Suchergebnisse

In dem Maße, wie die Kritik an der Materialisierung des Rechts (meist als Kritik an der zunehmenden Verrechtlichung formuliert) zunimmt, stellt sich das Problem, wie die Rationalität des modernen Rechts anders begründet werden kann. Ein Durchgang durch verschiedene rechtssoziologische Traditionen zeigt, daß sie entweder das Rationalitätsproblem überhaupt auf die Seite schieben oder aber die Rationalität des Rechts weiterhin - und das ist seit Weber so angelegt - in der kognitiven Organisation der Rechtsbegriffe suchen. Demgegenüber wird der Versuch unternommen, die zunehmende Prozeduralisierung des Rechts, die als Reaktion auf die mit dem Ausbau des Wohlfahrtsstaates verbundene Materialisierung zu sehen ist, auf die ihr impliziten Rationalitätsgesichtspunkte zu untersuchen. Es wird behauptet, daß das Organisationsprinzip eines prozeduralen Rechts darin besteht, die Beteiligten in kommunikative Prozesse zu involvieren, die der Logik argumentativer Auseinandersetzung folgen. Diese spezifische Qualität des prozeduralen Rechts macht es möglich, von einem Prozeß kommunikativer Rationalisierung zu reden und darin das Entwicklungsprinzip des spätmodernen Rechts zu lokalisieren. Daraus folgt ein Plädoyer für Verrechtlichung insofern, als die Thematisierung der kommunikativen Logik prozeduraler Regelungen es erlaubt, auch die Lebenswelt nicht sich allein zu überlassen, sondern vor das Forum rechtlicher organisierter Auseinandersetzungen zu ziehen. Darin liegt die spezifische Modernität des spätmodernen prozeduralen Rechts begründet.

