profits because of rumours. Despite the existing legal regulations, the government and the judiciary have to resolve a number of practical issues, including whether the earthquake can be considered an "extraordinary natural disaster", which would lead to the exclusion of liability. Another pressing issue is how the claims of the thousands of evacuees can be handled in a swift and just manner and how financial means are found once the funds of the nuclear operator are exhausted.Since the facts are as yet incomplete and political negotiations are still in process, one must currently rely on hypotheses, but even so it is possible to outline an extrajudicial procedure involving government-regulated preliminary compensation payments. Also with regard to material law, the legal solutions seem to be determined by politics to a considerable extent. Despite the unlimited liability of the nuclear operator under the code, the economic burden falls primarily on the treasury, which has entered indemnification agreements and is to pay state aid to the utility. Moreover, according to cabinet plans, electric power companies and financial institutions (as yet without a legal basis) are required to "voluntarily" contribute to a nuclear damage compensation fund established for the victims. The preliminary results, which are above all meant to serve as a stimulus for discussion, are finally assessed through a critical legal and economic lens. This assessment leads to comparisons to procedural and constitutional problems that have occurred during other crises, such as the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010 or the moratorium on nuclear energy in Germany.