Issue 51.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1992. ; Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1992 ¯ VOLUME 51 ¯ NUMBER 6 Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-535-3048 ¯ FAX: 314-535-0601 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ° 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP ¯ 5001 Eastern Avenue ¯ P.O. Box 29260 Washington, D.C. 20017. POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ° Duluth, MN 55806. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional offices. SUBSCRIPTION RATES Single copy $5 includes surface mailing costs. One-year subscription $15 plus mailing costs. Two-year subscription $28 plus mailing costs. See inside back cover for more subscription information and mailing costs. ©1992 Review for Religious for religious Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Assistant Editors Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Michael G. Harter SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Mary Margaret Johanning SSND Iris Ann Ledden SSND Edmundo Rodriguez SJ Se~in Sammon FMS Wendy Wright PhD Suzanne Zuercher OSB Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1992 ¯ VOLUME 51 ¯ NUMBER 6 contents religious life directions 806 Journeying Together in Faith Paul K. Hennessy CFC sets forth three themes from the Israelite covenant experience pertinent to religious life. 815 Communities of Hope Donna Markham OP suggests a dynamic of'religious life in terms of bringing forth a new way of life based on collaboration, mutuality, and respect. 823 The Service of Lay Associates Patricia McNicholas OSU examines different responses to the trend of religious communities sponsoring associate membership programs. dialogue ministry 830 Inculturation as Dialogue Diana Taufer SC suggests that interculturation better describes the task of church ministers in working among the Na~:ive American peoples. 839 Jewish-Catholic Dialogue since Vatican II Alan Altany describes how both Jews and Catholics approach the dialogue and also what dynamics the continuing dialogue will involve. formation and ministry 854 The Media and the Good News Patil F. Harman SJ challenges the Christian disciple to enter into the communications media with imagination and fortitude. 866 The Core of Ministry Laura Morgan FMSC discovers a garden of olives as the meeting place between God and us. 870 Spirituality in the Puebla Document Juan Ram6n Moren6 SJ ~aighlights the fundamental traits of a spirituality that is moving the Latin American church. 802 Review for Religious values and virtues 882 Confidentiality: Erosion and Restoration James F. Keenan SJ underscores the standard norms of confiden-tiality when therapy involves a client, a therapist, and a religious superior and community. 895 Detachment: The Enclosed Garden of the Soul Judy Bush describes various forms of everyday detachments by which God leads us to closer union. 906 The Spirit at Play Kenneth Homan describes how God's Spirit encourages us to become playful stewards. prayer and life 911 Iconoclasm for Holiness' Sake Julie Hollitt FDNSC ventures through iconoclasm to discover the extraordinary with the ordinary. 916 Four Types of Prayer Anthony H. Ostini SJ presents four ways of praying traditional in the church. 920 Broken Arrows Joseph F. Nassal CPPS reflects on a solitude necessary for heal-ing and transforming our life together. departments 804 Prisms 927 Canonical Counsel: Secular Institutes 933 Book Reviews 951 Indexes to Volume 51 November-December 1992 803 prisms ~henever we celebrate the feast of Christmas, we come face-to-face with our ways of imaging and under-standing God. Drawing close to a baby in a manger does not seem difficult for young or old, for shepherds or the-ologians. Yet the implications of such an imaging need to be appropriated anew by people in every age and culture. The Christmas tableau challenges our way of evalu-ating ourselves, our relationships with others, and our own response to God. People of our time, we find it nat-ural to stress our personal gifts and talents; we look to our strength in self-image and our self-reliance in thought and action. And, yes, we are made aware of a lot of proper healthy correctives given to us today by the psychological sciences. We are encouraged to pull our own strings, to be confrontative and even aggressive in pursuing our goals. Yet the angels' trumpeted Gloria above a stable reminds us that human dignity and personal choice are not values without restrictions or limits. Today our relationship with God centers often on gender-imaging, but with the result that something like "the force be with you" expresses the compromise of a god-without-a-face. In the midst of some overly serious abstract arguments and of our age's all-too-limiting focus on personal expe-rience comes a human baby named Jesus, whose mother is Mary. Each time we place ourselves in wonder before this creche, we are enabled to glimpse some of the deepest realities about divine and human life. Jesus comes to us as poor and humble. He is poor, not only because like any baby he is totally dependent for food and shelter on others, but also because he incarnates God's chosen way of relating to us. Jesus shows us a God who 804 Review for Religious truly needs us, who waits upon our response, who suffers our indifference as well as our petty insistences on making gods more to our own liking. Jesus brings home to us that God is not a mighty one who delights in hurling lightning bolts or an impas-sive one seated on a cloud and forever lost in contemplation. We rejoice in being led to a God who has chosen to make himself so needy that our efforts can fill what is still lacking in the redemp-tive act and that our prayers and our actions do build up the com-munity of the city of God. In fact, in recognizing such a God, we know that being poor is not a curse but a grace that makes us more like God. When we recognize our neediness as a fact in our relation to others and to God, then our poverty is truly becoming our graced choice. We are becoming like Jesus; divinity becomes us. Again like any poor person, the Son of Mary and the car-penter must labor for the necessities of life. He will say that every-thing he has is gift given by the one he knows as Abba, but at the same time, because this God is one who works, Jesus matter-of-factly professes "I work." And from the very beginning Jesus calls others to labor with him--so reminiscent of that creation account of God asking the first humans to work in bringing the garden to a greater fruitfulness. Jesus again brings home to all of us that God is the first of collaborators. If we want to grow more in the divine life, our direction is clear. To work with oth-ers is the dynamic of Christian living--in families, in workplaces, in parishes and religious communities, in ecumenical endeavors, in civil society. To celebrate Christmas is not to seek escape into magical stars and angels singing and plum puddings and once-a-year friendly greetings. We Christians worship a God who chooses to be poor like us so that we might make a similar choice and thus realize a richness which can only be God's gift. We Christians step for-ward to take on the responsibility of collaboration with God for the coming of the kingdom; like our God, we catch sight of our real selves not in doing our good works for others, but always in acting with others. God so loved the world., and in our so liv-ing and in our so working we make real our love for God, our-selves, our neighbor, and our world. That this be the Christmas grace for us all is the prayer of the editorial staff. David L. Fleming SJ November-December 1992 805 PAUL K. HENNESSY Journeying Together in Faith religious life directions A joint assembly of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR) and the Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM) was held August 26-30, 1992 in Greensboro, North Carolina. This article and the one which follows are the addresses of the presidents of CMSM and LCVV~R. The theme we set for ourselves, "Now is the Time . . . Religious Life at a Moment of Kairos," is calling us to a journey in faith. Contemporary congregational leaders need to journey frequently. Ministry to our sisters and brothers and those they serve requires more than a tele-phone and a fax. For communities with personnel spread far and wide, frequent-flyer credits build up quickly. One of my personal rules of travel, especially in developing countries, where bus or airplane delays can be inter-minable, is to be involved in a good novel. Ever since I read The Day of the Jackal many years ago, I have been attracted to Frederick Forsyth's books. While waiting in JFK Airport in New York before a five-week visit to our South American communities recently, I began his Deceiver. In this three-part novel, an older German gendeman spy falls in love with a much younger prostitute, whom he later kills because of her infidelity. The novel's protagonist, Sam McCready, consults a psychiatrist about Paul K. Hennessy CFC, provincial of the Eastern American province of the Congregation of Christian Brothers, is midway through his two-year term as president of Conference of Major Superiors of Men. His address is 21 Pryer Terrace; New Rochelle, New York 10804-4499. 806 Review for Religious possible reactions this fellow, spy may have, since he needs him to complete a job. The German has disappeared. The ensuing dia- 10gue struck me as pertinent on many levels and precipitated some thoughts ~:or this address, which I wrote in Peru, a country very close to God in its poverty and dependence and, therefore, ani-mated by wonderful hope. The passage is as follows: "Fugue," Dr. Carr purst~ed as he speared a forkful of tender sole meuni~re, "means flight. Flight from reality, especially ~iarsh, unpleasant reality. I think your man will by now be in a really bad way." "What will he actually do?" asked McCready. "Where will he go?" "He will go to a sanctuary, somewhere he feels safe, ~ome,where he can hide, where all the problems will go away and people will leave him alone. He may even return to a Childlike state. I had a patient once who, overcome by prob-lems, returned to tied, curled into the fetal position, stuck his thumb in his mouth, and stayed there. Wouldn't come out. Childlike, you see. Safety, security. No problems. Excellent sole, by the way. Yes, a little more Meursault. Thank you." Each of us, I am sure, encounters people, inside or outside our communities, who prefer to look to the future through the rear-' view mirror: "Let's go back to where we were. Times really haven't changed." Underlying this, of course, is the implication that the past was better than the present. As we know, such comparisons can involve value judgments about loyalty and authenticity. As I journeyed aboizt South America and reflected upon the struggle inherent in continual conversions and authentic renewal and i'efounding, I could not help reflecting upon the journey our ancestors in faith, the Israelites, were called to make from Egypt to Canaan, from the old to the new. Are we not also daughters and sons ot the covenant? Three themes fr6m the covenant experience, from covenant theology, seem especially pertinent to us today: first, God's initiative in creation, in vocation, i.n pouring forth wisdom and giving.us discerning hei~rts; second, the attraction of returning to Egypt from the confusion of the journey, but the irresponsibiiity of doing so; third, the promise, which is faithful and immutable. Although the two creation narratives in Genesis differ sub-stantially in origin and in content, the common element.is that the initiative is God's. "In the beginning, when God created the heav-ens and the earth, the earth was a formless wasteland, and dark- Nove~nber-December 1992 807 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faith ness covered the abyss, while a mighty wind swept over the waters. Then God said . . ." (Gn 1:1-3). In the second account: "At the time when the Lord God made the earth and the heavens, while as yet there was no field shrub on earth and no grass of the field had sprtuted., the Lord God formed man." (Gn 2:4a-7). The belief of our biblical forebears was that God is the initiator of all that is good and meaningful. We have the capacity to be selfish, to be confused about who is in charge. We have the capacity to sin, bu~ we cannot create something new without God. The call of the great leader Moses, together with his sister Miriam and his brother Aaron, is forthrightly a call, a vocation, from God. The call to minister, to lead, is not one we take upon ourselves. "Come, now! I will send you to Pharaoh to lead my people, the Israelites, out of Egypt" (Ex 3:10). Throughout the Scriptures we are reminded that, in some mysterious and yet direct way, it is God who calls and sends forth: Abraham and Sarah; Hannah and her son, Samuel; David; Zechariah and Elizabeth; Mary and, yes, Jesus. "Then a voice came from the heavens: 'You are my beloved Son. On you my favor rests.' At that point the Spirit sent him out toward the desert [and he was] put to the test there by Satan" (Mk 1:11-13). While Solomon is the prototype of dependence on God for wisdom and understanding, the theme runs throughout our Scriptures. The forceful poetic rendition of this message in chap-ter 38 of the Book of Job is one I heard a retreat master recite from memory: "Then the Lord addressed Job out of the storm and said: Who is this that obscures divine plans with words of ignorance? Gird up your loins now, like a man; I will question you, and you tell me the answers! Where were you when I founded the earth? Tell me, if you have understanding" and so forth. Note in a much different context the wise advice of Gamaliel before the Sanhedrin after the apostles are tried: "My advice is that you have nothing to do with these men. Let them alone. If their purpose or activity is human in its origins, it will destroy itself. If, on the other hand, it comes from God, you will not be able to destroy them without fighting God" (Ac 5:38-39). The author of this account clearly understands the prophetic statement as an inspired one. The duty of a leader is to search prayerfully for the wisdom which is of God and not to depend on that wisdom which is solely our own. This leads us to the discernment of spirits. The spirit in our 808 Review for Religious Scriptures, which are the testimony of the faith of our Jewish and Christian forebears, is always a fructifying one which leads us to integrity and joy. Note in Psalm 1 that the person who delights in the law of God and meditates on it day and night is like a tree planted near running water that yields fruit in due season and whose leaves never fade. Integrity and joy as well as peace and kindness are always hall-marks of the Spirit's presence (see Ga 5:22- 26). The Book of Sirach reminds us that people who open their lips in prayer and ask pardon for sin will be filled with the spirit of understanding and will pour forth words of wisdom and give thanks to the Lord (see Si 39:6). What is the application of all this for leadership in religious communities in today's world, especially here in the United States? Clearly, we must be people of faith and hope supported by prayer: faith that the God who worked in unexpected and wonderful ways in ages past has not deserted us; hope and prayer, because we have to have the courage to express our inabilities, our own sinfulness, and our own confidence in the promise. There is a natural concern in our societies today for new mem-bership, and we could be discouraged by a naive understanding of fruitfulness. Looking again at Psalm 1, we note that the tree by the running water does not clone or multiply itself. It ~inks even deeper roots into the fertile ground so that its own integrity is more secure--reminding us that the quality of our religious lives depends on us and that we have control over it in ways in which we cannot control the number of members. There is a clear hunger among us for a greater understanding of contemplation and its fundamental place in our own spiritual lives. In our common discernment in Louisville in 1989, it was identified as one of the most important Of the transformative ele-ments which would lead us to the next century. Last year it was the theme for the LCWR assembly in Albuquerque. There are voices which, without entering into our processes and our prayer, would criticize our direction. We cannot mistrust the movement of the Spirit which we leaders, numbering one thousand, experience. The quality of our religious lives depends on us, and we have control over it in ways in which we cannot control the number of members. Noventber-Decentber 1992 809 Hennessy ¯ ffourneying Togetber in Faith We must challenge ourselves and those we serve to form new communities of women and men, confessing their dependence on God's initiative and joyously reflecting God's beauty and wis-dom. This is a gotd ~hat clearly re.sponds to the creativity of Yahweh throughout our sacred history. In Louisville we identified the first three transformative elements as calls to prophetic wit- .ness, contemplation, and a clear Option fo.r the poor. Can we have go.tten closer to covenant theology? Reconsidering the advice of Gamaliel, we must be convinced that, if our "purpose or activity is human in origin, it wil! destroy itself." If, on the other hafid, it comes from God, "people will not be able to destroy it without fighting God." The Bdok of Exodus reflects our journey. It is a wonde.rful source for meditation. We read of high aspirations of fidelity and great sinfulness in cowardice and betrayal. I began this address with a quotation from Forsyth about a character tempted to reg,ress into the past. Do we not see this same confused longing among the Israelites? Do we not identify with Moses and Myriam? After all they have done to free the people from Egypt, in a short time, we are told, these same peopl.e "grumbled against Misses and Aaron" and said to them, "Would that we had died . . . in the land of Egypt, as we sat by our fleshpots and ate our fill of bread! Bu.t you had to lead us into the desert to make the wl~ole community die of famine" (Ex ~6:2-3). Over and over, lived experience depicted in literature, both sacred and secu!ar, reflects perennial wisdom that we can never go home a.gain. Sefin Sammon FMS, in his presidential address at the CMSM assembly in San Antonio last August, reflected the reac-tions of people in the midst of major periods of transition. Certain!y one of these is to deny there is change going on. Another is to blame the leader, as the Israelites did. I am quite confident that the vast majority of the communities of women and'men religious in the United States have maturely and prayer-fully addressed the impact of the changes in society on our con-secrated lives. I am sure we have made mistakes and are willing to admit them, but I feel that overall we have been on target. While it is natural that some members within our communities have not welcomed the changes necessitated by a changed society, we have also had to expend a lot of energy defending ourselves from crit-icisms from outside our commu.nities, from people who have not walked in our 'moccasins. This is unfortunate, and we may need to 810 Review for Religious be very careful that we do not neglect that prophetic leadership which the vast majority of our members has called us to give. We are called to let the individual founding charisms which brought our communities into existence shine brightly in a transformed society. I have been privileged for the last four years to serve in a leadership position in CMSM. This has brought me into close contact with the men and women leading both our conferences. I trust my experience. I have observed firsthand how mature and faith-filled women and men can come together to listen, to respect, to collaborate, and to grow in love. Together we have learned and we continue to learn about prayer, about witness, about the poor, about the environment, and about striving for peace based on justice. Many in this room were gathered in Louisville three years ago and experienced our solidarity about our future. Why should we doubt that God is leading us? Theologians have consistently identified the sensus fidelium, the prayerful and thoughtful experience of good Christians, as one of the focal points for determining the will of God. Let us trust our own experience and continue to move forward. Certainly, we can be misled at times individually and even collectively, but we do not seek easy answers. Jesus reserves his harshest criticism for those with easy answers. He does not always question their sincerity, although sometimes he does, but he reminds them that God is continually pouring forth new wisdom. The Pharisees were not bad people, but they were terrified of change. Their monolithic understanding, as devout as it may have been, did not allow God to continue to bring forth the new, to pour new wine into new wineskins. The desire to go back to Egypt may have been attractive in the midst of uncertainty, but was it faithful to the call? Almost twenty years ago Thomas E. Clarke SJ, the philoso-pher and writer, collected a series of his essays into a book enti-tled New Pentecost or New Passion? The Direction of Religious Life Today (Paulist, 1973). In the foreword he said: How are we to disengage Christian faith from the time-bound cultural expressions and vehicles of the past without the loss of integrity? That is indeed the question at the heart of the anguish, tensions, and polarizations character-istic of a period which has turned out to be as much a new Passion as a new Pentecost. No group in the church has November-December 1992 811 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faith had to deal with the question with greater seriousness than members of religious communities and particularly of American communities of religious women. In my opinion, these last represent the cutting edge of renewal and have yielded in the past several years the most courageous and intelligent leadership which we have in the church today. Our living God not only inspires and challenges us to seek faith-ful, even if difficult, answers. God also calls us to responsibility. The third and final theme from our covenant theology that I wish to note, although I have referred to it already, is that there is a promise of a future of peace, based on love and justice; this pledge is faithful and immutable. The German theology of hope of the 1950s and 60s (names like Moltmann, Pannenberg, and Metz come to mind) found its way, with some permutations, into a Latin American theology of liberation closer to our own time. In my recent visit to Peru, I was struck once again how these peo-ple are really hope-filled. It seems to me that the word esperanza appears in practically every hymn and popular song. That hope is not just for a better Peru or even for a mundo mejor, a better world; it is a deeply religious belief in a better life which will never end. The promise to Abram and Sarai that they would be led to "a land that I will show you" (Gn 12:1) is at the very heart of the pil-grim spirituality of the people of Israel and is their reason to hope. If God is faithful, so must Yahweh's people be. "Keep all the commandments, then, which I enjoin on you today, that you may be strong enough to enter in and take possession of the land into which you are crossing, and that you may have long life on the land which the Lord swore to your fathers [and mothers] he would give to them and their descendants, a land flowing with milk and honey" (Dt 11:8-9). Psalm 135 exhorts us to keep the faith, to have hope "because the covenant fidelity," the hesed of Yahweh, "endures forever." In a properly understood theology of hope, as in liberation theology, our expectation is neither passive nor blind. The prophets used many words and much energy reminding the peo-ple that they also were responsible for bringing about a better world through their industry and ingenuity. Jesus, too, stresses the personal responsibility of each of his followers to bring about a world in which the hungry are fed, the thirsty are assuaged, and the naked are clothed (see Mt 25). Nearly thirty years have passed since Martin Luther King Jr.'s 812 Reviem for Religious prophetic words resounded from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. Reflecting on the covenant promises expressed in the United States Constitution, that prophet reminded the pilgrims who marched on Washington that the reality had not yet come close to the vision set forth in the Constitution. King reminded the world that even the freedom associated with the name Abraham Lincoln was not yet realized for all races. Coming from the shadow of the massive likeness of Lincoln, King's words wafted like a liberating breeze across the mall on that warm August day in 1963. The phrase still echoes in my memory: "Now is the time . . . now is the time." In a properly understood theology of hope, prophetic leaders remind the people of the orig-inal covenant. They do not ignore the chasm that exists between the promise and the reality. They are neither shy in telling the story of the way things could be, nor unrealistic about the way things are. And because they are people of hope, they proclaim confidently and continu-ously, "Now is the time., now is the time." It is my conviction that those of us in roles of religious lead-ership are obligated to reflect upon the instrumental position we play in the realization of the promise. We must, first of all, rec-ognize our own absolute dependence on God, and therefore we must spend significant time in prayer. Without such prayer we take ourselves all too seriously. Prayer becomes especially neces-sary, it would seem, when conflicts and misunderstandings arise within our communities or in the broader sphere of the church, of which we are both members and leaders. At those times par-ticularly, the promise must be our consolation. We are each called upon to bring our talents, our insights, our faith, our ingenuity, and our industry to bear in order to assure that we are faithful to the Gospel of Jesus and the original inspirations of our founders and foundresses. Our continuing call is to discern the signs of our times. While I have emphasized that reverting to the past is not an option for people of the promise, we need to study those aspects of covenant theology which are our greatest challenges today. We must not be blind to the fact that our proven North American We have been called to a community in baptism; we are saved as a community. November-December 1992 813 Hennessy ¯ Journeying Together in Faitls individualism creates real problems for the communitarian empha-sis in salvation history. We have been called to a community in baptism; we are saved as a community. Our founders and foundresses called us to community. While we cannot return to a time which canonized uniformity and called it unity, we have a key role to play in our church and in the world; we need to witness to the transcendent value of unity in heart and mind witnessed pub-licly. Our various founders and foundresses had different inten-tions in this area, and so a monolithic understanding of community is inappropriate and indeed impossible. However, when the affinity of our members with one another is so loose that true community is more in the imagination than in reality, we might have missed the mark. I indeed believe that in this area very necessary self-critiques are taking place within our houses. What do we mean by common prayer, common life, and so forth? It is appropriate that the examinations be internal since we seek the original inspirations and intentions of our various founders and foundresses. I am certain that the call to real community is an essential part of the covenant between God and ourselves. I believe that religious are in a privileged position for witnessing to com-munity forthrightly. It is an opportunity we cannot neglect for the sake of a world and a church in which people are crying for meaning, affiliation, and fulfillment. The Scriptures, which we call "sacred," are written expres-sions of an experience of God which is normative for us. The 'faith experience that the Scriptures report is not very different from our own. We are called to journey, to be confident people on pilgrimage. God is both initiator and fulfillment. We are called to faithfulness, exhibited in common lives of joy, love, and hope. "Now is the time., now is the time." In Memoriam David J. Hassel sJ died in Chicago, Illinois, on 26 September 1992. Father Hassel, a well-known author and contributor to this journal, recendy completed his term as a member of our advisory board. Please remember him in your prayers. 814 Review for Religious DONNA MARKHAM Communities of Hope Mtaphor is a window into the heart of human desire nd longing. It reveals the human spirit as it fuses our deepest-he!d beliefs with our lived experience. Metaphor expresses the kernel of What has been forgotten, lost in the whirlwind of our distracted lives. It holds the power to break through all that stands in the way of the proclamation of truth. Metaphor is at the center of the power of the mystic, the therapist, and the artist tO effect profound healing and change at the core of the human spirit. Because it touches the center of truth, a metaphor inter-preted always provokes change. Consequently, metaphors are often very disturbing--both to the speak.er and to the listener. A metaphor disturbs because it cannot be pursued very far without our being led to the very boundaries of what is most "sacred. It cannot be g,rasped at the level of the intellect alone--it is an empathic resonance of the spirit, an expression of what is true. like a parable, metaphor uses ordinary language to exprgss the extraordinary truth of what it.means to be human. Community, as metaphor, expresses the truth of our longing for relationship, the best expression of our humanness. Com-munity enge.nders awe and wonder as it webs together hearts in a world where individualism, separatism, and nationalism collude to keep us isolated and disempowered. Central to the birthing of an alternative world grounded in compassion and justice, com-munity threatens the prevailing culture by drawing near to and Donna Markham OP recently completed her one-year term as the Leadership Conference of Women Religious president. Her address is 8808 Cameron Street; Silver Spring, Maryland 20910. This presentation by the LCWR president (see introduction on page 806) was previously published in Origins 22, no. 14 (17 September 1992). November-December" 1992 815 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope conspiring with the transformative power of God. The presence of a community of hope disturbs and disquiets because it disrupts the social drift toward autonomy and self-sufficiency. It disturbs those of us who aspire to live it, and it unsettles the environment in which it is situated. It threatens change on every level and demonstrates that conversion and healing are, indeed, painful processes. Truly, community is a healing metaphor for a frag-mented world. It is not an option. It is an obligation essential for the survival of the planet. It is our obligation as religious women and men who have committed our lives to working for the reign of God in our world. The Prevailing Mood The most profound longings of our contemporary human spirit are variously contained in the language of critics, scholars, theologians, and poets--and those ordinary folks who are capable of verbalizing their inner pain. Repeatedly we find references to persons feeling alone and orphaned, individuals searching for meaning. Not too long ago, a 31-year-old mother of two sat with me in tears as she said, "I don't feel like I belong anywhere or to anyone. I just feel unwanted and not connected to anybody. I keep looking for things to make me feel better, but nothing is working." She went on to tell me how she had bought a high res-olution TV and a new VCR and, most recent!y, had gotten a sta-tionary bike. In spite of her new acquisitions, she continued, "I feel like I'm on the verge of dropping out, giving up. I can't sustain a lasting friendship or belong to a group for any length of time. Noth!ng lasts. The pain is horrible. I am trapped, cold and alone. I can't get out. Nothing makes sense anymore." Her expression is that of a prisoner in self-enforced solitary confinement. "I am trapped, cold and alone. I can't get out"--the deepest truth of her experience expressed in analytic metaphor. In the act of expressing her truth and in the response of someone interpreting her excruciating pain of helplessness and isolation, she begins her journey toward freedom. Similar experiences of disengaged subjectivity and alienation have often resulted in an escalation of materialism and con-sumerism-- a desperate effort to capture some solace and com-fort. In a rather disturbing commentary on contemporary experience, Robert Bellah notes that one of the most prized and 816 Review for Religious inexpendable commodities which we Americans possess is a microwave oven--the antithesis of the sacrament of the family meal (The Good Society, 93). A family's shared preparation of, par-ticipation in, and cleaning up after Sunday dinner all-too-fre-quently is replaced by each member "zapping" his or her own favorite microwave-ready food and rushing off to the next sched-uled event. Daily news commentaries unveil progressive fragmentation and self-serving separatism. Separatism, often disguised and jus-tified as American "pluralism," promotes scandalous division and destruction in every corner of our lived experience. Recently we have had our own experience with this type of heretical rational-ization and have experienced its painful effects. In an attempt to recover from the stunning and disheartening consequences of enforced and formalized division, we face with greater determi-nation our commitment to call for union and collaboration among those who are committed to justice, peace, and the common good. We know well from our own experience that the obsessive pursuit of private agendas, often driven by politics, has resulted in personal, ecclesial, and national crises of meaning and belong-ing. Repeatedly our poets, spiritual writers, ecolog.ists, sociolo-gists, and even business analysts reflect to us the dangers and numbing effects of individualism, separatism, and the disregard for unity and the good in common. Communities of Hope Entwined in these commentaries of our day is the longing for connection, meaning, and belonging. Community is the delib-erate human expression of such profound yearning for intimacy and purpose. I am convinced it is our final hope for establishing reconciling communication in a pained world. And it is our hope for the future of a religious life that finds itself immersed in an era roiled by exclusion, competition, and confrontation. Communities of hope become the bridges between islands of the spirit where compassion, friendship, and commitment to the mission of the Gospel still flourish. Vibrant communities of hope hold the power to proclaim the truth that we are profoundly interconnected with God and with ill creation. We are part of a living system which is our home. Communities of hope witness to our being embedded in the whole Noveraber-December 1992 817 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope of God's creation and, as living parts of this system, they are agents for the conversion of all those who promote fierce com-mitment to their own separate survival. What are the demands and conseq.uences of living at the heart of the metaphor? What does it mean for us, women and men reli-gious at a very precarious moment in history, to commit and entrhst 6urselves to ultimate belonging--to the creation of com-munities of hope which attest to the truthfulness of God's rela-tionship with us and with our world? This question is currently a. focus for many provincial and general chapters. It is a question which we are addressing with a degree of candor and self-critique that attests the maturity of American religious life. And it is a ~luestion we are answering by calling ourselves to no less than the profound communal transformation of con.temporary religious life. We know well that norms and lifestyles which were sufficient and effective yes.terday are painfully inadequate' to address the crises o.f today. Yet, in spite of uncertainty and the lack of clear direction, and often in the midst of misunderstanding and criticism from those upon whom we have counted, we entrust Ourselves to our faithful God and move on. We are taking the charism of religious life extremely seri-ously. We ar~ risking new ways of being communities of celebra-tion that radiate coherence and hope into society. More and more we are immersing ourselves among the marginated and most vul-nerable. In the blighted core of an inner city, a group of religious engaged in various ministries opens its home to neighbors--a place for prayer, respi.te, and hospitality--a contradiction in an environment charged with violence and suspicion. In a border town young adults and religious ~'espond to the needs of Central American refugees by establishing a center 'for illegal aliens. Theological reflection, common prayer, radical simplicity, and advocacy form the nonnegotiable basis of their communal life. Surrounded by affluent retirement communitieF, a growing enclave of destitute migrant workers is attended by wonderfully altruistic college students, religious brothers, and some commit-ted. couples who live among, pray with, and work on behalf of this neighborhood of preyiously ignored people. Such communities of hope are growing in strength and num-bers across the country. Increasingly we are embedding ourselves in uncomfortable places where we are bound to challenge the dominant norms of our church and our society. Counting on the 818 Review for Religious binding friendship of God, we are often venturing into places where many--and, indeed, where we--may not wish to go. Nevertheless, with all the metaphoric power of being part of a greater whole--a part which contains and is contained by every other part--we are conspiring in and committed to the healing and unify-ing transformation of the earth. While we have reason to be encouraged, we realize we have much to which to call ourselves and our congregations. Such a growing commitment to be communities of hope is inspired by the covenanted intentionality of God. We become more closely bound to God as we bind ourselves increasingly to God's will for mercy, justice, and peace. This binding intimacy--and the continued conversion to which it calls us--destabilizes the status quo and, consequently, is perceived as subver-sive by those who feel more at home in an environment of sepa-ratism and elitism. Such people fiercely resist the "subversion" they do not want to see. Increasingly we are embedding ourselves in uncomfortable places where we are bound to challenge the dominant norms of our church and our society. The Cost of Commitment Clearly, there are obligations which follow from taking responsibility to live at the core of metaphor. To begin with, com-munities of hope relinquish the security of the rigid constructs and protective routines that once defined community life. They are resilient and responsive to the ebb and flow of the needs of those among whom they li',;e, all the while claiming contemplative space, some time set apart. Participation in these transformative communities calls us to let go of our own accommodation to per-sonal comfort and possessions, to lay aside rugged autonomy and private agendas, in order to respond together to those needs which are most urgent. Those who live in the metaphor strive to rep-resent that which is most true. For many of us, that calls us away from what has been more comfortable. Communities of hope call us to be marginated anawim while, at the same time, being surrounded by the dominant culture. That November-December 1992 819 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope is, we are called to make a home with the dispossessed and vul-nerable in the midst of a culture that rejects them. We commit ourselves to live in the midst of prevalent social norms while maintaining a distinct identity as outsiders who refuse to be domesticated. We commit ourselves to responsible criticism of the prevailing culture, to search for and proclaim the truth of what we see and experience. We do this through the rigorous practice of a shared faith, through nondefensive and honest inter-action with those who oppose us, and through an uncompromis-ing commitment to contemplation, common prayer, and, most importantly, a reconciling compassion. Further, communities of hope hold the capacity to grieve together as they remember what has been forgotten and feel the shared pain of being outsiders. The catharsis of grieving yields to the.celebration of a faithful God who is friend and companion, who has called us together to be an organic conspiracy for the healing of our world. The inability of persons to feel and admit sadness marks a dulling adaptation to the existing state of affairs. One of the more disturbing symptoms an individual or a group can exhibit is the absence of the human emotion of sadness. Those who are unable to grieve have closed themselves to the transfor-mative power of empathic love and compassion. They have sealed themselves in smug detachment. As members of transformative communities, we must have the hope and the stamina to sustain rejection, misunderstanding, and unfair judgment--even ridicule--from the dominant major-ity. Walter Brueggemann addresses this in his Interpretation and Obedience, saying that exiles "must hold and practice faith in an empire that is deeply hostile., to our most precious social vision" (206). He continues, "The empire has a plan for the exiles: that they should be forever displaced, homeless, at risk, restless, admin-istrated (223). The empire will never understand. In the end, however, it will yield" (232). Staying Faithful Communities of hope are consistently faced with the risk of becoming sidetracked from their dynamic function of bringing forth a new way of life based on collaboration, mutuality, and respect. The dominant system will try to entice us to set aside our own agenda and replace it with its own. It will consistently and 820 Review for Religious untiringly try to seduce us into spending time and energy in reac-tion to it rather than in being about the threatening task of pro-claiming truth, justice, and compassion. It may even attempt to entrap us, freeze us out, and isolate us in the hope that we will feel just as imprisoned as that 31-year-old mother. But as long as com-munities remain faithful expressions of the human desire for heal-ing, for solidarity with the suffering and the vulnerable, and for communion with God and with creation, we will continue to agi-tate and disturb the pervasive system--and we will continue to promote its healing. The prevailing culture will attempt to undermine communi-ties of hope by coopting individual members to submit t6 a more comfortable existence, removed from the stringent demands .of proclaiming what is true and just. The dominant system cleverly realizes that solitary persons will not survive long as outsiders in its midst. They are ripe to be picked off and assimilated, thereby losing their power to convert and transform. Nowhere is the evil of the dominant system more apparent than when it works to devalue and fragment those who are bound together to work for the common good. The more hostile, intransigent, and wily the environment, the greater the need for the community to gather hope, strengthen desire, and realize vision. Leading at the Heart of Truth Good leaders have the courage to interpret the metaphor. They know that meaning is wrapped in the heart of metaphor. Leaders risk telling the truth. They realize that, left uninter-preted, the metaphor is bereft of the fullness of its power to bring about change. But the metaphor can be interpreted only from a posture of deep love. If there is any element of judgment or reprisal, the interpretation will be rejected. To prepare ourselves for the act of interpretation, we know that we must love with a passion that transforms our whole being, that is rooted in and nourished by contemplative relationship with God. We pray for a love that is so transparent and pervasive that it gives us the greatness to accept our own failings and those of our sisters and brothers, the courage to proclaim the vision of an alternative world ruled by the good in common, and the wisdom to challenge any acquiescence to the status quo. This is the foun-dation of interpretation. November-December 1992 821 Markham ¯ Communities of Hope What might interpretation entail for leaders today? It would entail: ¯ recalling the memory, the charism, and the values of the covenant; ¯ acknowledging, supporting, and celebrating deepening com-munities of hope; ¯ sharing the sorrow of the community of outsiders as they struggle to maintain integrity and unity in the face of misunder-standing, stereotyping, or ridicule; ¯ challenging those who are being tempted toward assimila-tion by the prevailing norms of individualism and materialism; ¯ asking difficult questions when the obliteration of bound-aries begins to diminish the identity of the community and moves it to compromise its prophetic purpose. It is in the honesty of the interpretive act that truth is revealed and continued conversion is realized. We who take on the respon-sibility to interpret must know that we will be called to profound experiences of inner conversion that happen only when we love the community so very deeply. In this act of interpretation, we are led with our communities to the edge of what is, simultane-ously, overwhelming and most sacred. A~ we continue to promote the coming of the reign of God in this new day, we bind ourselves in communion, united in a vision of religious life that is unafraid to live truthfully in the criticism of a dominant system, and we pray in the words of the prophet that we will continue to seek God with all our heart, with a sin-gle loyalty, with a centered hope (see Jr 29:13). 822 Review for Religious PATRICIA MCNICHOLAS The Service of Lay Associates Ordinary people can do extraordinary things. Many lay people fee! called to service of the poor and needy, but c~anfiot always find appropriate or worthwhile ways to respond to thi~ call. M.any communities of women religious have the per-so. nnel, the financial resources, and the contacts that enable var-ious forms of ministry to the poor and the disenfranchised to 6perate~ successfully. These programs are now being shared with lay people who desire to work with religious .communities in coop-erative ministry projects. Are thes~ programs, which involve the !aity in a religious co.mmunity's outreach efforts, one mor6 aspect of the movement toward formal lay association with religious communities? This aru,'cle attempts to place such efforts within the broad conte~ of the associate movement as it has developed in the United States. In the last twenty years, religious communities have set up various relational structures with groups of lay persons. T,hese are usually Enown as associate members or co-members. The groups are of special interest because, seeming to have appeared out of nowhere, they have increased in numbers at a tremendous rate. Today more than 60 percent of women's communities have an associate program and another 19 percent indicate that they are developing or are interested in developing a program? The phe-nomenon continues in spite of the lack of any clear-cut struc-tures, national organization, or official impetus. In some religious communities these groups embody their hopes for the future of religious life; for others they are a threat to that v~ry same future. Patricia McNicholas osu is completing her work on a doctorate in ministry. She c~n be addressed at 4250 Shields Road; Canfield, Ohio 44406. November-December 1992 823 McNicbolas ¯ The Service of Lay Associates Rosemary Jeffries asserts: "There is a plurality of religious life modes operative at ~he current time but none seems totally ade-quate in itself. New and emerging forms of membership suggest that one model might not be sufficient. Clearly the traditional model cannot accommodate alternative forms of membership.''2 The persons who participate in associated groups typically resemble the community of which they are a part. For example, the vast majority are older, white, middle-class, educated women-- the same description that would hold for most religious commu-nities of women. In the pastr membership in religious communities was lim-ited to vowed members only. No longer is this the case. Recent research shows that associate groups participate at different lev-els within community life and that the various programs tend to follow discernible patterns in their development and in their rela-tionship to specific religious communities. Jeffries describes five trends that are generally found in such programs: 1. The associate membership programs tend to attract persons very similar to the religious themselves. 2. Decisions and responsibility for the programs are mainly in the hands of the religious. 3. The activities of associate programs are limited, and communication with associates is generally sparse. 4. Most religious and associates currently involved in the associate programs are ambiguous about the purpose and future direction of these programs. 5. Associates are more positive about the programs than are the religious.3 In May 1989, more than 100 directors of such programs and associate members gathered at Bon Secours Spiritual center in Marriottsville, Maryland, for the first national gathering to discuss the movement. The purpose of the gathering was described as exploring "how spiritualities or charisms of the church, previ-ously identified with particular religious congregations, were being assimilated by groups of lay people who claim the identity, history, and traditions of a particular spirituality as their own.''4 Although the groups differed in the frequency with which they gathered, in the typg of commitment required, and in the kind of formation provided by the rel!gious community, what they seemed to have in common was the forming of bonds between the laypersons and the religious on the basis of the charism and 824 Review for Religious mission of the community. The persons at this assembly also emphasized the importance of spiritual growth and of the expe-rience of community. In some religious communities, associate groups have become so integrated within the community itself that they may now be considered co-members of the institute. Rose Marie Jasinski CBS and Peter Foley describe what they identify as four "generations" of associates. The first-generation associate was a person look-ing to the religious for spiritual growth. It was assumed that the religious took the leadership in the movement. In the second gen-eration, there was a growing sense that the laypersons and the religious journeyed together on this spiritual path. In the third generation, the associates were invited to participate in the com-munity life of the congregation. In the fourth and current gen-eration, associates actively participate in the mission of the congregation and may be considered co-members.5 Should all associate groups move toward the vision suggested byJasinski's schema? Conleth Overrfian seems to believe so. He thinks associate groups will be the very stimulus needed to create a future for religious institutes that are currently losing mem-bership. He calls on reiigious communities to extend member-ship to the laity. He says, "The future of religious life lies, not in some foi'm of 'non-canonical' organization, but in a vital amal-gamation of the fully vowed religious membership and an associ-ation of l~y people who would in actual fact be members of the religious institute.''6 He envisions a group of dedicated prayerful people who share the spirit of the institute and collaborate with vowed members in fulfilling the community's mission in the church.7 Out of this experience Overman sees religious institutes revitalized with a torrent of new life. This vision of religious life extends the meaning of what it means to be a religious, just as in earlier centuries the concept of being a religious was expanded from the notions of enclosed cloister to apostolic religious com-munities. Paula Gonzales SC also envisions co-membership as important for the renewal of religious communities. She main-tains that the emergence of associate/co-membership is the begin-ning i~f a marked transformation in the very identity and understanding of religious life.8 In March 1990, Region VI of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious met in Cincinnati to discuss the movement. In preparation for the meeting, the members completed a mail sur- November-December 1992 825 McNicbolas ¯ The Sei'vice of Lay Associates vey about their experiences regarding the associate movement. Doris Gott~moeller reported the results of the siar~ey and then summarized her finding in an article in Review for R~ligi~)us.9 Many questions about the movemen~ emerged. The most basic one concerned the very nature of associate groups. Are they really iaew forms of membership !n [he congregation,, or are they essentially noncanon, ic.al, lay associations connected to various religious institutes? Jeffries maintain~ that [h~ emergence of the associate movement and 6ther altei'- native forms of membership re,deals the need to reconcep-tualize religious life as a plurif6rm mod~l inclusi;ce of different ways of belonging rather than ~is one model . Possibly the more pluriform reality of contemporary reli-gious life provides an appropriate atmosphere for the growth of nonclinical forms of association.~° If these new organizations do represent a visionary refound-ing of th~ institutes and a new form of membership within the institute, what effect will such programs have on the existing corl-gregation and on its sense of ideritity? What rights do the asso-ciates have? Should associates be invited to participate in congregational events such as chapters, assemblies, and celebra-tions? Gottemoeller is clear about the need to clarify and answer these questions. Elizabeth McDonough criticizes.the popular belief that ~associates should be given rights to participate in inter-nal commuriity matters. She says: Perhaps religious ~vary of this ti'end instinctively sense the accuracy of the . . . analysis by sociologist Wittberg, who notes that the associate/co-membership t~'end is far from a contemporary i'efounding. It is me~ely t'i!pical behavior for ¯ . . groups that have no central communitai'ian identity by wbicb, they can attract others or into which they can incor-porate newcomers or from which they c~n claim the ongo-ing allegiance of or make significant demands on--those who belong.~ Her view would seem to suggest that the question is no~ just one concerning levelsof membership, but one concerning the ver~ identity of the institute itself. If associates are seen as mem-bers, then is the institute graying the boundaries that create its i.dentity and in that very process conti'ibuting to its own demise? In a re(ent issue of Human Developm6nt, Donfia Markham also raises the question of boundaries. She sa~,s that l~aders of reli- 826 Review for Religious gious institutes in this time of tremendous change need to "call the group to hope and to a bold vision for the future. They push at the boundaries of how the group has defined itself.''~2 Later in the same article, though, she notes that it can be a form of denial for a community to "make its boundaries so permeable that they no longer truly exist.''~3 Thus the nature and identity of these associational groups is the most significant one to be answered by any congregation as they form and develop associate programs. Experts in canon law also have serious questions about the move toward membership rights for associates. In a bulletin pub-lished by the Canon Law Society of America, David Hynous OP states: It is not appropriate to use the terminology of membership to designate those women and men collaborating with us in our ministries. It may very well be inspired by the sincere hope of stimulating our lay colleagues to give serious con-sideration to a lifetime commitment in religious life. But, insofar as we are discussing lay participation in the apos-tolic endeavors of religious institutes, it is misleading to use the terminology of membership,t4 He raises concerns when associates are invited to live and work with religious. These include questions regarding appropriate formation, issues surrounding celibacy, and financial concerns including hospitalization and retirement. These are serious issues around the question of membership. Gottemoeller, in her reflections, also raises the question of what kind of formation should be provided.'5 She asks, too, whether the program is intended to support the congregational members or whether it is outwardly focused, that is, intended to promote the mission of the church. She challenges the view that associate membership will be a way to ensure the continuity of congregation-sponsored ministries. Most associates seem more concerned about their personal relationship with the congrega-tion than with the future of the congregation's institutions. She states, "My impression is that very few associates are in positions of responsibility in congregational ministries, with the talent and energy to direct the ministries in the future.''~6 In addition, Jeffries notes that most associates reflect the aging patterns of their respective communities.'7 Gottemoeller concludes by not-ing that, given the nature and number of the questions about the associate relationship identified here, any conclusions about November-December 1992 827 McNicbolas ¯ The Service of Lay Associates its long-term contribution to religious life are decidedly premature. Perhaps the best stance to take is to be cautious about either overstating the potential of associate programs to redefine religious life or underestimating the power of the Spirit to use this vehicle to revitalize an age-old phe-nomenon within the church.~8 In spite of the questions raised concerning the nature of such groups, many communities are continuing to sponsor or plan for these types of associate groups within their community structure. These associate membership groups will continue to provide one way for lay people to fulfill their baptismal call to contribute to the mission of the church, namely, through cooperation with the efforts of a specific religious community. At the same time, those who participate will enable the community to expand its own con-cept of what it means to be a "member" of that specific commu-nity. The participants in associate programs will come to some understanding of the community's history and charism and will participate in the mission of the community. There is a need for continued research on this relatively new phenomenon within religious life. In the meantime many layper-sons are finding fulfillment in a variety of ministerial experiences related to the charisms and works of specific communities. If the results of the trend are positive for the religious communities that sponsor such associations, for the lay people who participate in them, and for the poor and the needy who benefit from them, this trend may well be with us for a very long time to come. Notes ~ Rosemary Jeffries RSM, "Results of the Survey on Associate Membership in Religious Life," Horizon: Journal of the National Religious Vocation Conference 16 (winter 1991): 65. 2 Ibid, p. 63. 3 Ibid, p. 74. 4 Rose Marie Jasinski CBS and Peter Foley, "Reflections on the Associate Movement in Religious Life," Occasional Papers, a publication of The Leadership Conference of Women Religious, 16 (October 1989): 7. s Ibid, p. 8. 6 Conleth Overman CP, "The Need for Religious Institutes to Develop a Strong Outreach of Lay Associates," Sisters Today 57 (February 1986): 345. 7 Ibid, p. 347. s Paula Gonz~ilez SC suggested this in an address at the First National 828 Review f~r Religious. Conferences of Associate/Co-Membership, as quoted in Karen Schwarz, "Alternative Membership in Religious Congregations," Review for Religious 50 (July/August 1991): 559. 9 Doris Gottemoeller RSM, "Looking at Associate Membership Today," Review for Religious 50 (May/June 1991): 391-393. 10 Jeffries, p. 64. 1~ Elizabeth McDonough OP, "The Past Is Prologue: Quid Agis?" Review for Religious 50 (January-February 1992): 93. The reference to Wittberg is from Patricia Wittberg SC, Creating a Future for Religious Life (New York: Paulist Press, 1991), esp. chapters 2, 3, and 4. ~2 Donna J. Markham OP, "Making Friends with the Dragon: Women's Leadership in a Time of Transformation," Human Development 12 (sum-mer 1991): 29. 13 Ibid, p. 32. ,4 David M. Hynous OP, "Associate Membership in Religious Institutes," Bulletin on Issues of Religious Law 6 (Silver Spring, Maryland: Canon Law Society of America et al., 1990): 6. is Gottemoeller, p. 393. ~6 Ibid, p. 396. 17 Jeffries, p. 65. ,8 Gottemoeller, p. 397. Signs The straws in the wind at the door of a cave were signs, of a sort, of the brush of the Spirit-- but who caught the hint the Messiah would have a crib of rough chaff in that draft, or so near it? P.C. Ghotiolo SJ November-December 1992 829 DIANA TAUFER Inculturation as Dialogue dialogue ministry During a 1991 conference, Basic Directions in Native American Ministry, Sister Genevieve Cuny asked the Pueblo Indians present, "What gifts can the church share with you?" Again and again individuals answered for their groups, "Respect." This response indicates how church ministers can make the quincentennial years of Columbus's voyages years of reparation. It is the way of inculturation, of ongoing dialogue between faith and culture, because true dialogue fosters respect in and for all participants. But too often inculturation is a monologue by the church. The word lends itself to this misinterpretation. A better word would be "interculturation," which emphasizes that real ongoing dialogue clarifies the truth in both faith and cul-ture and thus leads to the mutual transformation of both. And dialogue requires a pervading presence of church min-isters among the people. Christ's message contains, at least implicidy, the whole truth for our living as God's people. The church, how-ever, has in its humanness proclaimed it imperfecdy, espe-cially by giving it overtones of Euro-American culture. The Native American and other cultures can offer insights which point out foreign and neglected elements in church teaching. Interculturation is also a matter of justice. An old def- Diana Taufer SC drew upon her work as a docent at the Indian Pueblo Cultural Center for her reflections in this article. Her address is 1014 South George Drive; Tempe, Arizona 85218. 830 Review for Religious inition of justice is "giving each one his or her due." Christ's mes-sage is due to ~ill people in all its purity with respect for them as persons and with respect for the truth that is in them. Church history is full of examples of how missionaries of old, influenced by the limitations of the times, failed to dialogue because they did not r~spect the culture and were not really present among thd people. The quincentennial presents an opportunity for church min-isters, ordained and nonordained, to learn from the way inter-culturation did or did not happen in the past when Catholic missionaries worked fimong Native Americans. A good starting point is With the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest, 90 percent of whom are baptized Catholics. While practicing also their native religion, they have maintained their language and cul-ture better than any other group of Native Americans. As early as 1528, Spanish explorers, accompanied by Franciscan missionaries, began to make inroads into Pueblo territ6ry. The first permanent settlement in New Mexico was made in 1598, nine years befoi'e the establishment of the colony at Jamestown. The Franciscans were men of their times, and the times were the years after the Protestant Reformation and the Council of Trent when the fear of heresy permei~ted the church. A~ a result, close relationships between the friars and the Indians Were discouraged by their superiors, and the friars were advised not to learn the native language. It became Franciscan policy to shift the priests frequently from one mission to another and to send them back at times to Mexico. The' priests emphasized the differences between the indigenous religion and the Catholic faith rather than the similarities, contrary to the practice of many earlier priests in Mexico. Coercion became the order of the day. The policy for con-version, as framed by the king of Spain and announced by the friars, stated that, if the natives accepted the Catholic faith once it was explained to them, great rewards would follow. If they did not, all of them would be enslaved, which consequence would be their own fault. Those Indians who did not cooperate sufficiently. An old definition of justice is "giving each one his or her due." November-Decen~ber 1992 831 Taufer ¯ Inculturation in their own "conversion" were whipped, humiliated, and other-wise punished. When the Indians later resisted the destruction of their nativ~ religious paraphernalia, some multioffenders were hanged. Joe Savilla, who with his wife, Peggy, heads the ministry to Native Amei-icans in the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, has begun to call these latter Indians martyrs. Coercion also invaded the Indian workday. The massive churches--sandstone set in adobe mud, with huge roof beams brought from mountains many miles away--were constructed with conscripted labor from the pueblos. To make matters even more unpalatable, men were often required tO do what they con-sidered women's work, for instance, plastering walls. In addition, the Pueblo Indians were expected to support the missions with food and other necessities. The NIexican government's economic system added to these burdens by awarding to local Spaniards tribute exacted from the native peoples in the form of labor, corn, blankets, hides, and so forth. By J680 the Spanish colonials and missionaries had so alien-ated the native peoples that they revolted. When the friars refused to leave, twenty-three out of thirty-one of them were killed along with about three hundred colonists; the remainder were driven out'of the area. Father Ed Savilla, a Pueblo Indian and pastor at Tats Pueblo, calls the 1680 revolt a spiritual power struggle between the Indian spiritual leaders and the missionaries. After the Spanish returned and regained control (1692-1698), coercion eased. Nevertheless, about 1773 Father Joaqu~n de Jestis noted: The petty governor and the lieutenant have their places at the door so that people may not leave during the hour of prayer and Mass. When all are in their places,., the father takes atten-dance to see whether everyone is there . If anyone is missing, the petty governor goes to fetch him. If he is not in the pueblo., he is punished on the following Sunday. The pueblos responded to these policies by taking their native practices underground, literally in some cases because kivas were at least in part below the ground. Anthropologists like Edmund Spicer describe their present pattern of belief as compartmental-ization, the practice of two religions kept separate. Ed Savilla thinks a better term to desEribe the relationship between their two beliefs is "parallel." A Pueblo woman told me that she wor-ships the one God in two ways, but she values the Eucharist above 832 Review for Religious all else. A Taos man, who spoke at the 1992 conference on Indian spirituality in Santa Fe, described his native and Catholic beliefs as interwoven. When I questioned him further, he answered that this description, he felt, fitted the majority of his people. Joe Sando, who was raised in Jemez Pueblo and still main-tains ties with the village, summarizes the beliefs of his people in his latest book, Pueblo Nations: Eight Centuries of Pueblo Indian History (1992): Elements of Catholic ritual that have been accepted are: worship on Sundays and receiving the various sacraments, confirmation, baptism, weddings, and the native social dances of the saints' days, Christmas, and Easter. These rit-uals are now accepted as traditional Pueblo social and cul-tural patterns. When I questioned him in an interview concerning what Catholic teachings Pueblos might disagree with, he said he knew of none. Presumably he is acquainted with at least the basic Catholic doctrines since he is a graduate of the Jemez mission school. Is the Pueblo culture in any way transforming the Catholic Church in New Mexico? If the interiors of the churches are any evidence, the answer is "a little." The old church at Zuni is being decorated with life-size representations of Zuni ceremonial figures. A church or two have been painted with Indian designs and have bowls of corn meal at the feet of statues. The interiors of most of them are old European in style. If the liturgies are any evidence of Pueblo cultural influence on the church, the answer is "very little" except on major feast days. Then the statues are carried in wocession after Mass to a shrine in one of the plazas, and the dancing begins. The Mass itself, homily and all, does not incorporate Indian elements, even when the readings could be linked to Indian spirituality. On the other hand, Sister Ann Rosalia Sazbo and the Tewa choir at San Juan Pueblo have translated sung parts of the Mass into Tewa and set the words to music. The factor that seems to make the biggest difference in the amount of interculturation that has occurred is the residency or nonresidence of a priest in the pueblo. These pieces of evidence are externals only, but if they are so slight, it is unlikely that much interculturation is taking place on a deeper level. The whole church would be much richer if authentic interculturation did occur. Even a little understanding November-December 1992 833 Taufer ¯ Inculturation of the Indian belief in the interdependence of all creatures would make a big difference in the American way of living. The Pueblo Indian believes that, if you intend to kill an animal, you have to let it know why and ask for understanding. An unusual instance of this realization was thd 1980 grasshopper invasion of the Rio Grande Valley. The elders advised their people: "Talk to them, tell them to have mercy. Tell them to eat, but to remember that we have children to feed too. Ask them to go on to another place and do not make war on them." Many Pueblos used the wooden plow long after the iron plow was introduced by the Spaniards. The wooden plow was gentler to Mother Earth because it did not scar so deeply. Ironically, a headline in the 29 June 1992 i~sue of Time states: "The plow is being displaced by new technique that protects the land." Another headline reads: "By the year 2000 no-till farming will be used in 80 percent of the cropland. It will be the greatest change in agri-culture in 100.years." The Pueblo Indians strive also for harmony among them-selves. They regard a schism in the village as the worst of evil. They believe that striving for wealth, social prestige, or personal power can weaken the harmony in the village. Often persons will refuse an office until they can no longer hold out against those urging acceptance. Traditionally, personal excellence is not regarded as success. When Maria Martfnez rediscovered the lost secret of black pottery for which she became world famous, she shared it with others without asking for any compensation. One's place depends upon fulfilling communal obligations. Surely the rest of us can learn from such attitudes even if we prefer not to imitate them in detail. There is no part of their culture that I have experienced more than their practice of sharing. The Bureau of Indian Affairs tried to stamp out their practice of it because the authorities regarded it as improvident. Nevertheless, the "throw" persists to this day. I was invited to be present for one at Laguna when the family was celebrating the name days of several members. Several persons stood on the rooftop and threw food and household items to a cr6wd of two hundred or more gathered below. Another sharing custom occurs on important feast days: families invite friends and strangers into their homes for a meal as a special prayer offering in honor of the day. This custom was explained to me by a young man when he realized that it was my first time to have been 834 Revieiv for Religious extended an invitation. Later I was glad that I did not linger too long, when I learned that courtesy requires that you leave so as to make room for others to be seated. On Christmas Day a Pueblo man at the rear door of Santo Domingo Church was giving each visitor a loaf of oven bread. When I asked if I could give something in return, he suggested a donation to the church. The visitor register showed that people from all over--Canada, Mexico, the Netherlands, Switzerland, New Zealand, Morocco, and so forth--had experienced that day the Indian gift of sharing. Later that year a woman I had just met invited me to visit her home in Santa Clara Pueblo. As I was leaving, she gave me a black-on-black pot that she had made. Greatest, however, of all their gifts is the example of a life permeated by religious beliefs. At Jemez State Monument a plaque reads: "We have no word for 'religion.' We have a spiritual life that is part of us 24 hours a day; it deter-mines our relation with the natural world and our fellow man." The Pueblo Indians engaged in many struggles with the American government because of their determination to main-tain traditions essential to the practice of their beliefs. In 1924 Charles Burke, commissioner of Indian Affairs, ordered the erad-ication of some observances which he regarded as sadistic and obscene. In response the council of all the New Mexico Pueblos issued a formal declaration: "Our religion to us is sacred and is more important than anything else in life . There is no future for the race of Indians if its religion is killed." When the American government wanted to incorporate into public lands the sacred Blue Lake of Taos, the elders refused to accept all arrangements, including those reimbursing them for lost lands, until in 1971 Blue Lake was returned to them. What Joseph E. Brown says of the Native American in gen-eral can be applied to the Pueblo Indian in particular: 'We have no word for "religion." We have a spiritual life that is part of us 24 hours a day.' With the American Indian we are dealing ultimately with a quality of culture wherein action and contemplation are interrelated and integrated . It may be said that special rituals and ceremonials, as well as the routine of daily life, Novevnber-Deceraber 1992 835 Taufer ¯ Inculturation constitute meditative acts that open to the exceptional per-son at least possibilities of pure contemplation. The dance, as a form of worship, is as ancient as their legends and has roots deeply embedded in their traditions, stories, poetry, and whole way of life. Students of their way of life have been much impressed by the depth to which the dance has entered into their spirituality. The Pueblos dance for all the important com-munal needs and occasions of the year: spring planting, harvest-ing, feasts of the Catholic Church year, installation of their officials, hunting, and so forth. The very young and the very old participate by the hundreds in the most common of the dances, the Corn Dance. In times past the men in a pueblo spent a major portion of their lives in native religious duties. Such is not the case today because of changes in pueblo economy and ways of earning a liv-ing. It is virtually impossible today for a non-Pueblo person to examine their religious life closely enough to verify statements such as these. Pueblo secrecy concerning their indigenous reli-gious practices stems from two principal sources. There is a deep-rooted belief among them that "power talked about is power lost." Some of them tell how informants died soon after they had given away their power by divulging secrets to anthropologists. Secondly, resentment persists at the conduct of the church, the government, and anthropologists. Church and government tried to eradicate many Pueblo practices while anthropologists enhanced their professional reputations and finances by writing about guarded details of Pueblo life. Pueblo Nations states: "The traditional Pueblo framework still remains. However, judging from this writer's traditional upbringing, it is rapidly disintegrat-ing in the face of a new order and a new lifestyle." At the 1991 conference on Indian spirituality, a young Pueblo man suggested very tentatively that perhaps the Pueblos should open secret ceremonies to priests and sisters so that they might better understand the Pueblo people. An elderly woman, a devout Catholic, emphatically rejected this suggestion because the Pueblos would then have nothing that was just their own. At the 1992 conference Sister Jose Hobday, mindful of their reticence, urged them gently to share their gifts. Father Matthew Fox, among others, has indicated the type of dialogue, the type of interculturation, that could tak.e place between Indian cultures and the Catholic faith. Pueblo people 836 Review for Religious have told me, "He talks like an Indian." Fox advocates "panen-theism," which emphasizes that "God is in everything and every-thing is in God." He condemns the dualistic mentality that sets up a subject-object mentality leading to manipulation of other crea-tures, puts one's feelings against one's thoughts, and divides a per-son into body and soul. He prefers an approach to the universe based on the cycles of nature rather than on a "mythical state of perfection in the past." For dialogue to be truly intercul-turation, the Catho-lic Church needs to examine a number of important teach-ings in the light of Native American experience, espe-cially the role of Jesus and the mission of the church. Carl Starkloff expressed the need well: Christian Indians "seek. a deeper penetration of Christianity into areas where, because of the missionaries' lack of imagination or knowledge, the church has never gone." Jesus needs to be shown free of the overtones of Western cul-ture. That necessity has long been recognized, but much more needs to be done about it. In addition, among the Pueblo Indians, and probably others, the role of Jesus as savior meets obstacles. The traditional Pueblo view regards the hereafter as similar to life on earth and as generally independent of the good or evil a person has done in the here and now. This view seems to leave lit-tle room for repentance and reconciliation with a God who willed Christ's sacrifice on the cross. The traditional Indian sees evil as excess and imbalance for which each person answers to the com-munity. The Pueblos find it difficult to understand how the death of one person centuries ago could affect their chief obligations designed to bring food, well-being, harmony, and protection to the village. The church's mission to teach all nations puzzles many Native Americans. They believe that the Great Spirit has entrusted to For dialogue to be truly interculturation, the Catholic Church needs to examine a number of important teachings in the light of Native American experience, especially the role of Jesus and the mission of the church. Novonber-December 1992 837 Taufer ¯ Inculturation them beliefs that they are to adhere to and guard. He has done the same, they say, for other peoples because he understands their needs and environment, and so there is no point to or need for conversion. Interculturation is an ongoing process, and the quincentennial could stimulate a real dialogue between Native American culture and the Catholic faith, leading to a mutual transformation through clarifying the truth in each. It could also serve the cause of justice by giving both groups their due: respect for the persons involved and for the truth that is in them. As Max Warren has said, "Our first task in approaching another people, another culture, another religion, is to take off our shoes, for the place is holy; else . . . we may forget that God was there before our arrival." Dialogue obviously requires not only that we approach and arrive, but also that we be truly present among the people. I hear again and again from Native Americans--from Hispanics too-- that church ministers are not present among them, that we remain closed away in our convents, rectories, and offices. They regard our absence as a sign of an aloof and superior attitude. Respect for and presence among persons of another culture is essential to interculturation, whether that culture is different from our own because of race, nationality, economic level, religion, sex, or age. Bibliography Brown, Joseph Epes. The Spiritual Legacy of the American Indian. New York: Crossroad, 1982. Department of Education, U.S. Catholic Conference. Faith and Culture. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Catholic Conference, 1987. Starkloff, Carl T. The People of the Center: American Indian Religion and Christianity. New York: Paulist Press, 1974. 838 Review for Religious ALAN ALTANY Jewish-Catholic Dialogue since Vatican II Tmhe Second Vatican Council of the Roman Catholic Church arks for many people 'the .beginning of a significan~ change in the church's relati6ns with Jud.aism, a change away from excltisiveness and triumphalism to a more dialogic and apprecia-tive attitude towards Judaism as a living.and holy religious tradi-tion. From the Jewish point of view, this development has b~en seen as a beginning, but certainly not a completed process. It is the intention here not to discuss this ongoing dialogue chronologically up to the present, but to examine the nature of it, even the the-ology of it at times. It is important to emphasize how both Jews and Catholics approach the dialogue, bringing to it their own positions, and what dynamics the continuation of the dialogue will involve. From the historical record it is apparent that the Jewish peo-ple have been the victims of two millennia of persecution, oppres-sion, and capitai crime at the hands of Christians. The Jewish people know this s.tory and its trail'of wounds, but Catholics have too often ignored it; "ignorance of and negative attitudes toward the Jews permeate each on~ of us."~ As the Jewish writer Henry Siegmah has said, "Anti-Semitism from the first century to the twentieth century is a Christian creation and a Christian respon-sibility.'' 2 When one side of a dialogue has exercised political, social, and economic control over the other side for much of history, a Alan Altany is assistant professor of religious studies at Marshall University. His address is Department of Religious Studies; Marshall University; 400 Hal Greer Boulevard; Huntington, West Virginia 25755. November-DeceTnber 1992 839 Altany ¯ ffewisb-Catbolic Dialoffue buildup of trust is necessary if the dialogue is not to be taken by the minority side as a further means of control and domination. The Jewish people have had to face this problem in the context of suffering, for "no doubt the memory of Jewish suffering at the hands of the church makes it difficult for Jews to take as seriously as they should their own classical affirmation of the religious worth of Christianity.''3 One person who went a long way in developing the needed trust and love was Pope John XXIII, even though he died in 1963 before the council he had called was completed (1962-1965) and before the declaration on the Jewish religion was issued. The Jewish author Arthur Gilbert has written that "certainly no pope had communicated as clear and consistent an attitude of friend-ship toward the Jewish people and Judaism in all of history as had Pope John XXIII.''4 The very fact of dialogue can be considered an advance over earlier times, although not everyone agreed that there should be such communication or what the nature of it should be if it did occur. On the one hand there was the position of Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, leader of the American Orthodox Jews: "Jews need not withdraw from cooperation on social problems, but there is no value at all in theological conversation, nor, for that makter, is such conversation possible.''s The conservative Catholic theolo-gians who wanted to maintain the old triumphalism in theology were also very skeptical of dialogue, for they felt they could gain little from it, having theologically denied the living worth of Judaism. Martin Buber has spoken about a different perspective on dia-logue, each group living in the heart of its own faith while appre-ciating the other: "It behooves both you [Christians] and us to hold inviolably fast to our own true faith, that is, to our own deepest relationship to truth. It behooves both of us to show a religious respect for the true faith of the other.''6 Another prominent Jewish thinker, Abraham Heschel, has also addressed the nature of dialogue, saying that we should not seek to expose the inner mystery of our faith to the other; rather, "the supreme issue is whether we are alive or dead to the challenge and expectation of the living God.''7 The Jewish perspective is emphasized here, for the church needs to see its historical perse-cution of Jews with great honesty; "while there are notable excep-tions . . . the history of the church's persecution of Judaism and 840 Review for Religious the Jewish people is even today not part of the consciousness of the church.''8 The dynamics of the dialogue are theologically and historically unique and must be understood. For a dialogue to be authentic, its participants must know the history both of the rel.ationship between Jews and Christians and of the anti-Semitism which has afflicted that encounter. Jews involved in the dialogue tend to emphasize this history of oppression whereas Christians have been inclined to focus upon the theological aspects of the relationship. From the time of the Vatican Council II, there has been a renewed look at the history of Jewish-Christian relations. Jews have wanted to remind Christians that to know this history is a moral responsibility because "the Christian experience of salvation has., been disconnected from the peo-plehood of Israel and the fate of the community of Israel through-out the ages.''9 There has been an abyss of Christian unawareness of the lived history of the Jewish community. The dialogue has caused the question to arise whether the interpretation of the Christian Scriptures needs some revision to remove ideas that, over the centuries, led to anti-Semitism. The Patristic period is important in this discussion, "for the [church] Fathers made no effort to understand the Judaism of their age on its terms, and certainly none to recognize in the Synagogue an authentic, if non-Christian, form of biblica! religion . The old wineskins cannot suffice. The new wine, flowing in the consciousness of post-Auschwitz theologians, must seek more suitable wineskins for its ferment.''~° Isolated and oppressed, the Jewish communities through the ages have been involved in a history of tragedy that deeply influ-ences the Jewish perspective on the dialogue. Rabbi Agus reminds us that "to put one community outside the pale of humanity as being at once charged with a metaphysical sin and condemned to an inscrutable fate is to lay the groundwork for the madness of mythological anti-Semitism." ~ Rosemary Ruether says it simply: "This very suppression of Jewish history and experience from 'The supreme issue is whether we are alive or dead to the challenge and expectation of the living God.' November-December 1992 841 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue Christian consciousness is tacidy genocidal. What it says, in effect, is that Jews have no further right to exist after Jesus.''~z After becoming more familiar with the realities of history, the Christians in the dialogue have been confronted with Judaism as a living religion, a heritage of faith that does not define itself within Christian ~heological thought. This is at the very heart of the Catholic-Jewish discussion, for it says that the two religions, while sharing a unique relationship, are two separate religions that need to define themselves on their own terms, not on those of the other. Christians have had the major share of clarification to do here: "Christians must be ~ble to accept the thesis that it is not necessary for Jews to have the story about Jesus in order to have a foundation of faith and a hope for salvation.'''3 This amounts to Catholics realizing tha.t "Judaism can develop an inter gral self-definition without direct reference to. Christianity, while Christianity of nec.essity must include Judaism as a reference point in its self-definition.''~4 In the past a refusal or inability to see this reality has led Christian theologians to declare Judaism an essentially dead religion, serving only as a sterile witness to Christianity. The dialogue has brought this religious exclusivism into the light of criticism where it is understood' that Judaism can define itself without reference to Christianity: "Judaism does not usually define itself in relation to Christianity at all. Ra,ther, it represents an autonomous biblical religion which has passed through many stages, of growth quite independent of Christian assumptions concerning its character.''Is The Catholic Church's official statement on relations with Judaism is included in the council's Declaration on the Relationship of the Church to Non-Christian Religions.16 The final version was weakened in content from the original draft because of pressure from conservative bishops a.nd those bishops from Arab countries who said they feared reprisals against Christians in their countries if the statement was very strongly appreciative of Judai.sm's worth and herit.age. The major watering down of the statement was the decision not to include an explicit condemnation of charging the Jews with "deicide." !t was further criticized for a lack of penitential expression of Christian respon-sibility for persecution: "In vain does one search the Declaration of Vatican II for the slightest positive sign of Christian penite.nce. Because none is present, a.n opportunity of the century was betrayed.''~7 Another deficiency is noted by Henr~ Siegman, who 842 Review for Religious writes that "the failure of the Vatican Guidelines (1975)18 to deal with the theological dimension of the Jewish relationship to the land of Israel constitutes a grievous omission.''19 Yet Rabbi Siegman does say that the two major statements from the Vatican on relations with Jews signal a new spirit of respect and compas-sion that "bracket the past decade [ca. 1965-1975] like a set of bookends,''2° with the Declaration on Non- Christian Religions (Nostra Aerate) "marking a turning point in the history of the Catholic Church and the Jewish people.''2' The Guidelines, although a full decade passed before they were issued, speak more strongly than the conciliar statement about the vitality of Judaism when they state that "the history of Judaism did not end with the destruction of Jerusalem, but rather went on to develop a religious tradition . . . rich in religious values.''z2 We return here to our real theme, that the Jewish-Catholic dialogue must revolve around the realization that each tradition is a vital religion offering a path to God for its members. This recognition is also found in the statement of the U.S. bishops on Catholic-Jewish relations, where there is an exhorta-tion that homilists and liturgists "promote among the Catholic people a genuine appreciation of the special place of the Jewish people as God's first-chosen in the history of salvation and in no way slight the honor and dignity that is theirs,m3 The French bishops had issued in 1973 their own statement putting Nostra Aerate in a developmental perspective: "The posi-tion taken b.y, the Second Vaucan Councd should be considered a beginning rather than a final.achievement.''z4 This document goes on to demand Christian acceptance of the religious identity and spirituality of Judaism: "The Jewish people must not be looked upon by Christians as a mere social and historical reality, but most of all as a religious one; not as the relic of a venerable and finished past but as a reality alive through the ages.''25 The French bish-ops also said that, "far from envisaging the disappearance of the Jewish community, the church is in search of a living bond with 1t."26 A block to such a bond in the past has been the Christian focus of its relationship with Judaism on a theological level. By Each tradition is a vital religion offering a path to God for its members. Novernber-Decentber 1992 843 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue that is meant a Christian theological perspective that saw no pres-ent validity in Judaism because Jews have not accepted Jesus as the Messiah. This has been coupled with the disasterously false accu-sation of "Christ killers" and the resultant "theology of curse," in which the Jews were thought to be cursed by God throughout the ages for their refusal to accept Jesus as the Jewish Messiah. The notion ofservitusJudaeorum, of Jews being destined to suf-fer always in this era of salvation history, grew very deep roots. Christians no longer related to Jews as to authentically religious people, but to a negative legend of Jewishness that arose from the dark depths and persistence of anti-Semitism. What has the Jewish-Catholic dialogue done to transform this situation? Discussions of the relation between Jews, Christians, and covenant took place. The French bishops said that "the First Covenant was not made invalid by the Second.''27 Monika Hellwig's attitude on this issue is that "living out the implications of contemporary theology may make Christians look a great deal more like Jews, and they may discover that they are after all one tree with them, rooted in the one covenant."z8 What is the relationship between the Jewish and the Christian covenant(s)? What does "chosen people" mean? What is the rela-tion between the church and Israel? These are theological ques-tions that are beyond the scope of this discussion, but they do suggest the need for a continuation of the dialogue into the 2 1st century and for ongoing theologizing to interpret past and present positions and to develop new insights and opportunities for deeper cooperation and dialogue. Coloring all of the discussions between Catholics and Jews are, and must be, the two pivotal realities for all Jews (and in a real sense for all Christians), the Holocaust and the founding of the modern state of Israel. In the consciousness of the Jewish partic-ipants, these realities have been constant factors determining the nature and direction of the dialogue itself. The deadly irony was that, by denying the living status of Judaism and of the Jewish people as still "chosen," the Christian churches down through history contributed to the brutal "choos-ing" of the Jews for persecution. This was the background for the evil of the Holocaust. Rabbi Agus speaks of an expanded under-standing of "chosen" when he says: "It seemed that there could be only one Chosen People, and all who were not so chosen would be cast into outer darkness. Today many of us interpret 'chosen- 844 Review for Religious ness' in the sense of an example, not of an exception. The greater the number of people covenanting with the Lord, the better.''29 The ages-long Christian exclusion of the Jews from the main-stream of Christian theological understanding, in the sense of refutingJudaism's authenticity as a living religion, built the foun-dations for persecutions, for the Holocaust. The Catholic John Pawlikowski has said that "Hitler and his collaborators could never have attained the heights they did if it were not for the centuries-long tradition of anti-Semitism in Christian theology and preaching.''3° The Holocaust is at the end of an ancient and tenaciously tri-umphalistic tradition of anti- Judaism and anti-Semitism. "The Holocaust acted out the church's fantasy that the Jews were a nonpeople, that they had no place before God, and that they should have disap-peared long ago by accepting Christ.''31 The Holocaust incorporates all the acts of hostility, barbarity, and fearsome hatred that Christians have enacted against the Jews over the centuries. Without such a historical founda-tion, it is very unlikely that the Holocaust could have been carried out by the pagan Nazis. The dialogue has encouraged a radical look at the Holocaust and has encouraged the incipient efforts to seek its meaning for Jews and all peoples. Rabbi Irving Greenberg sees the Holocaust as revealing an existential division within Christianity: "The redemption and revelation of Christianity is inescapably contra-dicted by the constellation of its classic understanding of Judaism.''32 This division within the Christian theological inter-pretations could, through wisdom and compassion in the dia-logue, be critically transformed. The dreadful absurdity of the Holocaust is portrayed by Rabbi Greenberg when he says that, "were Jesus and his mother alive in Europe in the 1940s, they would have been sent to Auschwitz.''33 Generations of Jews and Christians will have the responsi-bility to reflect upon its causes and meaning, although its mean- Coloring all of the discussions between Catholics and Jews are the two pivotal realities: the Holocaust and the founding of the modern state of Israel. November-December 1992 845 /litany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue ing escapes all logical analysis. From the Catholic viewpoint, the church must keep the Holocaust in its consciousness. Gregory Baum sees it as revelation that must be incorporated into the church's own understanding of itself, an encounter that is a turn-ing point for the church's vision of itself.34 The Holocaust is coupled in Jewish awareness with the found-ing of the modern state of Israel after World War II. It was men-tioned earlier that the Vatican Guidelines were criticized for their failure to address the vital relationship between the Jewish peo-ple and the land of Israel. The importance of this failure is high-lighted when the Jewish position is made clear that Israel rose from the ashes of the death camps: "Israel's faith in the God of History demands that an unprecedented event of destruction [the Holocaust] be matched by an unprecedented act of redemption, and this has happened [the establishment of the state of Israeli.''3s In the dialogue this Jewish attachment to a particular place has reminded Christians, who may overly tend toward abstract uni-versalisms, that people live in place and time, that their religious heritages are founded and developed within history. Christians have faith in the person of Jesus, not in some neutral, impersonal force. So, too, Jews regard Israel in a very personal and commu-nal way; it is the "place" of the people of the covenant and has a crucial role in the salvation of the people. "One Jewish scholar in an. address to a Christian audience said that 'for us Jews Israel is our Jesus.'''36 Israel remains a top-priority issue in the dialogue. Each one of the issues mentioned so far, such as covenant, the Holocaust, Israel, and the church documents could have been the topic for this whole discussion. However, they have been men-tioned briefly as the necessary foundation for the main purpose, to discuss the very core of the Jewish-Catholic dialogue, which is the awareness and appreciation of one's own faith and of the reli-gious tradition and faith of the other. From here we will deal with one of the main dialogic developments that may prove to be a means of drawing Jews and Catholics (and all Christians) into more theological communication in the future and of helping Jews and Christians address in solidarity the human task of being human. The development has to do with the interpretation of redemption and eschatology, that is, the final events of salvation history. Christians have always announced that the messianic age was here, that the kingdom of God was activated and present in Christ. Review for Religious The Jews have responded by pointing out the window at the suf-fering and evil still present in the world--so how could the mes-sianic times be here? It is on this point that the Jewish-Catholic dialogue has wrestled theologically, and we can look at some of the early results of that intimate and intense grappling. The French bishops have said: "Though Jews and Christians accomplish their vocation along dissimilar lines, history shows that their paths cross incessantly. Is not the messianic time their common concern?''37 For Jews Israel has a crucial role in the mes-sianic reality of building the kingdom of God through God's ini-tiation and responsive human participation. Israel became the center of the hope for messianic fulfillment for the Jews and all peoples. Rabbi Agus says that in Jewish awareness Israel is a "part of the universal messianic vision''38 and that "in modern Israel the ~fterglow of the messianic mystique is a potent reality, and Jews the world over respond to its perennial allure . ,,39 This was the expression of an "Israel-centered eschatology [that] favored the rebuilding of a Jewish state as a further step in the fulfillment of the messianic hope for all mankind.''4° "Fulfillment has become a centering point in the dialogue.''4~ It is fascinating that, in a relationship so often stained with blood (Jewish blood) in the past, a new relationship of compassion and plain humanity is being encouraged and formed through dis-cussion of the future and through eschatological theology: "This eschatological turn [new focus on eschatology by Christians] has brought the Church closer to the Synagtgue: both Jews and Christians now yearn for the messianic days when God will tri-umph over the power of darkness.''42 Rosemary Ruether speaks of unfulfilled and fulfilled redemp-tion. This approach opens doors for dialogue, including a look by Christians at what they mean by the parousia, the second com-ing of Christ. For Christians the present age is not yet completely fulfilled messianically, and the hope remains for a future fulfill-ment at Christ's return. In his introduction to Ruether's Faith and Fratricide, Gregory Baum addresses this future hope of fulfill-ment: ". the incompleteness of present redemption. Jesus is a significant beginning, an irreversible turning point, and a promise for future fu!fillment . The early Christians had a special vocab-ulary'for speaking about the unfinished character of the present redemption: they spoke of the second coming.''43 Pinchas Lapide and Hans Kiing engaged in a Jewish-Catholic November-December 1992 847 /litany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue dialogue, and a couple of their discussions are pertinent here, as well as displaying the warmth and humor necessary for dialogue to flourish. First K~ing, the Catholic: "We would also agree with you in this decisive argument which is continually raised by Jews against the Christian message: that redemption in the sense of consummation is not yet truly present . lit is] in this sense [that] Jesus Christ . . . announced this kingdom.''44 Lapide, the Jew, later said: "You are waiting for the parousia; with you, too, the fullness of the redemption is still in the future; I await its coming, but the second coming is also a coming. If the Messiah comes and then turns out.to be Jesus of Nazareth, I would say that I do not know of any Jew in this world who would have anything against it.''4s It is significant that Jews and Catholics can agree that redemp-tion will be further realized and fulfilled in the future through the revealed and mysterious action of a saving God, as shown by their acknowledgment that "the eschatological tension has not been resolved. What may be expected in the messianic fulfillment has not yet become manifest in the world . The messianic event should be seen as lengthy, complex, unfinished, and mys-terious." 46 For the Catholic Church, theologizing in this way can open up directions for and development of a theology of, and for the purpose of, dialogue with Judaism. Such a theology can help to melt the religious exclusivity and transform triumphalism into cooperation. The Christian can remain Christian and not suc-cumb to some kind of syncretism or eclecticism, while still seeing that God graces all humanity. The old "no salvation outside the church" (extra ecclesiam nulla salus) used as a weapon for con-demning all non-Catholics becomes an historical relic that can be buried. Our age is a time of new openings for dia!ogue among religions, and people begin to see more clearly that God's love touches, all human beings: "Since the divine redemption is not finished in Jesus, except by way of anticipation, the church is not the unique vehicle of grace: room remains in world history for other ways of grace, for many religions, and in particular for the other biblical faith, for Judaism.''47 Of course, Jews do not need to be told that Judaism is a vehicle of God's grace, but it helps for Christians, too, to have this understanding. So we return here to what was stated at the beginning, that the dialogue needs to be conducted with mutual appreciation Of each 848 Review for Religious other's religion, with special emphasis given, because of the his- .torical realities, to a Christian awareness of Judaism as a living and holy religious heritage. In looking at the Church's Guidelines document, Rabbi Siegman has written that "the Guidelines are the first Catholic document on the highest level of authority that view Judaism as a rich and vital religious movement in the period following the rise of Christianity as well [that is, not only in pre- Christian, patriarchal times]."qs Then in 1985 the Vatican's Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews pub!ished a document called "The Jews and Judaism in Preaching and Catechesis," Without such awareness by Catholics that Judaism has been and continues to be a living religious tradition, there could be no dialogue at all. But a change in the negative momentum of two millennia begins as Catholicism sees that God comes to the Jews through the Jewish religion, that God does hear the prayers of the Jews. Baum has said it clearly: "God continues to operate in the Jewish people. Christians must regard the Jewish re!igion as an authentic, God-inspired, supernatural worship of the one'true God.''49 History must be remembered; Jews and Catholics must remember and must envision new possibilities. Auschwitz and hope must be permanent parts of consciousness. For just as "no Jew is likely to forget Auschwitz, . . . no Christian can afford to blot its horror from his memory, for theology, like history, has changed its character, and nothing can reverse the situation.''s° By studying the traditions of rabbinic Judaism and learning the teachings of the Jewish sages, Catholics can be enriched; they can discover this living wisdom and faith. By taking a fresh look at Jesus and by studying the Christian sages of spirituality, Jews can be enriched; they can discover this living wisdom and faith. For Christians Jesus himself is their Jewish point of contact for "Jesus the Jew thought as a Jew, loved as a Jew, . . . suffered as a Jew, and died a Jew. It is impossible to understand Jesus without under-standing his Jewish concept of God's people and of God's covenant with his people.''51 The dialogue is thus not simply a work for small groups of A theology can help melt religious exclusivity and transform triumphalism into cooperation. November-December 1992 849 Altany ¯ Jewish.-Catholic Dialogue theologians. It has become part of the religious atmosphere, a process that surely is still at an early stage of progress. Yet steadily, implicitly or explicitly, the dialogue has meaning. Rabbi Siegman has said: "Given his or her own self-understanding, the Christian cannot avoid being confronted by the persistence 6f a living, thriv-ing Judaism. That living reality poses for the Christian the ques-tion of ultimate truth, and that is what makes the dialogue necessary and compelling.''52 And the dialogue demands action, especially from Catholics as they reconceive history. How can there re.ally be dialogue if there is an absence of genuine Catholic repentanc.e? How can the dialogue continue into the future with-out moral reconciliation? "Professor [Friedrich] Heer [a Catholic] asks: 'How is this church of ours to answer, today and tomorrow and the day after, for what she has done over these two thousand years to Jesus the Jew, to his people, to mankind, and to herself?.' V~e must confess our sin; we must ask God's forgiveness and that of the world community of Israel. But we must also perform deeds of reconciliation.''53 The time is now past when the facts about persecution of Jews by Christians over the course of history, facts deeply infused in Jewish experience, can be absent from Christian conscious-ness. Any claim to ignorance of such tragedies has no more excuse. Contemporary Jewish and Catholic theologies need to be devel-oped in the burning reality and memory of the Holocaust. M1 of this means that the dialogue demands radical reformation and compassion; Jews and Catholics mus~ recognize in each other a witness to God's saving love: "To be a b!essing unto people and a light unto nations is to be Israel. Toward that vocation both Christians and Jews feel themselves called. May we be worthy of our name.''54 Notes ~ Eugene Fisher, Faith Without Prejudice (New York: Paulist Press, 1977), p. 14. "[That] the church can understand its own nature only in dia-logue with a living Judaism is literally breathtaking to one who knows the history of the dark days of suspicion and polemics" (p. 27). 2 Henry Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations: A Reassessment," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 15, no. 2 (spring 1978): 249. 3 Ibid, p. 254. 4 Arthur Gilbert, The Vatican Council and the Jews (Cleveland: Word Publishing Co., 1968), p. 85. 850 Review for Religious s lbid, p. 125. 6 Ben Zion Bokser, Judaism and the Christian Predicament (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967), p. 377. 7 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 246. 8 Ibid, p. 248. 9 Monika Hellwig, "From the Jesus of Story to the Christ of Dogma," in Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, Alan T. Davies, ed. (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), p. 126. 10 Alan T. Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind (New York: Herder & Herder, 1969), p. 90. 1~ Jean Dani~lou, Dialogue with Israel (Baltimore: Helicon, 1968), p. 121. Rabbi Jacob Agus wrote a response to the views of Dani~lou in the book. 12 Rosemary Ruether, Faith and Fratricide (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 258. 13 Ibid, p. 256. ~4 John Pawlikowski, "The Contemporary Jewish-Christian Theological Dialogue Agenda," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 11, no. 4 (fall 1974): 608. "Despite their shared biblical heritage and other simi-larities, Judaism and Christianity are essentially distinct religions, each one emphasizing different but complementary aspects of our religious dimen-sion" (p. 605). is Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind, p. 104. 16 The very phrase "non-Christian religions" gives a sense of at least implicit exclusivism. ~7 A. Roy Eckardt, Your People, My People (New York: New York Times Book Co., 1974), p. 51. 18 The council statement was issued in 1965, while "Guidelines and Suggestions for Implementing the Conciliar Declaration Nostra Aestate" (n. 4) was issued in 1975 by the Vatican Commission for Religious Relations with the Jews. 19 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 251. 20 Henry Siegman, "An Overview of Christian-Jewish Relations," Jewish Digest 20, no. 9 (June 1976): 66. "There seems to have been no comparable developments of similar import for Christian-Jewish rela-tions during this entire decade in Protestant and Orthodox Christianity" (p. 66). 2, Ibid, p. 69. 22 Guidelines, 1975. 23 "Statement on Catholic-Jewish Relations by the U.S. National Conference of Catholic Bishops," November 1975, in Stepping Stones to FurtherJewish-Christian Relations, ed. Helga Croner (New York: Stimulus Books, 1977), p. 34. 24 Ibid, p. 60. "Statement by the French Bishops Committee for Relations with Jews," April 1973. November-December 1992 851 Altany ¯ Jewish-Catholic Dialogue 25 Ibid, p. 61. 26 Ibid, p. 64. 27 Ibid, p. 62. 28 Monika Hellwig, "Christian Theology and the Covenant of Israel," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 7, no. 1 (winter 1970): 51. 29 Dani6lou, Dialogue with lsrael, p. 113. 30 Pawlikowski, "Contemporary Jewish-Christian Agenda," p. 613. 31 Gregory Baum, "Catholic Dogma after Auschwitz," Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, ed. Alan T. Davies (New York: Paulist Press, 1979), p. 142. "The church's negation of Jewish existence before God created symbols and produced an atmosphere in which it was pos-sible for Hitler to make the Jews a scapegoat for the ills of society, and count on much popular support for his anti-Semitic campaigns" (p. 139). 32 Irving Greenberg, "New Revelations and New Patterns in the Relationship of Judaism and Christianity," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 16, no. 2 (spring 1979): 257. "Never again should official badge or pro-fessed religious belief allow murderers to escape condemnation and excommunication or allow victims to be excluded from the circle of humanity. Surrendering religious exclusivism or triumphalism is a crucial moral step" (p. 260). 33 Ibid, p. 258. 34 Baum, "Catholic Dogma after Auschwitz," p. 141. 3s Greenberg, "New Revelations and New Patterns," p. 263. 36 Pawlikowski, "Contemporary Jewish-Christian Agenda," p. 599. 37 Croner, Stepping Stones to Further Jewish-Christian Relations, p. 65. 38 Jacob Agus, "Israel and Jewish-Christian Dialogue," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 6, no. 1 (1969): 31. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid, p. 18. 41 Ibid. 42 Baum, in Davies, ed., Anti-Semitism and the Foundations of Christianity, p. 147. 43 Ruether, Faith and Fratricide, p. 17. ~ Hans K~ing and Pinchas Lapide, "Is Jesus a Bond or Barrier? A Jewish-Christian Dialogue," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 14, no. 3 (summer 1977): 480. 45 Ibid, p. 482. 46 Hellwig, "Christian Theology and the Covenant of Israel," pp. 49-50. 47 Baum, in Ruether, Faith and Fratricide, p. 18. "Because Christianity proclaims an unfilled messianism, the church is not the only instrument that serves the coming of the final kingdom: there is room for other vehi-cles of grace" (p. 203). 48 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 258. 852 Review for Religious 49 Gilbert, Vatican Council and the Jews, p. 207. "Today we encounter the divinely inspired tradition of a living Judaism as a tradition, like our own, 'rich in religious value'" (Fisher, Faith Without Prejudice, p. 7). so Davies, Anti-Semitism and the Christian Mind, p. 190. Sl Friedrich Heer, "The Catholic Church and Jews Today," Midstream 17, no. 5 (May 1971): 26. s2 Siegman, "A Decade of Catholic-Jewish Relations," p. 245. s3 Eckardt, Your People, My People, p. 250. s4 Gilbert, Vatican Council and the Jews, p. 242. Crib Chiaroscuro Always, by distance of darkness, You lay far as a star away. Always, the darkness was the gentle despair of knowing You were there, Your haloed-hair glowing against brown, slatted wood, but that I could not bridge that black of my own love-lack. Then, at my midnight moment of clarity when the sky of my spirit was spun by the sweet suddenness of Your smile to a cosmic charity-~even then I could not come near it, the crib reeling with a radiance too concealing. But now, dimmer than daystar at dawn, the crib is a pale glimmer of grace obscurity framing Your face and Your purity. I touch the Intangible. Marilyn Eynon Scott November-December 1992 853 PAUL F. HARMAN The Media and the Good News Raymond Carver, the widely acclaimed short-story writer from the Northwest who died just two years ago, gave one of his stories the title "Where I'm Calling From." Let me begin these remarks about formation and the communica6ons apostolate by telling you "where I'm call-ing from." In 1984 John O'Brien SJ, who was then the commu-nication secretary in the Roman curia of the Society of Jesus, wrote a position paper on "Jesuit Formation in Social Communication." He proposed introducing a com-munications component at every stage of the Society's for-mation process and sketched this out in some detail. His proposal met with only polite interest. Talking with Jack a few years later in Rome, I felt he was disappointed that there had not been more enthusiasm. Yet when I reread his proposal recently, it was clear that many of his recom-mendations had, in fact, found their way into the Jesuit formation program in the United States. Moreover, when Father Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, the superior general of the Society of Jesus, gave his "State of the Society" address to the provincials gathered at Loyola in 1991, he was able to report that "formation in communication for all Paul E Harman SJ is the Secretary for Formation for the Jesuit Conference in the United States. This article is the substance of an address he gave in Denver on 2 August 1992 to JESCOM, an association of Jesuits and their fellow workers in communi-cations apostolates. He can be addressed at Suite 300; 1424 16th Street N.W.; Washington, D.C. 20036. 854 Review for Religious scholastics is now becoming a fairly regular occurrence." The Jesuit major superiors of Africa and Madagascar, for example, have given their approval for an integrated program of training in communication covering the whole of Jesuit formation from novi-tiate to ordination. There is no lack of very clear and specific communications from all quarters about what formation should and should not be doing. In April 1992 the pope issued the official papal response to the 1990 Synod of Bishops on priestly formation. In November 1992 the U.S. bishops are looking at the fourth edition of "The Program for Priestly Formation," the document which is nor-mative for all seminaries and religious houses of priestly forma-tion in the United States; the revisions have taken almost two ~ears of committee work and gone through several drafts. Over the past eight years I have read at least forW pastoral letters, major addresses, and Roman documents--all published in Origins--on the identity, formation, education, spirituality, and ministry of priests. And, of course, there are the more controversial writings on Jesuit formation past, present, and future: Frank Houdek's "T.h.e Road Too Often Traveled,''1 Peter McDonough's Men Astutel.y Trained,2 and Joseph Becker's The Re-Formed Jesuits, vol-ume 1.3 (The latter two works, ~hough from different perspec-tives, look back with more than a little nostalgia to an older formation program and raise questions about the 9hanges intro-duced by the Second Vatican Council and General Congregations 31 and 32 of the Society.) If eight years ago formation personnel did not rush to imPle-ment every recommendation in Jack O'Brien's position paper, it was not for any lack of interest in or commitment to the com-munications apostolate. Rather it was because then, as now, those responsible for formation--perhaps this has always been and always will be the case--were concerned about "overload." The formation period is both too long .and too short. The list of all that needs to be accomplished in the space of the formation years g~'ows and grows and grows. There are, first of all, the "basics": formation in religious life, in community,, and in the spirituality of the order or congregation; introduction to its history, its traditions, and its varied aposto-lates. 'The essential academic studies of philosophy and theology demand large amounts of time as do the study of language, history, art, science, literature, economics, and psychology. And--along November-December 1992 855 Harman ¯ The Media and the Good News the way--issues of community life, interpersonal relationships, psychosexual development, addictions, and family disorders may need to be addressed. Can we do more in formation in the years between the novi-tiate and final profession? Of course we can, and we will because the times and circumstances demand it of us. Could we do for-mation, differently, so that it is not simply a matter of adding more and more components to a process that is al~'eady very long, con-sidering that the average entrance age is 26? Perhaps. There are always efforts in that direction. After eight years of looking at formation at close range, I am more and more inclined to think that we need to put less empha-sis on formation and more emphasis on mission. In doing so, we might discover that, in formation, less is definitely more. I was in the Far East earlier this year and met some of the novices and scholastics there; they were, on the average, about the same age as our novices and scholastics (that is, late twen-ties), generous, eager, intelligent, self-posses~ed, many of them with stories that I will not easily forget (as is true of our own entering novices in the United States). I listened intently to the discussions of formation issues in Korea, Indonesia, China, Vietnam, Japan, and Singapore, but I kept asking myself the same question that I ask here in the United States: Do we expect too much of formation? In my notebook I wrote: "Enough of forma-tion! Just ~et them free to become saints and martyrs. Mother Teresa says, 'Do something beautiful for God.' Here at home the Nike ads tell us, 'Just do it!'" So that is "where I'm calling from." Having said that we should talk less about formation and more about mission, let me say something about mission and the com-munications apostolate. If someone were to ask me to list the places in the text of the Exercises from which Jesuits over the centuries have drawn par-ticular energy and motivation for their lives, one of the first texts I would point to is §106 in the first contemplation of the first day of the Second Week. In this contemplation'on the incarnation, St. Ignatius proposes that the exercitant "see" all the people on the face of the earth "in such great diversity in dress and in manner of acting. Some are white, some black; some at peace, and some 856 ~Review for Religious at war; some weeping, some laughing, some well, some sick, some coming into the world, and some dying . " Put very simply, the exercitant is invited to look at the masses, not with the dis-passionate eye of the statistician or social scientist, but with the loving gaze of the Trinity. It is almost fifty years since a special Labor Day Weekend me~ting at West Baden, Indiana, of some 200 Jesuits gathered to assess the situation of the Society vis-a-vis the social situation in the United States. Peter McDonough makes much of this 1943 assembly in his book Men Astutely Trained. Unfortunately, there was nothing like JESCOM around then, but Father Dan Lord, who knew a thing or twO about the media, spoke forcefully aboui: reaching the masses, noting in passing that the Communist party in the United States showed more zeal in this respect than did the Society. (Jesuits seemed to rely more on the "trickle down" theory--focus-ing principally on the educational apostolate.) Many religious congregations, now more than ever, are becoming aware of a mission to reach the many, the masses, as well as the few. How do religious communities--all of us, not just those in formation--take i'esponsibility for this mission? Let me concentrate on one part of the mission, naniely, the Catholic masses. The Official Catholic Directory puts the number of bap-tized Roman Catholics in flae United States at almost 60 million; we are nearly one-fourth of the total population, and we are an increasingly diverse group. It has been said that Roman Catholics are now the only major religious denomination that truly has everybody in it. Now that is a mission with some challenge! Of the 60 million Catholics, 15 millionwa fourth of the Catholic population--are "inactive." Eighteen million Catholics have not attended Mass in any given month. The level of educa-tion among U.S. Catholics has risen dramatically in the last gen-eration and is actually slightly higher than the average national statistics; but young Catholics, for the

The phenomenon of several analyses that make the rise and fall of opinion on financial statements every year has become the rationale why some researchers conduct the study. Government financial statements play a role as a form of accountability in the management of state finances, the financial report components presented must include at least the type of report and informatio n elements demanded by statutory provisions following the government Regulation No. 71 of 2010. This research was conducted at the Regional Office of The Ministry of Religion in West Kalimantan Province which is a working partner of Regional Office of the Directorate General of Treasury of West Kalimantan Provinces. The researcher employed 61 respondents as research samples. The analysis technique applied is multiple linear regression analysis. The results determined that partially the undertanding of the variables of regulation conferred a significant positive effect on the quality of financial statements. Whereas the variable data reconciliations, integrated information and technology utilization, budget execution performance, human resource competency showed a positive but not significant effect on the quality on finacial reports of the Regional Office of the Ministry of Religion in West Kalimantan Provinces in partnership with the Regional Office of the Directorate General of the State Treasury, West Kalimantan Province. In other conclusions, data reconciliation, understanding of regulations, integrated use of information technology, the performance of budget execution, simultaneous competence of human resources turned out to have a positives and significant effect on the quality of financial statements. The variable of organizational commitment cannot be used as a moderating variable to the variable of data reconciliations, integrated information and technology utilization, budget execution performance, human resource competence on the quality of finacial reports at the Regional Office of the Ministry of Religion in West Kalimantan Provinces in partnership with the Regional Office of the Directorate General of the State Treasury, West Kalimantan Province. The next researcher is expected to able to suplement other factors that might influence the quality of government financial statements, for example by adding independent or moderating variables. In addition, as a means of research findings can be widely utilized, than the researcher can further expand the scope of the research area. 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Direktorat Jenderal Perbendaharaan, Kementerian Keuangan.Mamahit, F.A, Sondakh, J.J & Ilat, V. (2017). Pengaruh Kapasitas Sumber Daya Manusia, Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi dan Penerapan Sistem Akuntansi Keuangan Daerah terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Daerah (Pada SKPD Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan). Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill", Vol 8, No 1 ,.Manaf, I.A., Arfan, M. & Darwanis (2014). Pengaruh Pemahaman Tentang Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Dan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Terhadap Proses Reviu Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah Oleh Inspektorat Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah Pada Inspektorat Kabupaten/Kota Di Provinsi Aceh .Jurnal Magister AkuntansiPascasarjana Universitas Syiah Kuala, Vol 3/4Media Keuangan (2018) .Volume XIII/No. 124/Januari 2018 . Kementerian KeuanganMulyadi, D. (2018). Perilaku Organisasi dan Kepemimpinan Pelayanan.Alfa Beta. BandungModo, S.M., Saerang, D.P. & Poputra, A.P. (2016). Analisis Faktor-Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Kualitas Informasi Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah (Studi Empiris Pada Skpd Pemerintah Kabupaten Kepulauan Talaud).Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill" .Vol.7, No.2. Oflagi, J.G, Manossoh, H. & Walandouw, S.K. (2018). Analisis Aplikasi E-Rekon-Lk Terhadap Rekonsiliasi LaporanKeuangan Pada Kantor Wilayah Direktorat JenderalPerbendaharaan Negara Provinsi Sulawesi Utara.Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Going Concern. Vol. 13. No.2.Pandey, B. (2015).Pengaruh Kualitas Sumber Daya Manusia, Sarana Pendukung Dankomitmen Pimpinan Terhadap Kinerja Satuan Kerja Perangkat Daerah (SKPD) Dalam Penyusunan laporan Keuangan SKPD Di Lingkungan Pemerintah Provinsi Sulawesi Utara. Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill", Vol 5, No. 2 , Pilander, S.M, Saerang, D.P. & Gamaliel, H. (2018). Pengaruh Penerapan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan, Sistem Pengendalian Intern, Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia Dan Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pada Pemerintah Kota Kotamobagu. Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill" .Vol 9, No.1Poae, Y., Ilat, V. & Warongan, J.D. (2017). Pengaruh Pengelolaan Barang Milik Daerah Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah Kabupaten Kepulauan Talaud . Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill", Vol 8, No 1.Pradono, F.C., & Basukianto (2015) . Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah: Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Dan Implikasi Kebijakan (Studi Pada Skpd Pemerintah Provinsi Jawa Tengah) .Jurnal Bisnis dan Ekonomi (JBE). Vol. 22 No. 2,.Pratiwi, P.A., Musmini, L.S & Sujana, E. (2014). Pengaruh Pengetahuan Pengelolaan Keuangan Daerah, Personal Background, Dan Komitmen Terhadap Kemampuan Satuan Kerja Perangkat Daerah Dalam Penyusunan Laporan Keuangan Daerah (Studi Pada Skpd Di Pemerintahan Daerah Kabupaten Klungkung) .e-Jurnal Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha.Vol. 2 No. 1.Puspita, R. & Martani, D. (2010). Analisis Pengaruh Kinerja dan KarakteristikPemda Terhadap Tingkat Pengungkapan dan Kualitas Informasi dalam Website Pemda. Simposium Nasional Akuntansi XV, Banjarmasin.Rahmawati, D. (2015). Pengaruh Kapasitas Sumber Daya Manusia Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah dengan Komitmen Organisasi Sebagai Pemoderasi (Studi Empiris pada Pemerintah Kabupaten Sragen). Jurnal Smooting Fakultas EkonomiUniversitas Surakarta, Vol.13, No. 3.Rahmayani, S. (2018) .Pengaruh kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia, Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi, dan Rekonsiliasi Data Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan padaSatuan Kerja Kementerian Agama Mitra Kerja Kantor Pelayanan Perbendaharaan Negara Tebing Tinggi.(Tesis). Program Pasca Sarjana Universitas Sumatera Utara.Republik Indonesia,Keputusan Menteri Agama Nomor 15 Tahun 2015 tentang Penerapan Standar dan Sistem Akuntansi Pemerintah Berbasis Akrual pada Kementerian Agama. JakartaRepublik Indonesia,Keputusan Menteri Agama Nomor 268 Tahun 2016 tentang Pengangkatan Duta Akrual Unit Eselon I Pusat dan Kantor Wilayah Kementerian Agama Provinsi.Republik Indonesia, 2017, Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Pusat Tahun 2017 Audited . Kementerian Keuangan Republik Indonesia. Jakarta Pusat.Republik Indonesia, Peraturan Menteri Keuangan Nomor 222/PMK.05/2016 tentang Perubahan atas Peraturan Menteri Keuangan Nomor 177/PMK.05/2015 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Dan Penyampaian Laporan Keuangan Kementerian Negara /Lembaga.Republik Indonesia, Peraturan Menteri Keuangan Nomor 270/PMK.05/2014 tentang Penerapan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Berbasis Akrual pada Pemerintah Pusat.Republik Indonesia, Peraturan Menteri Keuangan Nomor 104/PMK.05/2017Tentang Pedoman Rekonsiliasi Dalam Rangka Penyusunan Laporan Keuangan Lingkup Bendahara Umum Negara Dan Kementerian Negara/Lembaga.Republik Indonesia, Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 71 Tahun 2010 Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan. 22 Oktober 2010. Lembaran Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 2010 Nomor 123. Jakarta.Roni, M. Husnan, L.H. & Fitriah, N.(2015). Determinan Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Satuan Kerja di Wilayah Pembayaran Kantor Pelayanan Perbendaharaan Negara Mataram. Jurnal Akuntansi Aktual.Vol. 3, No. 2,Runtunewe, C., Saerang, D.P. & Morasa, J. (2017). Pengaruh Penerapan SIMDA, SAP, Motivasi Pegawai dan Kompetensi SDM Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pada Pemerintah Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan. Jurnal Riset Akuntansi Dan Auditing "Goodwill" .Vol 8, No.2.Setyaningrum, D. (2012). Analisis Faktor-Faktor yang Mempengaruhi KualitasAudit BPK-RI. Simposium Nasional Akuntansi XV, Banjarmasin.Sudiarianti N.M, Ulupui, G.K.& Budiasih, G.A. (2015). Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia padaPenerapan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah dan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintah serta Implikasinya pada Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah (Tesis). Program Pasca Sarjana Universitas Udayana,Denpasar.Sugiyono. (2016). Metode Penelitian Manajemen. Bandung: Alfabeta.Tawaqal, I., & Suparno (2017). Pengaruh Penerapan Sistem Informasi Akuntansi, SistemPengendalian Internal Dan Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan SKPD Di Pemerintah Kota Banda Aceh. Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa Ekonomi Akuntansi (JIMEKA) Vol.2/4Tisnawati (2018) . Kepemimpinan dan Perilaku Organisasi . Refika , Bandung.Treasury Policy Brief. Digitalisasi Pengelolaan Keuangan. Direktorat Jenderal Perbendaharaan .Edisi No.10, Mei 2018.Treasury Policy Brief. Evidance Based Policy.Direktorat Jenderal Perbendaharaan .Edisi No.12, Juli 2018.Treasury Policy Brief. Reinventing Government: Meningkatkan Pelayanan Publik Direktorat Jenderal Perbendaharaan .Edisi No.8, Januari 2018.Tumarni (2015). Pengaruh Kualitas Sistem, Kualitas Informasi Dan Penggunaan Nyata Terhadap Kepuasan Pemakai Laporan Keuangan (Studi Pada Satuan Kerja Perangkat Daerah Pemerintah Provinsi Jambi) .Jurnal Akuntansi dan keuangan Magister Akuntansi Universitas Jambi.Vol.1 No.1.Yendrawati (2013). 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La presente investigación examina las principales posturas teóricas, jurisprudenciales y legislativas en torno al principio de laicidad en el Estado mexicano. ¿El Estado mexicano es laico? No es una pregunta ociosa; no son pocos los estudiosos han preferido hablar de separación y no de laicidad, en no menos casos por entender que la Constitución Federal lo que consagra es un modelo separatista, pero no laico. En conjunto, como se aprecia en esta tesis, se examinan las relaciones entre el gobierno mexicano y el factor social-religioso, con el propósito de aportar insumos teóricos para la comprensión del modelo de Estado laico, que puede considerarse compatible con el ejercicio -en condiciones de igualdad- del derecho fundamental de libertad religiosa en México. Lo cierto es que la discusión teórica, plantea -una y otra vez- la gran paradoja de confesionalidad versus laicidad. Estoy consciente de algunas de las limitaciones (temporales, espaciales y técnicas) de esta investigación, pero también tengo en cuenta que los resultados que se presentan podrán servir de base para comprender los principios y valores que se han impuesto en las relaciones entre el Estado mexicano y las confesiones religiosas; en tal sentido, con esta tesis no se agota el análisis de la configuración del principio de laicidad en México, ni se arrojan conclusiones definitivas de un problema jurídico que está en constante transformación legislativa. Contenido de la investigación El estudio que presento, en su enfoque, es abordado desde la perspectiva del Derecho eclesiástico del Estado ya que se centra en el examen del ordenamiento estatal del factor social-religioso; en su estructura, la tesis se conforma por trece capítulos, agrupados en tres partes. En el primer apartado, se examinan las consideraciones teóricas en torno a los modelos de relación entre el Estado y el factor social-religioso; además se trata la situación de la Ciencia del Derecho eclesiástico en México, por consiguiente, se da cuenta de la literatura y de la asignatura del Derecho eclesiástico. Luego, el texto se dedica al examen de los tres primeros periodos de la historia del Derecho eclesiástico mexicano; agrupándose en tres capítulos, aborda el examen de cada uno de dichos periodos de formación. Con el propósito de contextualizar los períodos, se presenta una breve descripción de los factores socio-políticos más relevantes que impactaron en el reacomodo de fuerzas entre las autoridades civiles y la Iglesia; enseguida, se examina la calificación jurídica en materia religiosa que ha recibido el Estado mexicano; el ejercicio de la libertad religiosa; la posición de la Iglesia católica y, en su caso, el estatus de las demás confesiones; respecto a los ministros de cultos; acerca de la enseñanza pública y de la instrucción religiosa; la institución matrimonial y lo concerniente al patrimonio eclesiástico. En último lugar, la tercera parte de la tesis se destina a presentar el marco jurídico vigente, distribuyéndose el texto en dos grandes secciones: en la primera sección, se aprecia cómo fue el proceso de refundación del Derecho eclesiástico mexicano, se describen las fuentes formales de la disciplina del Derecho público interno del Estado mexicano que regula el factor social religioso y se revisan las funciones, clasificación y relaciones entre los principios de libertad religiosa, igualdad, laicidad y pluralidad; por consiguiente, en esta sección de la tesis se considera que el Estado mexicano, teniendo en cuenta los insumos históricos, reformula su Derecho eclesiástico. En la segunda sección de la tercera parte de la tesis, se emprende el tratamiento vigente que recibe el ejercicio de la libertad religiosa en sus diversas manifestaciones. Toda vez que el reconocimiento de los derechos fundamentales y la participación democrática de los ciudadanos, así como la aceptación social y política de la diversidad son presupuestos para el fortalecimiento del Estado laico, se abordan tópicos como la objeción de conciencia, los derechos a recibir e impartir educación, la institución matrimonial, el estatus jurídico de las agrupaciones religiosas y de los ministros de cultos. Se incluyen, al final de la exposición central, las conclusiones a las que llegué en el presente trabajo; en éstas desarrollo una recapitulación del contenido y un balance del valor de las hipótesis y del marco teórico que empleé, así como los aportes específicos que contiene esta tesis. Por último, podrán leerse como anexo algunos documentos de interés; en concreto, la Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Público, así como el Reglamento de esta ley. Conclusión Entre los modelos sugeridos para el abordaje actual de la relación entre el Estado liberal y el factor social-religioso, el modelo de Estado laico permite identificar e interpretar el hecho religioso en la sociedad mexicana con tres variantes principales: Estado confesional, Estado no confesional y Estado anticlerical. La no confesionalidad, la neutralidad y el separatismo son las más destacadas manifestaciones jurídicas del factor social-religioso a lo largo de la historia de México; empero, en el diseño de relación de Derecho eclesiástico también se aprecia el confesionalismo de Estado, ya sea de corte católico o laicista. En la experiencia histórica, las tres variantes del modelo de Estado laico instauradas en México han generado ¿en mayor o menor medida- problemas de desigualdad en materia religiosa; por consiguiente, el ejercicio de la libertad religiosa no ha sido pleno en ningún caso. A través del tiempo, el diseño mexicano se ha caracterizado por una fuerte intervención estatal; los campos de tensión han variado sustancialmente: el reconocimiento de la personalidad jurídica de las corporaciones religiosas, el culto público y el matrimonio religioso ya no son problemas centrales; en cambio, el estatus de los ministros de culto, el ideario educativo y la enseñanza religiosa, el uso y propiedad de los bienes eclesiásticos y de los medios masivos de comunicación con fines religiosos, continúan generando polémica. Con la refundación del Derecho eclesiástico mexicano de 1992 se eligió un modelo que acepta la diversidad socio-religiosa y reconoce ¿con algunas limitaciones- el ejercicio del derecho fundamental de libertad religiosa. El marco jurídico vigente del factor social-religioso se ha generado con el objetivo de armonizar el Derecho interno del Estado mexicano con las nuevas concepciones de la libertad religiosa que han sido delineadas por los pactos y convenciones internacionales en materia de derechos humanos; de esta forma, el Derecho eclesiástico se construye a partir de las reformas constitucionales a los artículos 3°, 5°, 24, 27 y 130, del 28 de enero de 1992, y con la expedición del desarrollo legislativo en materia religiosa: la Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Público, del 15 de julio del mismo año y su Reglamento, del 6 de noviembre de 2003. Aunque este marco jurídico contrasta con la orientación laicista del constituyente originario y representa un avance sustancial respecto al derecho de libertad religiosa, abundan insuficiencias, ambigüedades y reiteración de algunas disposiciones derivadas del anterior modelo. Bibliografía La bibliografía consultada como se aprecia en el listado que aparece en las páginas 391 y siguientes de la tesis-, en su mayoría, son textos especializados en Derecho eclesiástico del Estado, Derecho constitucional e historia de México; a manera ejemplificativa: A.A.V.V. Derecho fundamental de libertad religiosa. Cuadernos del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas. México, UNAM (IIJ), 1994. A.A.V.V. Diez años de vigencia de la Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Público en México (1992-2002). (Coord. de Javier Saldaña). UNAM (IIJ)-SEGOB, México, 2003. A.A.V.V. El Reglamento de la Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Público (Coord. de Javier Saldaña). UNAM, México, 2005. A.A.V.V. Estudios jurídicos en torno a la Ley de Asociaciones Religiosas y Culto Público. UNAM, México, 1994. A.A.V.V. Foro Internacional sobre Libertad Religiosa. Memoria. SEGOB, México, s/f. A.A.V.V. La Iglesia Católica en el Nuevo Marco Jurídico de México (Presentación de Ramón Godínez Flores). CEM, México, s/f. A.A.V.V. Los derechos de las minorías religiosas. CNDH, México, 2003. ADAME GODDARD, Jorge. Estudios sobre política y religión. UNAM (IIJ), México, 2008. DELGADO ARROYO, David Alejandro. Hacia la modernización de las relaciones Iglesia-Estado. Génesis de la administración pública de los asuntos religiosos. Porrúa, México, 1997. DUBLÁN, Manuel y LOZANO, José María (Ordenadores). Legislación mexicana ó colección completa de las disposiciones legislativas expedidas desde la Independencia de la República. Imprenta del Comercio, México, 1876-1877 y 1898, ts. I-IX y XXIV. ESTRADA M., Antonio. Rescoldo: los últimos cristeros (Col. Voces Nuevas, nº 17). Jus, México, 1961. GALEANA DE VALADÉS, Patricia (comp.) Relaciones Iglesia¿Estado. Encuentros y Desencuentros. AGN¿SEGOB, México, 1998. GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ, José Antonio, RUÍZ MASSIEU, José Francisco y SOBERANES FERNÁNDEZ, José Luis. Derecho Eclesiástico Mexicano. 2ª ed. Porrúa-UNAM (IIJ), México, 1993. GONZÁLEZ SCHMAL, Raúl. Derecho eclesiástico mexicano. Un marco para la libertad religiosa. Porrúa, México, 1997. IBÁN, Iván C., PRIETO SANCHÍS, Luis y MOTILLA, Agustín. Manual de Derecho eclesiástico. Trotta, Madrid, 2004. JIMÉNEZ URRESTI, Teodoro Ignacio. Reestreno de Relaciones entre el Estado Mexicano y las Iglesias. Themis, México, 1996. JUÁREZ, Benito. Documentos, Discursos y Correspondencia (Selección y notas de Jorge L. Tamayo). Edición digital de Aurelio López López y coordinada por Héctor Cuauhtémoc Hernández Silva, UAM, México, 2006. La Suprema Corte de Justicia y la Cuestión Religiosa, 1917-1940 (Estudio preliminar de Juan Pablo Pampillo Baliño). 2ª ed., SCJN, México, ts. I y II, 2006. MARGADANT S., Guillermo F. La Iglesia ante el Derecho mexicano. Esbozo histórico-jurídico. Miguel Ángel Porrúa, México, 1991. MEYER, Jean. La Cristiada. La guerra de los cristeros. 12ª ed., Editores siglo XXI, México, 1990, vol. 1. O¿DOGHERTY MADRAZO, Laura. De urnas y sotanas. El Partido Católico Nacional en Jalisco. Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes-UNAM (Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas), México, 2001. OLIVERA SEDANO, Alicia. Aspectos del conflicto religiosos de 1926 a 1929. Sus antecedentes y consecuencias (Serie Historia, nº XVI). INAH, México, 1966. PEREDA, Carlos. "El laicismo también como actitud". Isonomía. Revista de teoría y filosofía del Derecho. ITAM-Fontamara, México, nº 24, abril 2006, págs. 7-23. PRIETO SANCHÍS, Luis. ¿Religión y política (A propósito del Estado laico)¿. Persona y Derecho. Revista de fundamentación de las Instituciones Jurídicas y de Derechos Humanos. Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona, vol. 53, 2005, págs. 113-138. QUIRARTE, Martín. El problema religioso en México. INAH, México, 1967. RABASA, Emilio O. Historia de las Constituciones Mexicanas. UNAM, México, 1997. RIUS FACIUS, Antonio. Méjico cristero: historia de la ACJM, 1925 a 1931. 2ª ed. Patria, México, 1966. RODRÍGUEZ, Cristóbal. La Iglesia Católica y la Rebelión Cristera en México, 1926-29. Voz de Juárez, México, 1960. SALAZAR CARRIÓN, Luis. "Religiones, laicidad y política en el S. XXI". Isonomía. Revista de teoría y filosofía del Derecho. ITAM-Fontamara, México, nº 24, abril 2006, págs. 25-36. SALAZAR UGARTE, Pedro. "Laicidad y democracia constitucional". Isonomía. Revista de teoría y filosofía del Derecho. ITAM-Fontamara, México, nº 24, abril 2006, págs. 37-50. SALDAÑA SERRANO, Javier. ¿Libertad religiosa y pluralidad religiosa¿. Derechos Fundamentales y Estado. Memoria del VII Congreso Iberoamericano de Derecho Constitucional (Coord. de Miguel Carbonell). UNAM (IIJ), México, 2002, págs. 653-674. SALDAÑA SERRANO, Javier y ORREGO SÁNCHEZ, Cristóbal. Poder Estatal y Libertad Religiosa. Fundamentos de su relación. UNAM (IIJ), México, 2001. SÁNCHEZ MEDAL, Ramón. La nueva legislación sobre libertad religiosa. Textos, antecedentes, comentarios. 2ª ed. aumentada. Porrúa, México, 1997. SILVA HERZOG, Jesús. Breve Historia de la Revolución Mexicana. La etapa constitucionalista y la lucha de facciones. 2ª ed., FCE, México, 1990, t. II. SOBERANES FERNÁNDEZ, José Luis. El Derecho de Libertad Religiosa en México (Un Ensayo). Porrúa-CNDH, México, 2001. TENA RAMÍREZ, Felipe. (Dir. y Efemérides). Leyes Fundamentales de México. 1808-1992. 17ª ed., Porrúa, México, 1992. VICENCIO TOVAR, Abel. ¿La Iglesia y el Estado en México, Perspectivas¿. A.A.V.V. Relaciones Iglesia Estado. Cambios necesarios. Tesis del Partido Acción Nacional. (Comp. y síntesis de Ma. Elena Álvarez de Vicencio). EPESSA, México, 1990, págs. 146-154. VILLEGAS MORENO, Gloria y PORRÚA VENERO, Miguel Ángel (Coord.). Enciclopedia Parlamentaria de México. Instituto de Investigaciones Legislativas de la Cámara de Diputados, LVI Legislatura. México, 1997, serie III. Documentos, vol. I. Leyes y documentos constitutivos de la Nación mexicana, ts. 1-3. De la crisis del modelo borbónico al establecimiento de la República Federal.

Güney Afrika'da 1948 yılında başlayan Apartheid rejimi 27 Nisan 1994 yılında gerçekleştirilen ülkenin ilk ve çok partili demokratik seçimlerine kadar hâkim yönetim anlayışı olmuştur. Apartheid rejimi hükümetleri medyayı kendi kontrolleri altında tutmak için hem yasalardan hem de idari kontrol gücünden yararlanmıştır. Daniel François Malan ile başlayan ve 1960'larda zirveye ulaşan Apartheid rejimi basını ve tüm medyayı kontrol altına almıştır. Afrikaanca dilinde yayın yapan basın kuruluşları rejimin sözcüsü gibi hareket ederken, muhalif İngilizce basın sansüre maruz bırakılmıştır. Radyo ve televizyon sektörleri de Güney Afrika Yayın Kurumu (South African Broadcasting Corporation – SABC) tarafından kontrol edilmiş ve kurum tam anlamıyla 1980'lerin ikinci yarısından itibaren başlayacak olan liberalleşme dalgasına kadar televizyon ve radyo alanında ülkedeki tekel konumunu korumuştur. Sinemada durum bundan farklı değildir. A Şeması ve B Şeması sübvansiyonlarıyla Apartheid hükümetleri sinema sektörünü kontrol etmiş ve filmlerin otosansüre bağlı olmasını sağlamıştır. Apartheid ideolojisine aykırı filmlerin veya eleştirel filmlerin özgür bir şekilde halka gösterilmesi mümkün olmamıştır. Örneğin, eleştirel bir filmin yönetmeni olan Gibson Kente, How Long (1976) filminin içeriği yüzünden tutuklanmıştır. 1980 – 1990 döneminde üçüncü sinema ve eleştirel filmlerin yükselişe geçmesi ülkenin içinde bulunduğu siyasal ortamla direkt olarak bağlantılıdır. Apartheid rejiminin zayıflaması üzerine üçüncü kuşak sinema ve eleştirel filmler mevcut rejime karşı çok önemli bir sanat aracı olarak karşı durmuştur. Sistem ve hükümet eleştirisi yapmışlardır. Eleştirel filmler ve üçüncü sinema Apartheid rejiminin çözülme yıllarında demokrasi mücadelesini destekler nitelikte Apartheid eleştirisi yapmışlardır. Bu kuşağın en önemli özelliği rejim ve sistem eleştirisi yapmasıdır. Sinema alanına özgürlüğü getiren iki husus vardır. Birincisi, Güney Afrika'nın 1980'lerden itibaren büyük bir yıkıma sebep olabilecek bir iç savaşa doğru sürüklenmesidir. Bundan çekinen Apartheid hükümetleri sadece sinemayı değil, basın ve televizyon olmak üzere birçok medya alanını kısmen de olsa özgürleştirmiştir. Baskıları hafifletmiş ve muhalif gazetelerin yayınlarına izin verilmiştir. Bu ortamdan faydalanan yönetmen ve yapımcılar 1980 – 1990 döneminde üçüncü sinema kuşağını ve eleştirel filmleri beyaz perdeye aktarmışlardır. Sinema alanına özgürlüğü getiren ikinci ve en önemli husus siyasal dönüşümdür. Siyasal dönüşümün neticesinde demokrasiye geçilmesinin temel sebepleri uluslararası baskı, Güney Afrika'ya uygulanan ambargolar, siyahların silahlı mücadelesi ve ülkenin uluslararası toplumdan izole edilmesidir. Sinema Apartheid döneminde hükümetlerin baskısı altındayken siyasal dönüşümden sonra özgürlük ortamına kavuşmuştur. Siyasal dönüşümün en önemliayağı olan anayasa çalışmaları neticesinde 1996 Anayasası yapılmıştır. Bu anayasada medya ve ifade özgürlüğü garanti altına alınmıştır. İfade özgürlüğünün anayasal garanti altına alınması ırksal çeşitliliği ve demokrasisi sayesinde 2000'lerin başında gökkuşağı ulusu olarak nitelenen Güney Afrika'da sinemacıların özgür bir şekilde sanatını icra etmesine olanak tanımıştır. Siyahlar sinemada ayrıma ve ırksal kategorizasyona bağlı olmadan özgür bir şekilde sanatçı ve yapımcı olarak faaliyet göstermeye başlamışlar ve eleştirel yönü kuvvetli filmler çekebilmişlerdir. Makalenin amacı Güney Afrika'da sinemanın Apartheid döneminde ve sonrasındaki değişimini, bu değişimde üçüncü sinema dalgasının etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Bunu anlatabilmek aynı zamanda Apartheid rejiminin siyasal tarihine de değinmeyi gerekli kılar. Güney Afrika'da sinema siyasetten ayrı düşünülemez. Apartheid rejimi sinemayı sansür ve başka araçlarla kontrol altında tutmuştur. Apartheid hükümetlerinin baskısı yumuşadıkça sinemada özgür sesler duyulabilmiştir. Apartheid rejiminin çökmesiyle sinema aktörleri ve yapımcılarının özgürleştiğini görüyoruz. Makalede bu amaca uygun olarak yöntem seçiminde hassasiyetle davranılmış ve gelenekselci – tarihselci yöntem seçilmiştir. Sinemanın gelişimini ve değişimini sosyal ve siyasal bağlamından kopartamayız. Bu sebeple sosyal vakaları bir laboratuvar ortamında çalışmayı öneren davranışsalcı yöntemin yerine tarihsel ve sosyal bağlamında değerlendiren gelenekselci – tarihselci yaklaşım benimsenmiştir. Raymond Aron sosyal bilimlerde ve uluslararası ilişkiler çalışmalarında gelenekselciliği benimseyen bilim insanlarından biridir. Aron'a göre, sosyal vakalar yaşanan sosyal ve siyasal bağlamından kopartılamazlar. Bu sebeple makalede sinemanın gelişimi tarihsel ve sosyal olaylar bağlamında ele alınmış ve gelenekselci yöntem benimsenmiştir. ; In 1948, National Party won the elections under the leadership of Daniel François Malan. François Malan was the founder of Apartheid regime in South Africa. He wanted to divide the country into different races. In this system, black people were isolated from all segments of society and also government of the country. Afrikaans government exploited natural resources of the country and made black people slave and ordinary workers. African National Congress and blacks were organized by Nelson Mandela and his revolutionary friends to topple the regime. In 1980s and 1990s, Apartheid regime was weakened by international isolation, embargoes, economic recession, and armed attacks of African National Congress because of its racist stance. Upon this desperate situation, President of South Africa of that time Frederik Willem de Klerk started the era of political transformation by releasing Nelson Mandela and political prisoners from jail and opening the doors for negotiations. After hard negotiations between governing National Party and African National Congress, on 27 April 1994, African National Congress won the elections and Nelson Mandela was elected as the President of South Africa. In 1996, a new constitution was written. With this constitution, freedom of expression and media was taken under the guarantee of the constitution. This environment freed cinema and other types of media from Apartheid regime's fences. Since that time, South Africa has been called the rainbow nation for its various races, languages, and religions. During Apartheid regime, cinema and other types of media were controlled by Apartheid governments and Afrikaans people. Afrikaans press was the mouthpiece of the governing National Party. English press was censored by Apartheid governments and bureaucrats. Critical press and films were censored. South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), which was established in 1936 with an official act, has been the state monopoly of radio and television until the mid-1980s. Also, SABC was the mouthpiece of Apartheid governments. Cinema also has been censored until the mid-1980s. Apartheid governments created and used A Scheme and B Scheme Subsidies to control cinema sector. While A Scheme Subsidy was for English and Afrikaans films, B Scheme Subsidy was created for black films including black actors and languages. Films, which benefited from these subsidies, couldn't become critical of Apartheid governments. Critical films were censored and maybe banned according to their degrees. For instance, Gibson Kente, an important director of Apartheid era, was arrested because of his film called How Long (1976) and its critical context. However, political transformation, which was born because of economic recession, international isolation and armed struggle of African National Congress, changed this desperate situation. In 1980s and 1990s, third cinema and critical films developed in South African cinema. These films and third cinema criticized the system of Apartheid and governments. Also, father figure of state was criticized because of its brutal killings. These films were My Country My Hat (1983), Mathata (1984), Mapantsula (1988), the Chicken Man (1990), and Midnite Rush (1990). These cinema milestones criticized Apartheid regime and the system. Thanks to political transformation, which commenced in the late-1980s by National Party and African National Congress, South African cinema has seen an important freedom environment to produce films until today. While Apartheid regime was preventing black people from being actors and directors of films, in new rainbow nation black people can reach these positions while not being isolated by the whites of society. Ramadan Suleman, Khalo Matabane, Teddy Mattera, Zola Maseko, Ntshavheni Wa Luruli, John Kani, and Madoda Ncayiyana are important actors and directors of the new period. Moreover, in this new period black people can reach the presidency of South Africa. After Apartheid, the National Film and Video Foundation was founded to equally support film directors and actors whatever their races or religions. Today, South African cinema provides equal opportunities for blacks and whites. Blacks can take reasonable share from cinema sector today. The purpose of this article is to show changing nature of cinema during and after Apartheid, and impacts of the wave of third cinema on this changing nature. Being able to explain this also makes it necessary to touch upon political history of the Apartheid regime. Cinema in South Africa can't be separated from politics. The Apartheid regime controlled cinema through censorship and other means. As the pressure of the Apartheid governments decreased, free voices could be heard in the cinema. With the collapse of the Apartheid regime, we see the liberation of cinema actors and producers. In the article, the selection of the method in accordance with this purpose has been carefully treated and the traditionalist – historicist method has been chosen. We cannot isolate the development and change of cinema from its social and political context. Because of this reason, the traditionalist - historicist approach, which evaluates social cases in historical and social context, has been adopted instead of the behavioralist method that suggests working social cases in a laboratory environment. Raymond Aron is one of the scientists who embraced traditionalism in social sciences and international relations studies. According to Aron, social cases cannot be detached from their social and political context. For this reason, the development of cinema is discussed in the context of historical and social events in the article and traditionalist method has been adopted.

Los pueblos de la América española se mueven, en una misma dirección. La solidaridad de sus destinos históricos no es una ilusión de la literatura americanista. Estos pueblos, realmente, no sólo son hermanos en la retórica sino también en la historia. Proceden de una matriz única. La conquista española, destruyendo las culturas y las agrupaciones autóctonas, uniformó la fisonomía étnica, política y moral de la América Hispana. Los métodos de colonización de los españoles solidarizaron la suerte de sus colonias. Los conquistadores impusieron a las poblaciones indígenas su religión y su feudalidad. La sangre española se mezcló con la sangre india. Se crearon, así, núcleos de población criolla, gérmenes de futuras nacionalidades. Luego, idénticas ideas y emociones agitaron a las colonias contra España. El proceso de formación de los pueblos indoespañoles tuvo, en suma, una trayectoria uniforme.
La generación libertadora sintió intensamente la unidad sudamericana. Opuso a España un frente único continental. Sus caudillos obedecieron no un ideal nacionalista, sino un ideal americanista. Esta actitud correspondía a una necesidad histórica. Además, no podía haber nacionalismo donde no había aún nacionalidades. La revolución no era un movimiento de las poblaciones indígenas. Era un movimiento de las poblaciones criollas, en las cuales los reflejos de la Revolución Francesa habían generado un humor revolucionario.
Mas las generaciones siguientes no continuaron por la misma vía. Emancipadas de España, las antiguas colonias quedaron bajo la presión de las necesidades de un trabajo de formación nacional. El ideal americanista, superior a la realidad contingente, fue abandonado. La revolución de la independencia había sido un gran acto romántico; sus conductores y animadores, hombres de excepción. El idealismo de esa gesta y de esos hombres había podido elevarse a una altura inasequible a gestas y hombres menos románticos. Pleitos absurdos y guerras criminales desgarraron la unidad de la América Indo-española. Acontecía, al mismo tiempo, que unos pueblos se desarrollaban con más seguridad y velocidad que otros. Los más próximos a Europa fueron fecundados por sus inmigraciones. Se beneficiaron de un mayor contacto con la civilización occidental. Los países hispano-americanos empezaron así a diferenciarse.
Presentemente, mientras unas naciones han liquidado sus problemas elementales, otras no han progresado mucho en su solución. Mientras unas naciones han llegado a una regular organización democrática, en otras subsisten hasta ahora densos residuos de feudalidad. El proceso del desarrollo de todas las naciones sigue la misma dirección; pero en unas se cumple más rápidamente que en otras.
Pero lo que separa y aísla a los países hispanoamericanos, no es esta diversidad de horario político. Es la imposibilidad de que entre naciones incompletamente formadas, entre naciones apenas bosquejadas en su mayoría, se concerte y articule un sistema o un conglomerado internacional. En la historia, la comuna precede a la nación. La nación precede a toda sociedad de naciones.
Aparece como una causa específica de dispersión la insignificancia de los vínculos económicos hispano-americanos. Entre estos países no existe casi comercio, no existe casi intercambio. Todos ellos son, más o menos, productores de materias primas y de géneros alimenticios que envían a Europa y Estados Unidos, de donde reciben, en cambio, máquinas, manufacturas, etcétera. Todos tienen una economía parecida, un tráfico análogo. Son países agrícolas. Comercian, por tanto, con países industriales. Entre los pueblos hispanoamericanos no hay cooperación; algunas veces, por el contrario, hay concurrencia. No se necesita, no se complementan, no se buscan unos a otros. Funcionan económicamente como colonias de la industria y la finanza europea y norteamericana.
Por muy escaso crédito que se conceda a la concepción materialista de la historia, no se puede desconocer que las relaciones económicas son el principal agente de la comunicación y la articulación de los pueblos. Puede ser que el hecho económico no sea anterior ni superior al hecho político. Pero, al menos, ambos son consustanciales y solidarios. La historia moderna lo enseña a cada paso. A la unidad germana se llegó a través del zollverein. El sistema aduanero que canceló los confines entre los Estados alemanes, fue el motor de esa unidad que la derrota, la post-guerra y las maniobras del poincarismo no han conseguido fracturar. Austria-Hungría, no obstante, la heterogeneidad de su contenido étnico, constituía, también, en sus últimos años, un organismo económico. Las naciones que el tratado de paz ha dividido de Austria-Hungría resultan un poco artificiales, malogrando la evidente autonomía de sus raíces étnicas e históricas. Dentro del imperio austro-húngaro la convivencia había concluido por soldarlas económicamente. El tratado de paz les ha dado autonomía política pero no ha podido darles autonomía económica. Esas naciones han tenido que buscar, mediante pactos aduaneros, una restauración parcial de su funcionamiento unitario. Finalmente, la política de cooperación y asistencia internacionales, que se intenta actuar en Europa, nace de la constatación de la interdependencia económicamente de las naciones europeas. No propulsa esa política un abstracto ideal pacifista sino un concreto interés económico. Los problemas de la paz han demostrado la unidad económica de Europa. La unidad moral, la unidad cultural de Europa no son menos evidentes; pero sí menos válidas para inducir a Europa a pacificarse.
Es cierto que estas jóvenes formaciones nacionales se encuentran desparramadas en un continente inmenso. Pero, la economía es, en nuestro tiempo, más poderosa que el espacio. Sus hilos, sus nervios, suprimen o anulan las distancias. La exigüidad de las comunicaciones y los transportes es, en América indo-española, una consecuencia de la exigüidad de las relaciones económicas. No se tiende un ferrocarril para satisfacer una necesidad del espíritu y de la cultura.
La América española se presenta prácticamente fraccionada, escinda, balcanizada. Sin embargo, su unidad no es una utopía, no es una abstracción. Los hombres que hacen la historia hispano-americana no son diversos. Entre el criollo del Perú y el criollo argentino no existe diferencia sensible. El argentino es más optimista, más afirmativo que el peruano, pero uno y otro son irreligiosos y sensuales. Hay, entre uno y otro, diferencias de matiz más que de color.
De una comarca de la América española a otra comarca varían las cosas, varía el paisaje; pero no varía el hombre. Y el sujeto de la historia es, ante todo, el hombre. La economía, la política, la religión, son formas de la realidad humana. Su historia es, en su esencia, la historia del hombre.
La identidad del hombre hispano-americano encuentra una expresión en la vida intelectual. Las mismas ideas, los mismos sentimientos circulan por toda la América indo-española. Toda fuerte personalidad intelectual influye en la cultura continental. Sarmiento, Martí, Montalvo, no pertenecen exclusivamente a sus respectivas patrias; pertenecen a Hispano-América. Lo mismo que de estos pensadores se puede decir de Darío, Lugones, Silva, Nervo, Chocano y otros poetas. Rubén Darío está presente en toda la literatura hispanoamericana. Actualmente, el pensamiento de Vasconcelos y de Ingenieros son los maestros de una entera generación de nuestra América. Son dos directores de su mentalidad.
Es absurdo y presuntuoso hablar de una cultura propia y genuinamente americana en germinación, en elaboración. Lo único evidente es que una literatura vigorosa refleja ya la mentalidad y el humor hispano-americanos. Esta literatura - poesía, novela, crítica, sociología, historia, filosofía - no vincula todavía a los pueblos; pero vincula, aunque no sea sino parcial y débilmente, a las categorías intelectuales.
Nuestro tiempo, finalmente, ha creado una comunicación más viva y más extensa: la que ha establecido entre las juventudes hispano-americanas la emoción revolucionaria. Más bien espiritual que intelectual, esta comunicación recuerda la que concertó a la generación de la independencia. Ahora como entonces la emoción revolucionaria da unidad a la América indo-española. Los intereses burgueses son concurrentes o rivales; los intereses de las masas no.
Con la Revolución Mexicana, con su suerte, con su ideario, con sus hombres, se sienten solidarios todos los hombres nuevos de América. Los brindis pacatos de la diplomacia no unirán a estos pueblos. Los unirán en el porvenir, los votos históricos de las muchedumbres. ♦
Variedades, Lima, 1924.

Abstract
This long Voluntaristics Review2 (VR 3.5–6) article and book focuses on the deviant form of Nonprofit Groups (NPGs), mainly volunteer-based associations, but occasionally paid-staff-based nonprofit agencies. A Deviant Nonprofit Group (DNG) is defined as "a Nonprofit group that deviates significantly from certain moral norms of the society" (Smith, Stebbins, & Dover, 2006, p. 68). The aim is to develop and present an empirically grounded theory with eighty-three hypotheses about many of the key analytical features or operational characteristics of DNGs, usually voluntary associations with memberships and often run by volunteers, not nonprofit agencies without memberships and usually run by paid staff (Smith, 2017a).
The total theory may be termed a Grounded General Theory of DNG Operation-Structure. The document is based on an extensive review and qualitative content analysis of about 260 published research documents representing twenty-five common-language purposive-goal types of DNGs (vs. analytical-theoretical types, which do not exist in detail). Moral norms are the broad, emotionally charged directives concerning what is customarily right and wrong, by which members of a community or society implement their institutionalized solutions to problems significantly affecting their valued normal way of life (see Stebbins, 1996, pp. 2–3). These norms indicate in a general way what the community (it may be local, regional, national, or international) expects by sociocultural custom of its members in particular areas of social life and what it considers rejections of those expectations. Thus, moral norms stand apart from other kinds of expectations such as ordinances, regulations, customs, and folkways in general.
Deviating (near synonym: deviance) is defined as rule-breaking, and sometimes is a crime in a specific society at a specific time in its history, but not always. Such deviation, deviance, or rule-breaking of specific actions by a DNG (or any individual or group) is highly variable both through historical time in a given society and also across societies or nations at a given historical time (Smith, 2017b). Deviance or rule-breaking is present in the nonprofit sector (NPS), just as in all other sectors of human society (Smith, 2017a), although less frequently studied in the NPS than for other societal sectors (Smith, 2011).
Essentially, this present document attempts to bring some systematic theoretical order to the disorder-chaos of a highly varied set of Deviant Nonprofit Groups/DNGs that heretofore has been seen as composed of disparate, unrelated types of groups—a jumble or chaos. All these DNGs are rather consistently alleged (at least initially) by many or even most people in their societies of origin, when known to non-members-outsiders, to be different, strange, deviant, crazy, insane, mad, dangerous, sick, selfish, cruel, stupid, weird, wild, evil, ungodly, sinful, unnatural, treacherous, subversive, seditious, criminal, bad, evil, immoral, and so on. Summarizing briefly the most stigmatizing epithets for nearly all DNG types studied here, DNGs and their leaders and members generally are often accused of madness-treason-immorality, because their perceived deviance is emotionally troubling to conventional adults in the society.
As such, in the eyes of their own society, DNGs are often stigmatized and labeled very negatively by many, often most, people in a given society who are DNG outsiders-non-members at a given time (e.g., a period of at least ten years from the DNG's de facto origin date, if the DNG existed for that long, sometimes for much longer). A wide range of negative terms (epithets) may be used to describe a DNG, summarized here as mad (crazy)-treacherous-immoral, as well as various other negative traits or factors being alleged regarding the DNG and its leaders and/or members.
Yet there is often little systematic evidence for these stigmatizing epithets or negative traits alleged about DNGs, except for a few DNG types (e.g., Revolutionary DNGs, Terrorist DNGs, Guerrilla DNGs, Coup d'État DNGs). This common lack of concrete evidence for stigmatizing statements about any given DNG suggests that the allegations are mainly emotional statements, rather than factual statements, based mainly on fast-thinking (see Kahneman, 2011). By definition, DNGs and their leaders and members believe in and take actions that involve serious rule-breaking in their own society (i.e., violating current moral norms and rules). However, the stigmatizing of these beliefs and actions by non-members, including the general public and the government, is often much exaggerated, or even simply false. Over time, especially decades, the deviant actions may (and often do) tend to seem less and less serious in the given society, as societal-consensual definitions of social deviance can change and have done so markedly over historical time (e.g., Smith, 2018b; Winck, 1991).
However, the foregoing should not be taken to mean that all DNGs are innocuous. As suggested above, some DNG types can be immensely harmful to people and property, such as the revolutionary DNGs, terrorist DNGs, guerrilla DNGs, and coup d'etat DNGs noted. Yet other types of DNGs also sometimes do substantial harm, such as the rest of the broader DNG analytical category, Deviant Political Resistance & Liberation Groups, including also WWII Underground Nazi-Resistance Groups, Vigilante Groups, Citizen Militias/Paramilitary Groups, and Political Parties (Deviant). Similarly, the broader DNG analytical category, Deviant Anger & Violence Groups, includes DNG types that often cause serious harm—Hate Groups, Motorcycle Outlaw Gangs, and Delinquent Youth Gangs. Even some DNGs in the broader DNG analytical category of Deviant Religion & Worldview Groups, can do substantial harm—obviously, Massacre/Mass Suicide Groups, but also medieval Heresy Groups (Christian) subject to the Catholic Church's Inquisitions, as well as some Cults/New Religions (Deviant), Deviant Science DNGs, and some Sects (Deviant).
The author is doing something analogous to what the first systematic, theoretical botanist did when s/he went into the jungle/forest and tried to see commonalities among the great variety of apparently different forms of plants present there. Here, the equivalents of plants are the many different DNG types, and the commonalities discovered are now expressed in the many empirically grounded hypotheses formulated by the author over the course of this research effort, with the first fifty-one hypotheses formulated much earlier, in 1994, but not investigated regarding empirical support by qualitative content analysis until done here (Smith, 1996b).
These source documents were chosen as typical examples of a newly constructed set of twenty-five purposive or goal types of DNGs, described here. As the reader will see, the present grounded theory review and content analysis seeks the empirical operating methods and structures of these twenty-five DNG types—the method in their alleged madness-treason-immorality, or other stigmatizing epithets. The terms mad and madness are not meant as clinical or psychiatric terms; similarly, the terms treason and treachery are also used loosely, as with immorality or bad/evil. Instead, these are vague and imprecise, common language (vernacular) terms expressing negative emotion, bandied about carelessly and loosely when English-speakers really dislike and are disturbed by the beliefs and especially by the alleged or actual actions or a person or group. Such terms are ways that other people strongly disfavor and stigmatize certain beliefs, values, actions, or inactions by specific persons or groups.
In this content analysis process of much published research on DNGs, the author is seeking two useful scholarly outcomes:

Develop and derive meaningful generalizations as empirically grounded hypotheses for future more careful, systematic, and, if feasible, quantitative testing with a better sample of DNGs so as to build a body of valid grounded theory about DNGs.


Assess whether each such grounded theory hypothesis finds any empirical support in a fairly comprehensive but haphazard sample of at least 100 specific DNGs of twenty-five common-language purposive or goal types.



All of the grounded hypotheses developed and reported here in this review were supported by empirical evidence for at least one (often two) of the two or three specific DNGs of 25 DNG types studied, as described in source documents that were content analyzed. Indeed, all such hypotheses were supported by most of the twenty-five DNG
types studied, giving significant qualitative validity to the author's Grounded General Theory of DNG Operation-Structure. Such empirical support suggests that these hypotheses are valid at least sometimes for many DNG types and deserve further investigation, hopefully in more quantitative studies with better sampling of DNGs, countries, and historical time periods. Taken collectively, the many empirically grounded (supported) hypotheses of the present theory can be seen as a new theoretical paradigm for studying NPGs that helps bring analytical order to a previously chaotic realm of dark side or deviant NPS phenomena.

The dynamics of changes in the spiritual-ecclesiastical and religious dimensions of Ukraine over the last quarter of a century testifies to a clear tendency towards self-determination and institutionalisation of the Orthodox community. The first half of the twentieth century became one of the stages of the movement for the creation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. A special place in the mentioned events had the figure of Metropolitan Polikarp (Sikorskyi). In 1922, a former associate of the Kyiv Spiritual Consistory and the Ministry of Religions of the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, Petro Sikorskyi, found himself in Western Volyn, a part of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. After his tonsure, Polikarp (Sykorskyi) headed the Derman monastery, and soon afterwards - the Miletsky monastery. At Miletsky Monastery, the hieromonk Polikarp used every opportunity he could to Ukrainize the life of the monastic community. At the beginning of 1923 Polikarp (Sikorskyi) was a Dean of the monasteries of the Volyn Diocese.It was important for Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to participate in the work of the Volyn Diocesan Congress of 1923, where he presided. The decisions of congress provided a formal basis for the Ukrainianization of church services. Delegates voted for the return of the Ukrainian language to divine service and the preparation of liturgical texts in Ukrainian.In the first half of 1923 Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) was already a rector of the Zagayat Monastery. Here he focused, among other things, on the de-Russification of the divine services and the whole rhythm of the brethren's spiritual life. Polish police closely followed the archimandrite and claimed that Sikorskiy had turned the monastery into a hotbed of Ukrainian agitation. Not only the Polish police concerned itself with Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskiy's) views on the matters of religion and statehood. The representatives of the Russian ecclesiastical and political circles did, too. In October of 1923 by the respective decree, the head of the Church transferred P. Sikorskiy to Vilnius.The intensification of Ukraine's movement for the national and religious independence led to the appointment of Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to the posts of a rector of the cathedral and a dean of a municipality in Volodymyr in the spring of 1926. At that time, a conflict between the pro-Moscow priests and the Ukrainian community led by Arseni Richinsky intensified in the city. Polikarp (Sikorskyi) managed to satisfy the demands of the Ukrainians, but in early 1927 he was transferred to the Zhyrovichi Monastery. Nevertheless, Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) remained one of the leaders and a symbolic figure in Ukraine's movement for the national and religious independence in Volyn. This was also confirmed by the Lutsk Church Congress of 1927 and other events in the life of the Orthodox Church of Poland. The other vector of Archimandrite Polikarp's contacts pointed to the UPR circles. Polikarp (Sikorskyi) maintained a dialogue with the UPR leader in exile, Andriy Livitsky. All these circumstances led to the ordainment of Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to the Bishop of Lutsk in 1932. The paper that follows publishes for the first time the unknown facts and certain aspects of Metropolitan's life, of which our knowledge is limited. The article also analyzes the Metropolitan's contribution to the Ukrainizationo of the Church of Volhynia in the interwar period. The purpose of the study is to investigate the extent of Polikarp (Sikorskiy's) Ukrainianizational activities in Volhynia and his impact on social and religious processes. From this goal, the following tasks arise: to evaluate the contribution of Polikarp (Sikorskiy) to the Ukrainianization of Church and religious life of Orthodox community of Poland in the interwar period; to show the extent of the influence of the bishop's figure on the achievements of the movement for the national and religious independence of Volyn in the interwar period. ; Динамика изменений в духовном и церковно-религиозном пространстве Украины последние четверть века свидетельствуют о четкой тенденции к самоопределению и институционированию православного сообщества. Одним из этапов движения за создание Украинской православной церкви стала первая половина ХХ в. Особое место в упомянутых событиях занимает фигура митрополита Поликарпа (Сикорского). В 1922 г. бывший сотрудник Киевской духовной консистории и Министерства вероисповеданий Правительства Украинской Народной Республики Петр Сикорский оказывается на Западной Волыни, которая вошла в состав Второй Речи Посполитой. После пострига Поликарп (Сикорский) возглавил Дерманский монастырь, а вскоре Милецкую обитель. В Милецком монастыре иеромонах Поликарп использовал все возможности для украинизации жизни монашеской общины. В начале 1923 г. Поликарп (Сикорский) - благочинный монастырей Волынской епархии. Важным было для Поликарпа (Сикорского) участие в работе Волынского епархиального съезда в 1923 году, где он председательствовал. Решения съезда дали формальную основу для украинизации службы. Делегаты проголосовали за возвращение украинского языка в богослужение, подготовку украиноязычных богослужебных текстов. В первой половине 1923 года архимандрит Поликарп (Сикорский) - уже настоятель Загаецкого мужского монастыря. Здесь он среди прочего сосредоточился на дерусификации служб и всего ритма духовной жизни братии. Польская полиция тщательно следила за архимандритом и утверждала, что Сикорский превратил монастырь в очаг украинской агитации. Духовно-национальная позиция архимандрита Поликарпа (Сикорского) беспокоила не только польскую полицию, но и российские церковно-политические круги. В октябре 1923 года глава Церкви соответствующим распоряжением переводит П. Сикорского в Вильно. Усиление украинского национально-церковного движения обусловили назначение архимандрита Поликарпа (Сикорского) настоятелем собора и благочинным городского округа Владимира весной 1926 года. В это время в городе обостряется конфликт между промосковскими священниками и украинской общественностью во главе с Арсеном Ричинским. Поликарпу (Сикорскому) удалось удовлетворить требования украинцев, однако в начале 1927 года его переводят в Жировицкий монастырь. Несмотря на это архимандрит Поликарп (Сикорский) оставался одним из лидеров и символическим лицом в украинском национально-церковном движении Волыни. Это подтвердил также Луцкий церковный съезд 1927 года и другие события в жизни Православной церкви в Польше. Другим направлением контактов архимандрита Поликарпа оставалась связь с кругами УНР. Поликарп (Сикорский) поддерживал диалог с лидером УНР в изгнании Андреем Ливицким. Все эти обстоятельства обусловили рукоположение Поликарпа (Сикорского) в епископа Луцкого в 1932 г. В данной статье впервые обнародованы неизвестные и уточнен ряд малоизвестных биографических моментов архиерея, проанализировано его влияние на украинизацию Церкви на Волыни в межвоенный период. Цель исследования заключается в том, чтобы исследовать масштабы украинизационной деятельности Поликарпа (Сикорского) на Волыни и его влияние на общественно-религиозные процессы. Основным результатом исследования стало определение вклада Поликарпа (Сикорского) в украинизацию церковно-религиозной жизни православных межвоенной Польши и масштаба воздействия фигуры владыки на национально-церковное движение Волыни в межвоенный период. ; Динаміка змін у духовному й церковно-релігійному просторі України останніх чверть століття свідчать про виразну тенденцію до самовизначення й інституціонування православної спільноти. Одним із етапів руху за створення Української православної церкви стала перша половина ХХ ст. Особливе місце у згаданих подіях займає постать митрополита Полікарпа (Сікорського). У 1922 р. колишній співробітник Київської духовної консисторії та Міністерства віросповідань Уряду Української Народної Республіки Петро Сікорський опиняється на Західній Волині, котра увійшла до складу Другої Речі Посполитої. Після постригу Полікарп (Сікорський) очолив Дерманський монастир, а невдовзі Милецьку обитель. У Милецькому монастирі ієромонах Полікарп використав усі можливості для українізації життя чернечої громади. На початку 1923 р. Полікарп (Сікорський) - благочинний монастирів Волинської єпархії. Важливою була для Полікарпа (Сікорського) участь у роботі Волинського єпархіального з'їзду 1923 р., де він головував. Рішення з'їзду дали формальну основу для українізації відправ. Делегати проголосували за повернення української мови в богослужіння, підготовку україномовних богослужбових текстів. У першій половині 1923 р. архімандрит Полікарп (Сікорський) вже настоятель Загаєцького чоловічого монастиря. Тут він серед іншого зосередився на дерусифікації відправ та усього ритму духовного життя братії. Польська поліція ретельно стежила за архімандритом і стверджувала, що Сікорський перетворив монастир на вогнище української агітації. Духовно-національна позиція архімандрита Полікарпа (Сікорського) турбувала не лише польську поліцію, але й російські церковно-політичні кола, У жовтні 1923 р. глава Церкви відповідним розпорядженням переводить П. Сікорського у Вільно. Посилення українського національно-церковного руху зумовили призначення архімандрита Полікарпа (Сікорського) настоятелем собору та благочинним міської округи у Володимир весною 1926 р. В цей час у місті загострюється конфлікт між промосковськими священиками та українською громадськістю на чолі із Арсеном Річинським. Полікарпу (Сікорському) вдалося задовольнити вимоги українців, однак на початку 1927 р. його переводять у Жировицький монастир. Незважаючи на це архімандрит Полікарп (Сікорський) залишався одним із лідерів і символічною особою в українському національно-церковному русі Волині. Це підтвердив також Луцький церковний з'їзд 1927 р. та інші події в житті Православної церкви в Польщі. Іншим напрямом контактів архімандрита Полікарпа залишався зв'язок із уенерівськими колами. Полікарп (Сікорський) підтримував діалог із лідером УНР в екзилі Андрієм Лівицьким. Усі ці обставини зумовили висвяту Полікарпа (Сікорського) на єпископа Луцького в 1932 р. У даній статті вперше оприлюднено невідомі й уточнено низку маловідомих біографічних моментів архієрея, проаналізовано його вплив на українізацію Церкви на Волині в міжвоєнний період. Мета дослідження полягає у тому, щоб дослідити масштаби українізаційної діяльності Полікарпа (Сікорського) на Волині та його вплив на суспільно-релігійні процеси. Основним результатом дослідження стало визначення внеску Полікарпа (Сікорського) в українізацію церковно-релігійного життя православних міжвоєнної Польщі та масштабу впливу постаті владики на здобутки національно-церковного руху Волині в міжвоєнний період.

The dynamics of changes in the spiritual-ecclesiastical and religious dimensions of Ukraine over the last quarter of a century testifies to a clear tendency towards self-determination and institutionalisation of the Orthodox community. The first half of the twentieth century became one of the stages of the movement for the creation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. A special place in the mentioned events had the figure of Metropolitan Polikarp (Sikorskyi). In 1922, a former associate of the Kyiv Spiritual Consistory and the Ministry of Religions of the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic, Petro Sikorskyi, found himself in Western Volyn, a part of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. After his tonsure, Polikarp (Sykorskyi) headed the Derman monastery, and soon afterwards - the Miletsky monastery. At Miletsky Monastery, the hieromonk Polikarp used every opportunity he could to Ukrainize the life of the monastic community. At the beginning of 1923 Polikarp (Sikorskyi) was a Dean of the monasteries of the Volyn Diocese.It was important for Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to participate in the work of the Volyn Diocesan Congress of 1923, where he presided. The decisions of congress provided a formal basis for the Ukrainianization of church services. Delegates voted for the return of the Ukrainian language to divine service and the preparation of liturgical texts in Ukrainian.In the first half of 1923 Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) was already a rector of the Zagayat Monastery. Here he focused, among other things, on the de-Russification of the divine services and the whole rhythm of the brethren's spiritual life. Polish police closely followed the archimandrite and claimed that Sikorskiy had turned the monastery into a hotbed of Ukrainian agitation. Not only the Polish police concerned itself with Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskiy's) views on the matters of religion and statehood. The representatives of the Russian ecclesiastical and political circles did, too. In October of 1923 by the respective decree, the head of the Church transferred P. Sikorskiy to Vilnius.The intensification of Ukraine's movement for the national and religious independence led to the appointment of Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to the posts of a rector of the cathedral and a dean of a municipality in Volodymyr in the spring of 1926. At that time, a conflict between the pro-Moscow priests and the Ukrainian community led by Arseni Richinsky intensified in the city. Polikarp (Sikorskyi) managed to satisfy the demands of the Ukrainians, but in early 1927 he was transferred to the Zhyrovichi Monastery. Nevertheless, Archimandrite Polikarp (Sikorskyi) remained one of the leaders and a symbolic figure in Ukraine's movement for the national and religious independence in Volyn. This was also confirmed by the Lutsk Church Congress of 1927 and other events in the life of the Orthodox Church of Poland. The other vector of Archimandrite Polikarp's contacts pointed to the UPR circles. Polikarp (Sikorskyi) maintained a dialogue with the UPR leader in exile, Andriy Livitsky. All these circumstances led to the ordainment of Polikarp (Sikorskyi) to the Bishop of Lutsk in 1932. The paper that follows publishes for the first time the unknown facts and certain aspects of Metropolitan's life, of which our knowledge is limited. The article also analyzes the Metropolitan's contribution to the Ukrainizationo of the Church of Volhynia in the interwar period. The purpose of the study is to investigate the extent of Polikarp (Sikorskiy's) Ukrainianizational activities in Volhynia and his impact on social and religious processes. From this goal, the following tasks arise: to evaluate the contribution of Polikarp (Sikorskiy) to the Ukrainianization of Church and religious life of Orthodox community of Poland in the interwar period; to show the extent of the influence of the bishop's figure on the achievements of the movement for the national and religious independence of Volyn in the interwar period. ; Динамика изменений в духовном и церковно-религиозном пространстве Украины последние четверть века свидетельствуют о четкой тенденции к самоопределению и институционированию православного сообщества. Одним из этапов движения за создание Украинской православной церкви стала первая половина ХХ в. Особое место в упомянутых событиях занимает фигура митрополита Поликарпа (Сикорского). В 1922 г. бывший сотрудник Киевской духовной консистории и Министерства вероисповеданий Правительства Украинской Народной Республики Петр Сикорский оказывается на Западной Волыни, которая вошла в состав Второй Речи Посполитой. После пострига Поликарп (Сикорский) возглавил Дерманский монастырь, а вскоре Милецкую обитель. В Милецком монастыре иеромонах Поликарп использовал все возможности для украинизации жизни монашеской общины. В начале 1923 г. Поликарп (Сикорский) - благочинный монастырей Волынской епархии. Важным было для Поликарпа (Сикорского) участие в работе Волынского епархиального съезда в 1923 году, где он председательствовал. Решения съезда дали формальную основу для украинизации службы. Делегаты проголосовали за возвращение украинского языка в богослужение, подготовку украиноязычных богослужебных текстов. В первой половине 1923 года архимандрит Поликарп (Сикорский) - уже настоятель Загаецкого мужского монастыря. Здесь он среди прочего сосредоточился на дерусификации служб и всего ритма духовной жизни братии. Польская полиция тщательно следила за архимандритом и утверждала, что Сикорский превратил монастырь в очаг украинской агитации. Духовно-национальная позиция архимандрита Поликарпа (Сикорского) беспокоила не только польскую полицию, но и российские церковно-политические круги. В октябре 1923 года глава Церкви соответствующим распоряжением переводит П. Сикорского в Вильно. Усиление украинского национально-церковного движения обусловили назначение архимандрита Поликарпа (Сикорского) настоятелем собора и благочинным городского округа Владимира весной 1926 года. В это время в городе обостряется конфликт между промосковскими священниками и украинской общественностью во главе с Арсеном Ричинским. Поликарпу (Сикорскому) удалось удовлетворить требования украинцев, однако в начале 1927 года его переводят в Жировицкий монастырь. Несмотря на это архимандрит Поликарп (Сикорский) оставался одним из лидеров и символическим лицом в украинском национально-церковном движении Волыни. Это подтвердил также Луцкий церковный съезд 1927 года и другие события в жизни Православной церкви в Польше. Другим направлением контактов архимандрита Поликарпа оставалась связь с кругами УНР. Поликарп (Сикорский) поддерживал диалог с лидером УНР в изгнании Андреем Ливицким. Все эти обстоятельства обусловили рукоположение Поликарпа (Сикорского) в епископа Луцкого в 1932 г. В данной статье впервые обнародованы неизвестные и уточнен ряд малоизвестных биографических моментов архиерея, проанализировано его влияние на украинизацию Церкви на Волыни в межвоенный период. Цель исследования заключается в том, чтобы исследовать масштабы украинизационной деятельности Поликарпа (Сикорского) на Волыни и его влияние на общественно-религиозные процессы. Основным результатом исследования стало определение вклада Поликарпа (Сикорского) в украинизацию церковно-религиозной жизни православных межвоенной Польши и масштаба воздействия фигуры владыки на национально-церковное движение Волыни в межвоенный период. ; Динаміка змін у духовному й церковно-релігійному просторі України останніх чверть століття свідчать про виразну тенденцію до самовизначення й інституціонування православної спільноти. Одним із етапів руху за створення Української православної церкви стала перша половина ХХ ст. Особливе місце у згаданих подіях займає постать митрополита Полікарпа (Сікорського). У 1922 р. колишній співробітник Київської духовної консисторії та Міністерства віросповідань Уряду Української Народної Республіки Петро Сікорський опиняється на Західній Волині, котра увійшла до складу Другої Речі Посполитої. Після постригу Полікарп (Сікорський) очолив Дерманський монастир, а невдовзі Милецьку обитель. У Милецькому монастирі ієромонах Полікарп використав усі можливості для українізації життя чернечої громади. На початку 1923 р. Полікарп (Сікорський) - благочинний монастирів Волинської єпархії. Важливою була для Полікарпа (Сікорського) участь у роботі Волинського єпархіального з'їзду 1923 р., де він головував. Рішення з'їзду дали формальну основу для українізації відправ. Делегати проголосували за повернення української мови в богослужіння, підготовку україномовних богослужбових текстів. У першій половині 1923 р. архімандрит Полікарп (Сікорський) вже настоятель Загаєцького чоловічого монастиря. Тут він серед іншого зосередився на дерусифікації відправ та усього ритму духовного життя братії. Польська поліція ретельно стежила за архімандритом і стверджувала, що Сікорський перетворив монастир на вогнище української агітації. Духовно-національна позиція архімандрита Полікарпа (Сікорського) турбувала не лише польську поліцію, але й російські церковно-політичні кола, У жовтні 1923 р. глава Церкви відповідним розпорядженням переводить П. Сікорського у Вільно. Посилення українського національно-церковного руху зумовили призначення архімандрита Полікарпа (Сікорського) настоятелем собору та благочинним міської округи у Володимир весною 1926 р. В цей час у місті загострюється конфлікт між промосковськими священиками та українською громадськістю на чолі із Арсеном Річинським. Полікарпу (Сікорському) вдалося задовольнити вимоги українців, однак на початку 1927 р. його переводять у Жировицький монастир. Незважаючи на це архімандрит Полікарп (Сікорський) залишався одним із лідерів і символічною особою в українському національно-церковному русі Волині. Це підтвердив також Луцький церковний з'їзд 1927 р. та інші події в житті Православної церкви в Польщі. Іншим напрямом контактів архімандрита Полікарпа залишався зв'язок із уенерівськими колами. Полікарп (Сікорський) підтримував діалог із лідером УНР в екзилі Андрієм Лівицьким. Усі ці обставини зумовили висвяту Полікарпа (Сікорського) на єпископа Луцького в 1932 р. У даній статті вперше оприлюднено невідомі й уточнено низку маловідомих біографічних моментів архієрея, проаналізовано його вплив на українізацію Церкви на Волині в міжвоєнний період. Мета дослідження полягає у тому, щоб дослідити масштаби українізаційної діяльності Полікарпа (Сікорського) на Волині та його вплив на суспільно-релігійні процеси. Основним результатом дослідження стало визначення внеску Полікарпа (Сікорського) в українізацію церковно-релігійного життя православних міжвоєнної Польщі та масштабу впливу постаті владики на здобутки національно-церковного руху Волині в міжвоєнний період.

En el Perú no hay ninguna ley de reconocimiento de relaciones homoafectivas y mucho menos un reconocimiento de su derecho al matrimonio o a la unión hecho. Es real que hay un histórico desinterés del Estado por atender a lesbianas, gays, bisexuales, transexuales e intersexuales y reconocerles sus derechos. Podemos continuar siendo un Estado que discrimina o uno que apuesta a mejorar la vida de todos y todas sus ciudadanas garantizando el derecho a la igualdad en la diversidad, a través de acciones de no discriminación y de reconocimiento de derechos. Recordemos que, en un acto discriminatorio, el gobierno de Ollanta Humala retiró el capítulo de protección de derechos LGTB del Plan Nacional de Derechos Humanos 2012-2016. Otro episodio es cuando la Ministra de la cartera de Justicia y Derechos Humanos Marisol Pérez Tello, en el gobierno de Pedro Pablo Kuczynsky, anunció que se estaba trabajando intensamente en la elaboración del Plan Nacional de DD.HH. 2017. Mediante el Decreto Legislativo 1323 el cual agravaba las penas para los crímenes de odio y la violencia de género que fue propuesto el año 2016 y que incluiría a las personas LGTBI, que comprendía a la comunidad de lesbianas, gays, transexuales, bisexuales e intersexuales (LGTBI) del país. Sostuvo aquella vez la titular del portafolio de Justicia "no había una línea de base, no se incorporaba a la comunidad LGTBI, que es vulnerable y que hay que atender. Hay que preocuparnos por la perspectiva de los derechos humanos", indicó. Sin embargo, dicha norma, que modificaba el Código Penal para elevar el rango de las penas por estas causales de violencia, agravando las penas por homicidios que tengan "móviles de intolerancia o discriminación, tales como el origen, la raza, religión, sexo, orientación sexual, identidad de género, factor genético, filiación, edad, discapacidad, idioma, identidad étnica y cultural", que planteaba nueve modificaciones en el Código Penal respecto a los delitos de feminicidio, discriminación y faltas contra la persona y que explícitamente modificaba el literal 'd' del artículo 46 y en el artículo 323 del código e incluían la tipificación de delitos por 'orientación sexual' e 'identidad de género, el 4 de abril de 2017, en la Comisión de Constitución, presidida por el congresista fujimorista Miguel Ángel Torres, se votó en contra de la propuesta del ejecutivo, por 10 votos frente a 6 a favor. En su reemplazo aprobó ese mismo día la redacción de un texto sustitutorio, en el cual se recomendó la derogación de las modificaciones mencionadas. El congresista Alberto de Belaunde, fue entonces uno de los más críticos ante esta derogatoria, que seguía afectando los derechos de la comunidad L.G.T.B.I. y lo manifestó de la siguiente manera: "El D.L. 1323 pudo ser el avance más importante en materia de derechos L.G.T.B.I. en la historia del país". En el reciente caso de Óscar Ugarteche y su pareja, quienes no podían inscribir su matrimonio realizado en el extranjero en los registros civiles peruanos porque R.E.N.I.E.C. señaló que el Código Civil peruano sólo permite el matrimonio entre un hombre y una mujer ; así como el caso de Darling Delfín y Jenny Trujillo, una pareja de lesbianas que pidió, también a R.E.N.I.E.C., que el D.N.I. de su hijo reconozca la relación filial de ambas como madres, sin obtener respuesta favorable alguna; son algunos de los casos que dan cuenta del contexto de desprotección jurídica, de orden personal y patrimonial, de las relaciones de pareja y familiares de las personas L.G.B.T.I en el país. Sobre el particular, la Defensoría del Pueblo remarcó que las familias constituidas por parejas no heterosexuales "(.) no tienen un marco normativo para el ejercicio y salvaguarda de sus derechos. Si deciden (.) adquirir bienes y luego se produce la muerte de uno de sus integrantes, la otra persona quedará desprotegida (.), pues el Código Civil establece un orden de prelación en materia sucesoria que no los considera. (.) tampoco pueden contar con el seguro de salud ni acceder a una pensión y (.) enfrentan dificultades para visitar a su compañero/a en hospitales o clínicas, principalmente debido a la oposición de sus padres o familiares". A lo cual se suma la desprotección y negación de las relaciones filiales que puedan construir afectando también los derechos de sus hijos/as. Dicha desprotección desconoce o niega a estas familias como tales, bajo prejuicios de género que pretenden ser mantenidos en el ordenamiento jurídico para obligar a las personas a actuar conforme a patrones heterosexuales dominantes en la sociedad. De esta forma se estaría negando el mandato constitucional de protección de las familias y lo señalado por el Tribunal Constitucional y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, cuya jurisprudencia señala que en la Convención Americana no se encuentra determinado un concepto cerrado de familia, ni mucho menos se protege sólo un modelo "tradicional" de la misma . Ello debido a que la exclusión de otras conformaciones familiares refleja una percepción limitada y estereotipada del concepto de familia que no tiene base en la Convención por ser una práctica, principalmente, discriminatoria. Entonces diremos que las relaciones homosexuales siempre han existido. En el Perú las personas con diferente identidad sexual no tienen derecho al matrimonio ni al reconocimiento de la unión de hecho o convivencia. El Derecho no puede permanecer ajeno a este hecho social que, en algunos sistemas legales, como el nuestro, aún no están protegidos bajo un amparo normativo. Por regla general, el hecho social precede a la ley. "Si se observa la realidad son situaciones que existen y han sido reconocidas por países democráticos constitucionales que reivindican los derechos de los homosexuales, basados en derechos constitucionales, sustentados a su vez en el irrestricto respeto a los derechos humanos". En un Estado Democrático como el nuestro, el sistema jurídico podría reconocer las nuevas formas de familia y relaciones afectivas ya que se tiene el modo de poder hacerlo y acogerlos en la legislación, en coherencia con un régimen democrático defensor de los derechos humanos que no permita la discriminación arbitraria por razón de sexo o por orientación sexual. Entonces, las uniones homoafectivas forman un núcleo familiar en la realidad social que hace necesario amparar el derecho. El Poder Judicial, a falta de normatividad reguladora, no puede seguir emitiendo sentencias muertas para realidades vivas sin hacer caso a la realidad social emergente. El texto constitucional de cada país debe ser el medio por el cual el sistema jurídico ampare los principios de dignidad, libertad e igualdad para reconocer que las relaciones homosexuales exigen una tutela igual a las heterosexuales. Es una obligación del Estado la protección de las personas con distinta opción sexual a la de los heterosexuales. El Tribunal Constitucional ha sostenido que "la democracia implica el consenso de las mayorías, con pleno respeto frente al disenso de la minoría. Aunque el gobierno democrático es un gobierno de mayorías, este pierde sustento constitucional si no se encuentran plenamente garantizados los derechos fundamentales de las minorías. De ahí la necesidad de establecer distintos mecanismos de control al gobierno que, inevitablemente, se presentan como vías, por así decirlo, "contra mayoritarias". Sólo así se encuentra plenamente asegurada la libertad (en igualdad) de todas las personas al interior del Estado social y democrático de derecho". Lo que puede deducirse de esta última afirmación del Tribunal Constitucional es que existe la posibilidad de que los grupos de personas, por mucho tiempo vulnerables, pueden lograr una adecuada tutela de sus derechos. El Tribunal Constitucional ha otorgado especiales medidas de protección que debían ser implementadas por parte del Estado y que se relacionaban con el amparo a aquellos grupos que sufrían una situación especial. Estos relacionados a lo contenido en el Art. 2 Inc. 2 de la Constitución que determinan la obligación del Estado de respetar y asegurar que las personas no sean discriminadas en razón de su origen, raza, sexo, idioma, religión, opinión o condición económica. Algunos casos son los se recogen en la STC 02437-2013-PA/TC,02362 PA/TC referido a las personas con discapacidad, sobre la protección de los adultos mayores STC 03515-2010- PA/TC, referido a los niños 04058-2012- PA/TC, 02079-2009-HC-TC, las mujeres 05652-2007- PA/TC, 05527-2008-HC o de los pueblos indígenas 0033-2010-AI/TC, 00906-2009-AA/TC, entre otros. De esta forma también podría ampararse el derecho de las personas de distinta identidad sexual, llámese homosexuales, para que también gocen del derecho al reconocimiento del matrimonio. ; Tesis

POLPAN ist eine Panelstudie zur Beschreibung der sozialen Struktur und ihres Wandels während der postkommunistischen Transformation in Polen. Es wird in fünfjährigen Wellen ab 1988 durchgeführt. Im Jahr 1988 wurde die Erhebung unter einer nationalen Stichprobe der erwachsenen Bevölkerung Polens (21-65 Jahre) mit N = 5.817 durchgeführt. Im Jahr 1993 wurde diese Stichprobe stichprobenartig reduziert und 2.259 Befragte nahmen an der Studie teil. Die Forscher versuchten, sie in jeder der aufeinander folgenden fünfjährigen Wellen zu erreichen. Um eine angemessene Altersbilanz zu gewährleisten, wurden später weitere Teilproben mit jungen Kohorten ergänzt.

Beschäftigung. Selbständigkeit und selbständiges Arbeiten. Unregelmäßige Beschäftigung und zusätzlicher Job. Arbeitslosigkeit. Erfolgschancen und Konfliktquellen. Meinungen über Einkommen. Meinungen über die Gesellschaft. Privatisierung und der Markt. Statusbewertung und Ansichten zu sozialen Fragen. Freunde. Familie und Haushalt. Computer und Internet, Basisdaten. Körperliche Gesundheit und psychologische Items. Raven´s Test. Religion.

Themen: 1. Beschäftigung: Beruf; Anzahl der Arbeitsplätze; Arbeitssituation; Beginn der Beschäftigung in der aktuellen Firma (Jahr/Monat); ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifikation; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifikation; 14 sozio-arbeitsbezogene Kategorien; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Umfang des beruflichen Ansehens 1979 und 2009; Umfang der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Umfang der Komplexität der Arbeit; Umfang der materiellen Vergütung; Gründung des Unternehmens (Jahr); Industrie (NACE); Unternehmensgröße (Anzahl der Arbeitnehmer im Unternehmen); Berufseinstieg; jemand anderes arbeitete zuvor in dieser Position; Arbeitsbeginn (Jahr/Monat); Weisungsbefugnis; Anzahl der Untergebenen; Weisungsniveau; wöchentlich geleistete Arbeitsstunden; befristete/unbefristete Zeitarbeit/ Vollzeitarbeit/Teilzeitarbeit (Arbeitsvertrag); nicht angemeldete Arbeit; Arbeitsplatzverlust unwahrscheinlich oder sicher; Arbeitsplatzverlust während des Jahres; Dauer der Arbeitsplatzverpflichtung in Monaten; Anzahl der Monate bis zum Ende der Arbeitsplatzverpflichtung; Erwartung nach Ablauf des Arbeitsvertrages; Verdienst pro Monat in Zloty; Grundgehalt / Lohn; Nebenbeschäftigung (Arbeitssituation).

2. Selbständigkeit und selbständiges Arbeiten: Beginn der selbständigen Erwerbstätigkeit (Jahr/Monat); selbständiger Landwirt oder andere Tätigkeiten; Industrie (NACE); ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifikation; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifikation; 14 sozio-berufliche Kategorien; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Entlohnung; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestiges 1979 und 2009; bebaute landwirtschaftliche Fläche und nicht bebaute landwirtschaftliche Fläche (Hektarzahl); Vertrag über den Verkauf landwirtschaftlicher Erzeugnisse vom Bauernhof; Einkommen pro Monat; Eigentum (Betrieb/Bauernhof); Unternehmensgründung oder -übertragung; Wochenarbeitszeit; Beschäftigung von Nicht-Familienmitgliedern; Anzahl der beschäftigten Nicht-Familienmitglieder; Zielgröße; Arbeitsplatzverlust unwahrscheinlich oder sicher; Arbeitsplatzverlust während des Jahres; Vergleich des Gewinns mit Konkurrenten; Präferenz für Arbeit als Arbeitnehmer; Nebenbeschäftigung: Arbeitssituation; Beschäftigung von Nicht-Familienmitgliedern; Zahl der beschäftigten Nicht-Familienmitglieder.

3. Unregelmäßige Beschäftigung und zusätzliche Arbeitsplätze: erste zusätzliche Beschäftigung: mit Vorgesetzten in dieser Position; Weisungsbefugnis; Anzahl der Untergebenen; ISCO 88 International Occupational Classification; Polnische SCO-2009 Occupational Classification; 14 sozio-arbeitsbezogene Kategorien; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Entlohnung; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestiges 1979 und 2009; Beginn der Arbeit (Jahr/Monat); Stelle war bereits zuvor besetzt; Wochenarbeitszeit; Monatseinkommen in Zloty; Befragter hat eine andere Arbeitsstelle; zweite zusätzliche Arbeitsstelle: Weisungsbefugnis; Anzahl der Untergebenen; ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifikation; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifikation; 14 sozio-berufliche Kategorien; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Vergütung; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestiges 1979 und 2009; Beginn der Beschäftigung (Jahr/Monat); Stelle war bereits zuvor besetzt; Wochenarbeitszeit; Verdienst pro Monat in Zloty; Arbeitsplatzverlust unwahrscheinlich oder sicher; Arbeitsplatzverlust während des Jahres.

4. Arbeitslosigkeit: Wie werden Qualifikationen in der Arbeit genutzt; Arbeit beinhaltet direkte oder indirekte Kontakte mit anderen Menschen; Anzahl der Stunden pro Woche, die für Kontakte mit anderen Menschen aufgewendet werden; Arbeit beinhaltet Lesen, Schreiben oder Datenverarbeitung; Anzahl der Stunden pro Woche, die mit Daten verbracht werden; aktuelle Tätigkeit oder Einkommensquelle; Jahr, in dem die Rente, das Studium, die Haushaltsführung oder die Arbeitslosigkeit begonnen haben; Arbeitssuche von Januar 2003 bis heute; Zeiten der Arbeitssuche: Beginn des ersten bis dritten Zeitraums der Arbeitssuche (Jahr/Monat); Ende des ersten bis dritten Zeitraums der Arbeitssuche (Jahr/Monat); sonstige Stellen zwischen dem 1. Januar 2003 und Anzahl der Stellen.

5. Beruflicher Werdegang: Beruflicher Werdegang vom ersten bis zum fünften Arbeitsplatz: Arbeitssituation; ISCO 88 International Occupational Classification; Polnische SCO-2009 Occupational Classification; 14 sozio-ökonomische Kategorien; SES 1979 Skala des sozio-ökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestige 1979 und 2009; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Vergütung; angefangene Arbeit (Jahr/Monat); Stelle war bereits vorher besetzt; Befragter hat zuvor in derselben Firma gearbeitet; Art der Beschäftigung; befristete/unbegrenzte Zeitbeschäftigung/Vollzeitbeschäftigung/Teilzeitbeschäftigung (Arbeitsvertrag); nicht registrierte Beschäftigung; Verdienst pro Monat in Zloty; Grundgehalt / Lohn; Nicht-Familienmitglieder beschäftigt; Zielgröße; Verdienst pro Monat nach Steuern; wöchentlich geleistete Arbeitsstunden; Arbeit gekündigt (Jahr/Monat); Grund für die Beendigung des Arbeitsverhältnisses; später anderen Arbeitsplatz; Unterbrechung der beruflichen Laufbahn mehr als 3 Monate; Anzahl der Unterbrechungen; erste bis fünfte Unterbrechung in der beruflichen Laufbahn: Grund; Anfangsjahr; Endjahr; Anzahl der Monate; Job im Ausland für 3 Monate oder mehr; Jahr, in dem der Job im Ausland beendet wurde.

6. Erfolgschancen und Konfliktquellen: Kriterien für den Erfolg im Leben: Ehrgeiz, Netzwerke, harte Arbeit, politischer Einfluss, Abstammung aus einer reichen Familie, gute Bildung, Glück, vererbte Fähigkeiten und Talente; Einfluss der Regierung auf Arbeitslosigkeit und Korruption; Konfliktquellen: reich vs. arm, manuelle vs. nicht-manuelle Arbeiter, Manager vs. Aufseher, Stadtbewohner vs. Landbewohner, Gläubige vs. Ungläubige, Machthaber vs. Andere, Firmeninhaber vs. Angestellte; eigene Schuld oder die Schuld anderer Leute oder Umstände, wenn etwas im Leben schief geht; den meisten Menschen kann man vertrauen.

7. Meinungen zum Einkommen: Präferierte Steuer für verschiedene Einkommensgruppen (Wert in Zloty und Prozentsatz).

8. Meinungen über die Gesellschaft: Meinungen über politische und wirtschaftliche Veränderungen in Polen; Bewertung des gegenwärtigen Wirtschaftssystems in Polen; Meinungen über Demokratie: Demokratie ist immer die beste Regierungsform vs. nicht-demokratische Regierung ist manchmal besser vs. kein Unterschied zwischen beiden.

9. Privatisierung und der Markt: Stellungnahme zur Privatisierung staatlicher Unternehmen/
Privatisierungsbeschränkungen; Beschränkungen beim Erwerb von Eigentum (ausländisches Kapital, alte Nomenklatura, gegenwärtige politische Elite, Menschen ohne Erfahrung in der Führung eines Unternehmens); Marktpreis vs. staatlich festgelegte Preise für Grundnahrungsmittel; Bereitschaft zur Übernahme des Risikos für die Gründung einer Firma; Betrag, den der Befragte für die Gründung einer Firma ausgegeben würde.

10. Statusbewertung und Ansichten zu sozialen Fragen: subjektive Einschätzung der sozialen Lage auf einer 10-Punkte-Skala; in Polen wurde keine Regierung gebildet, der man vertrauen kann; Politiker kümmern sich nicht darum, was die Menschen wirklich denken; viele Korrupte unter Regierenden; die Wähler haben zu wenig Einfluss darauf, wie das Land regiert wird; man sollte immer Respekt vor den Behörden zeigen; es ist falsch, etwas anders zu tun als in früheren Generationen; es ist nicht falsch, durch die Arbeit als Arbeitnehmer reich zu werden; die Regierung verschwendet zu viel Steuern; die Politik ist so kompliziert, dass die Menschen nicht verstehen, was geschieht; der Staat sollte Kindern aus armen Familien in der Hochschulbildung helfen; eine gute politische Partei in Polen würde andere Parteien überflüssig machen; Staat soll Einkommensunterschiede abbauen; Staat soll Arbeitsplätze für alle schaffen, die arbeiten wollen; es lohnt sich, ein neues Geschäft auszuprobieren, auch wenn es unsicher ist; Demokratie bedeutet Minderheitsgewinne für die Mehrheit; in der Politik sind gegenseitige Zugeständnisse der beste Weg um Probleme zu lösen; Gehorsam ist das wichtigste Thema, das Kinder gelehrt werden sollte; Minderheit sollte ein uneingeschränktes Recht haben, die Mehrheit im politischen Leben zu kritisieren; Wahlen sind nicht notwendig, wenn Führer die Interessen der Bürger vertreten; gute Führer müssen nicht dem Gesetz gehorchen; bestimmte Gruppen sollten vom Wahlrecht ausgeschlossen werden; die katholische Kirche hat zu viel Einfluss in der Politik; zwei Arten von Menschen: schwach und stark; Auswirkung auf das Land durch den Beitritt Polens zur Europäischen Union; Auswirkung auf das Leben der Befragten durch den EU-Beitritt Polens; Meinung über die Bedingungen der Teilnahme an militärischen Aktionen gegen den Terrorismus; Ausmaß des politischen Interesses.

11. Freunde: Gesamtzahl der engen Freunde; Beziehungen zwischen engen Freunden; Personen unter den Freunden, auf die sich der Befragte verlassen konnte; Anzahl der Personen, auf die sich der Befragte in schwierigen Situationen verlassen konnte; Berufsinformationen über den engsten Freund: ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifikation; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifikation; 14 sozio-berufliche Kategorien; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Entlohnung; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestiges 1979 und 2009.

12. Familie und Haushalt: Familienstand des Befragten; Jahr der Eheschließung; Zusammenleben mit dem Partner; Scheidungs- oder Witwenjahr; dauerhafte Beziehung außer der Ehe (Jahr des Beziehungsbeginns); Ehegatte/Partner: Arbeitssituation; ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifikation; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifikation; 14 sozio-arbeitsbezogene Kategorien; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Prestiges 1979 und 2009; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Umfang der Komplexität der Arbeit; Umfang des materiellen Entgelts; Weisungsbefugnis des Ehegatten/Partners; wöchentlich geleistete Arbeitsstunden; befristete/unbegrenzte Zeitarbeit/Vollzeitarbeit/Teilzeitarbeit (Arbeitsvertrag); nicht registrierte Beschäftigung; Verlust des Arbeitsplatzes ist unmöglich oder sicher; Arbeitsverdienst pro Monat in Zloty; Grundgehalt; Festgehalt; beschäftigte Nicht-Familienangehörige; Zielgröße; Verdienst pro Monat nach Steuern; Bildung; Weiterbildung; Geburtsjahr, Anzahl der Personen im Haushalt; Behinderung oder Langzeitkrankheit des Befragten; Zahl der Personen im Haushalt, die einer bezahlten Arbeit nachgehen; Zahl der Arbeitslosen im Haushalt; Zahl der Kinder im Haushalt; Geschlecht und Alter jedes Kindes und Angabe, ob es sich bei diesem Kind um ein eigenes Kind oder um das Kind eines Ehegatten/Frau/Partners handelt; Haushaltsmitglieder von eins bis fünf: Beziehung zum Befragten, Geschlecht, Geburtsjahr; Person mit einer Behinderung oder einer langfristigen Krankheit im Haushalt (Befragter, Partner oder andere Person); der Befragte lebt mit den Eltern zusammen; Jahr, in dem der Befragte aufgehört hat, mit den Eltern zu leben; der Befragte lebt in einer anderen Stadt; die Eltern des Befragten leben in derselben Stadt; durchschnittliches monatliches Haushaltseinkommen; Haushaltseinkommen schließt externe Quelle ein; durchschnittliche monatliche Ausgaben für Lebensmittel; Ausgaben für Lebensmittel, wenn das Einkommen um die Hälfte gestiegen ist; durchschnittliche monatliche Ausgaben für kulturelle Güter; Ausgaben für kulturelle Güter, wenn das Einkommen um die Hälfte gestiegen ist; Haushalt zahlt Darlehen, Immobiliendarlehen oder Hypothekenkredite ab; durchschnittliche monatliche Zahlungen für Kredite/Darlehen; finanzielle Probleme in den letzten 12 Monaten bei Ausgaben für: Nahrungsmittel, Gebrauchsgegenstände, Kulturgüter, Freizeit, medizinische Versorgung und Bildung; Zahlungsfähigkeit: Möglichkeit, kurzfristig (innerhalb einer Woche) Geld zu beschaffen; Einkommensquellen des Haushalts; Wohnsituation: Jahr des Einzugs in die Wohnung.

Interviewer-Bewertung: Interview im Haus des Befragten oder an einem anderen Ort; Art des Gebäudes; Wohnung / Haus befindet sich innerhalb einer geschlossenen Gemeinde; Eigentum der Wohnung / des Hauses; Miethaus / Mietwohnung; Anzahl der Zimmer der Wohnung; Anzahl der Quadratmeter; Anzahl der Bücher im Haushalt; Autobesitz; Wert des Autos laut Versicherungsgesellschaft; Bewertung des Lebensstandards des Befragten.

13. Computer und Internet: Haushaltsausstattung: Kabel-/Satellitenfernsehen; Computer/Laptop; Internetzugang; Computernutzung; Computerkenntnisse (z.B. E-Mail versenden, Ordner erstellen und benennen, etc.); Anzahl der Stunden pro Woche, die zu Hause, bei der Arbeit und an anderen Orten am Computer verbracht werden; Nutzung von Internet oder E-Mail; Gründe, warum keine Internetnutzung erfolgt; Häufigkeit der Internetnutzung für verschiedene Aktivitäten (z.B. Arbeiten zu Hause oder am Arbeitsplatz, Einkaufen, Bezahlen von Rechnungen usw.); Jahr des Beginns der Internetnutzung.

14. Grunddaten: Alter des Vaters; Beruf des Vaters während der Befragte im jetzigen Alter ist und im Alter von 14 Jahren: ISCO 88 Internationale Berufsklassifizierung; Polnische SCO-2009 Berufsklassifizierung; 14 sozio-berufliche Kategorien; Skala der Qualifikationsanforderungen; Skala der Komplexität der Arbeit; Skala der materiellen Vergütung; SES 1979 Skala des sozioökonomischen Status; Skala des beruflichen Ansehens 1979 und 2009; soziale Stellung im Vergleich zu der des Vaters im jetzigen Alter des Befragten; Befragter hat Geschwister; Anzahl der Geschwister; ältestes Geschwister: Geschlecht, Alter (Geburtsjahr) und Bildung; Bildung der Mutter; Bildung des Vaters; Bildung des Befragten; Beginn und Ende des letzten Schuljahres; spezielles Bildungslevel (ISCED); Weiterbildungen der Befragten; Schulbesuch: Studienart, Schulbildung mit Unterricht; Berufsausbildung mehr als 1 Monat; Abschlussjahr der abgeschlossenen Kurse; Teilnahme an den Wahlen für Sejm und Senat 2005 und 2007; Wahlverhalten bei den Wahlen für Sejm und Senat 2005 und 2007; Bereitschaft zur Teilnahme an den Wahlen, wenn sie heute stattfinden würden; Partei, für die der Befragte bei den Wahlen für Sejm und Senat stimmen würde.

15. Körperliche Gesundheit und psychologische Items: Selbsteinschätzung der körperlichen Gesundheit im Vergleich zu anderen Personen im gleichen Alter; Körpergröße in Zentimetern, Gewicht in Kilogramm; Selbsteinschätzung der körperlichen Gesundheit und der psychischen Stimmung insgesamt; Raven´s Test: Gesamtpunktzahl der betrachteten Gegenstände nach fünf Minuten; gegenwärtiger Zustand der körperlichen Gesundheit und psychischen Stimmung; gegenwärtiger Gesundheitszustand verursacht Probleme bei der Arbeit, bei der Pflege der Wohnung, im sozialen Leben, im Privatleben, im Sexualleben, bei Interessen und Hobbys und in den Ferien.

16. Religion: Zugehörigkeit zu einer Religionsgemeinschaft; Häufigkeit des Besuchs einer Messe.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Geburtsjahr, Alter.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: ID; Region; Woiwodschaft; Größe des Ortes; Fragebogenversion; Datum des Interviews (Jahr, Monat); Gewicht.

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX-XX secolo) ; Questa ricerca è dedicata agli italiani sopravvissuti alla Shoah e s'interroga sulle altre prove, sulle altre fatiche e sulle altre paure1 che essi dovettero affrontare per ritornare a casa dopo l'esperienza estrema della deportazione. Una storia di viaggi? Anche. Ma soprattutto una storia corale che parla di ricostruzione, di incontri e di abbandono, di un sentire umano che riaffiora dopo l'offesa subita nei campi di sterminio; e che racconta un'umanità che dimostra poco interesse per i superstiti. Il rimpatrio è una storia di contrasti; per evidenziarli il lavoro procede dal generale al particolare e si articola in due sezioni distinte e speculari, necessarie l'una all'altra e che si richiamano di continuo. 1 L'espressione è di P. Levi, La tregua, Einaudi, Torino, 1989, p. 178. (Se non diversamente indicato, i riferimenti bibliografici si riferiscono alle edizioni consultate; per le prime edizioni cfr. Bibliografia). 2 La ricerca s'inizia partendo dalla considerazione che un'esperienza acquista senso in relazione alla sua collocazione nel tempo, e che la peculiarità di un avvenimento è data dalla comparazione. Da qui la necessità del primo capitolo, che ha l'obiettivo di definire lo spazio della ricerca (o meglio, lo spazio in cui si muovono gli uomini e le donne protagonisti di questa ricerca) secondo due principali punti d'osservazione. Nelle prime pagine (Storia di guerra) si tenta di rispondere congiuntamente alle esigenze di una contestualizzazione diacronica e di un approccio comparativo; quindi si esamina l'insieme delle prigionie degli italiani durante la seconda guerra mondiale, soffermandosi sulla specificità della deportazione razziale. Una lettura attraverso il tempo aiuterà a comprendere le ragioni che sottostanno alla continuità tra l'esperienza (e la percezione) del rimpatrio e l'offesa subita durante la persecuzione delle vite2. Come si cercherà di dimostrare, infatti, il ritorno a casa s'inscrive appieno nel dramma della Shoah, poiché la liberazione dai Lager determina la fine di una parte dell'esperienza concentrazionaria, ma non ne rappresenta l'epilogo, che si snoda proprio attraverso le vicende - a volte drammatiche, a volte epiche, a volte picaresche - del rientro. Ma la storia del ritorno è anche "una storia della Repubblica e del tempo di pace"3: quindi, nella seconda parte del capitolo, delineato il quadro dei rimpatri in Italia nel secondo dopoguerra, si riflette sulle responsabilità istituzionali nella gestione del fenomeno. Quale è stata la risposta del governo italiano all'emergenza del rimpatrio? E in particolare, come ci si è comportati con quegli uomini e quelle donne che, sopravvissuti alla Soluzione finale, hanno aspettato nei campi di smistamento della Polonia, della Germania e della Russia l'ordine per la partenza? Quell'Italia che di lì a poco avrebbe sancito che "Tutti i cittadini […] hanno pari dignità sociale e sono eguali davanti alla legge, senza distinzione di sesso, di razza, di lingua, di religione"4, che cosa ha fatto per aiutare quei cittadini perseguitati, rastrellati e deportati proprio a causa di una razza (e di una religione) di cui si era proclamata l'inferiorità? Prendendo le mosse dalla descrizione dell'apparato istituzionale che gestiva dall'alto le vite capovolte dei superstiti, si prosegue proponendo un mosaico delle esperienze di chi 2 L'espressione è di M. Sarfatti, che nel volume Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità persecuzione, Einaudi, Torino, 2002, ha tripartito come segue la storia della Shoah in Italia: periodo della persecuzione dell'identità dell'ebraismo (1922-1936); periodo della persecuzione dei diritti degli ebrei (1936-1943) e periodo della persecuzione delle vite degli ebrei (1943-1945). 3 N. Labanca, Catabasi in N. Labanca (a cura di), La memoria del ritorno: il rimpatrio degli internati militari italiani (1945-1946), Giuntina, Firenze, 2000, p. XVI. 4 Costituzione della Repubblica Italiana, art. 3. 3 dipendeva da questi ordini impartiti da lontano. Nel secondo capitolo si adotta un approccio microstorico, e attraverso l'individuazione di paradigmi interpretativi e di parole chiave, si cerca di restituire la dimensione reale del rimpatrio (attenta ai riferimenti geografici, alla cronologia e ai rapporti tra i salvati e i liberatori) e quella simbolica, dominata dalla percezione dell'esperienza. Proprio in questo secondo livello di analisi si coglie il significato profondo, storico e morale, del viaggio verso casa. Partendo dalle considerazioni pionieristiche di Primo Levi e dalla contraddizione tra il tempo oggettivato della storia e quello unico della coscienza, si cerca di leggere l'esperienza del ritorno a casa alla luce delle aspettative di pace e di libertà maturate durante la prigionia e si riflette, anche secondo una prospettiva di genere, sulle difficoltà affrontate subito dopo l'arrivo dei liberatori. Nella seconda parte del lavoro, si restringe il campo dell'indagine al complesso concentrazionario di Auschwitz-Birkenau, di cui si seguono gli avvenimenti principali fin dal periodo immediatamente precedente alla liberazione. Fornite le coordinate essenziali per interpretare le strategie sottese alle marce della morte, lo studio prende in esame le evacuazioni dall'Alta Slesia: una fase fondamentale che aiuta a ricostruire le storie e gli itinerari percorsi dalla maggior parte degli italiani sopravvissuti alla Shoah. Nel quarto capitolo si osserva il Caos primigenio5 che scoppia nel Lager all'indomani del 27 gennaio 1945; si indaga sull'atteggiamento dei liberatori con particolare attenzione alla prima assistenza dispiegata nel campo base e all'interesse a sfruttare il lavoro dei sopravvissuti; attraverso l'esame di alcuni casi individuali, si ricostruiscono gli itinerari principali del viaggio verso casa. Lasciando dialogare le fonti dall'alto con le testimonianze dei superstiti - e tenendo in considerazione una pluralità di fattori (quali, ad esempio, l'appartenenza di genere, l'età e lo stato di salute), che implicano aspettative e comportamenti diversi - si cerca di fare luce su un periodo complesso e molto lontano dalla ricostruzione tramandata dai sovietici, che hanno rappresentato se stessi secondo le regole imposte dal regime. L'arco cronologico considerato copre il periodo compreso tra la liberazione dei Lager e la fine del 1945, anche se nei diversi capitoli è ampiamente esplorato il contesto precedente e sono accennate le problematiche principali che caratterizzano la fase immediatamente successiva. Per la periodizzazione si è cercato di risalire a una datazione precisa del ritorno 5 P. Levi, La tregua, cit., p. 175. 4 a casa di ciascun sopravvissuto italiano; i primi risultati dell'indagine sono schematicamente riportati nell'appendice al testo. ; This survey is focused on all those Italian people who survived to the Holocaust and try to investigate and narrate all the trials, efforts and fears6 that they had to face to come back home after having experienced the deportation. A history of travel? Maybe, but especially a voyage tracing a history made of reconstruction, meeting and desertion, after the extreme experience in the concentration camps; the narration of the denial of humanity neglecting the survivors. This research begins in considering that every event should be considered in his historical context and compared with this background. Thus, lead us to the first chapter that is focused on the definition of the 'space' surrounding the protagonists of the story itself. According to two main different points of view: on the one hand the diachronic one (Storia di guerra) which tries to retrace the story of all Italian people captured during the Second World War, and on the other one the synchronic point of view (Storia di pace) narrating the phase of repatriation in Italy and investigating the role and institutional responsibility of the Italian Government in managing this particular phenomenon. In analyzing the Italian institutional apparatus itself, this survey goes on portraying two dimensions: the real one, retracing the repatriation itself (itineraries, datas, historical events) and the symbolic one, in which we can find the deep historical and moral meaning of this voyage towards home. In the second part of this survey, the investigation is focused on Auschwitz-Birkenau during the last few months before the Liberation (Death Marches): an important phase through which retracing the stories and itineraries of Italian survivors. The last chapter investigate the history of the Lager after the liberation, in particularly the first aid and Red Army's interests to take advantage of survivors manpower; moreover several individual experiences are reconstructed.The period taken into consideration in this survey goes from the liberation of concentration camps to the end of 1945, even if in the chapters the research is also about the previous and the next historical context. 6 This expression is by Primo Levi, La tregua, Einaudi, Torino, 1989, p. 178.

Hace diez años, los EE.UU. vivieron uno de los acontecimientos más conmovedores de su historia reciente. Cuatro aviones comerciales fueron secuestrados, al mismo tiempo, y tres de ellos lograron sus objetivos: destruir las Torres Gemelas de Nueva York y dañar seriamente el edificio del Pentágono. El balance final de víctimas superó los 3.000 muertos pero, lo más impactante de todo fue que la gran potencia exhibió su fragilidad y desnudez transmitiendo, al mundo entero, una vivencia de desamparo difícil de explicar. Un puñado de asesinos fanáticos habían sido capaces de golpear en el corazón mismo del país más poderoso del mundo con facilidad. Dos son las reflexiones que pueden hacerse al respecto mientras que, en infinidad de lugares del planeta, se conmemora este luctuoso acontecimiento con un fervor no del todo convincente. En primer lugar se puede concluir que una "cosa", que había surgido lenta y sigilosamente durante años, pero que pocos habían percibido, se hizo patente ese 11 de septiembre. Así como "el huevo de la serpiente" del nazismo incubó calladamente durante algunas décadas, los gérmenes de fundamentalismo totalitario crecieron y se esparcieron sin que el mundo siquiera advirtiese la dimensión de lo que se preparaba. En el Islam, en el seno de aquella vieja religión y cultura que fue el centro del saber universal por muchísimos siglos, estaba en marcha una nueva aberración histórica, ahora adaptada a las condiciones de nuestro tiempo. En el editorial del 19 de agosto del año pasado escribíamos a propósitode algunos horrores cometidos por los talibanes "…el 11 de septiembre de 2001 está allí, con sus prolegómenos y sus ramificaciones cada vez más evidentes, para recordarnos que el siglo XXI ya se ha dotado de una nueva versión del Terror totalitario".Nada de búsquedas de "religiones puras", nada de "regreso a las fuentes", nada de belicosidad intrínseca del Corán, nada de "defensa de identidades" amenazadas por Occidente: todos esos relatos fueron reacciones inmediatas al atentado pero no lograban capturar la médula del asunto. Lo que cambió, efectivamente, el 11 de septiembre de 2001 fue que tuvimos la prueba palmaria que había, nuevamente, quienes estaban dispuestos a usar el terror indiscriminado como herramienta para sus más bajos intereses políticos. Como con Stalin, como con Hitler, como con Mao, como con Pol-Pot y como con varios más, nuevamente estábamos, desamparados, ante el uso inmoral del Terror. Que ahora viniese con barbas y turbante, adscrito al Corán y utilizando los relatos anti-occidentales que, por décadas, se cultivaron desde que declinó la civilización musulmana y, finalmente, desapareció el Imperio Otomano, no cambia un ápice el fondo de la cuestión. Lo sucedido fue terrorismo puro y simple; injustificable e inmoral.En segundo lugar parece que, para algunos analistas, el 11 de septiembre de 2001 marca el principio del fin de la hegemonía internacional que los EE.UU. habían consolidado notoriamente desde la caída del muro de Berlín, unos 10 años antes. Esta apreciación, que se ha escuchado centenares de veces este fin de semana, se nos antoja estrictamente "gratuita", por no llamarla "frívola". Ningún historiador serio puede relacionar un acontecimiento puntual, por importante que haya sido, con el inicio de una tendencia histórica, que por definición, se concreta como mínimo a lo largo de muchas décadas.Los viejos historiadores franceses de l´"École des Annales", (como Fernand Braudel, para ser más específicos), renegaron largamente contra la tendencia a ver la historia política, nacional e internacional, como una "histoire événementielle" ("historia de acontecimientos"), esencialmente "descriptiva" y de corto plazo. Propugnaban la importancia de la historia "de largo plazo" (de longue durée) que, partiendo de los casi imperceptibles deslizamientos que, desde el clima a las mentalidades, impactaban en la política, permitía construir, "ex-post", una explicación de la tendencia en cuestión y adonde habían llegado las cosas.Nada podemos decir sobre el debilitamiento (o el fortalecimiento) de la hegemonía norteamericana "a partir" de lo sucedido el 11 de septiembre. Si debilitamiento hay, éste tendríamos que irlo a buscar en los múltiples errores políticos de "gestión" de la Guerra Fría. Por ejemplo, en las décadas de apoyo a regímenes (en América Latina, en Medio Oriente, en África) que practicaban y defendían valores exactamente opuestos a los que los EE.UU. decían defender. Por ejemplo, en el ejercicio de una política internacional muchas veces autocomplaciente que pretendía obtener sus objetivos con el simple despliegue de la fuerza, cuando el problema a resolver era de tal índole que el uso de la fuerza nada solucionaba y era preferible recurrir a algún mecanismo multilateral. Por ejemplo, cuando, en 1971, el presidente Nixon decidió llevar hasta sus últimas consecuencias una vieja tendencia "anti-orista" (que venía desde 1933 y el presidente Roosevelt) presente en la clase política y "cortó" toda relación entre el dólar y el oro haciendo inconvertibles los dólares a oro, incluso para bancos centrales de otros países. Por ejemplo, cuando, en la cultura nacional norteamericana, pasó a ser más importante el consumo que el ahorro y el país pasó a "vivir a crédito", lo que trastocaba todo el paradigma cultural originario basado en un protestantismo tan estricto que, no por casualidad, fue bautizado de "puritanismo".Si alguien quiere hablar de "decadencia norteamericana" que recorra prolija y disciplinadamente esos caminos. Pero no construyamos una historia pretendidamente "seria" en base a la reproducción "urbi et orbi" de algunos episodios catastróficos. Desde luego que afirmamos su importancia, pero no por ello debemos otorgarles el rango de "causas" históricas.Dicho esto, no es menos cierto que una serie de acontecimientos que se desencadenaron a partir de los atentados del 11 de septiembre, no figurarán nunca en los anales de la mejor historia norteamericana.Ni el presidente George W. Bush, que acababa de acceder al gobierno, ni su partido, fueron capaces de gestionar la reacción al ataque de manera atinada. Con una población amedrentada y fuertemente golpeada por los atentados, jugaron, en más de una ocasión, a permitir que se esparciera una cierta islamofobia en los sectores más conservadores de la ciudadanía. Tan grave como ello fue el mal manejo de la información relativa a Al Qaeda y sus centros de actividad. De buena fé, o a sabiendas, el presidente decidió replicar a los atentados con un ataque a Irak: precisamente uno de los regímenes más laicos y menos proclives a fomentar el fundamentalismo del mundo musulmán. También, de buena fé, o a sabiendas, hubo de argumentar sobre la existencia de "armas de destrucción masiva" en manos de Saddam Hussein para justificar la invasión.Todo eso era seguramente inquietante, pero era evidente que poca relación tenía con los ataques del 11 de septiembre. El resto de la historia es conocida. La descomunal operación militar en Irak se llevó a cabo a pesar de que el presidente Bush había puesto en marcha un ambicioso programa de reducción de impuestos al inicio de su mandato. No tuvo el coraje de dar marcha atrás y las finanzas superavitarias que el gobierno republicano había recibido de Clinton se evaporaron. Algunos años después el déficit fiscal de los EE.UU. volvía a batir records.Un balance general sería demasiado ambicioso. Lo que seguramente es cierto es que la emergencia del fundamentalismo totalitario cambió radicalmente el perfil del mundo en el siglo que se iniciaba. Los EE.UU., la potencia que era el objetivo central de ese fundamentalismo, sobre todo al principio, no supieron responder con la precisión y contundencia que las circunstancias requerían. Si el terrorismo fue relativamente contenido (no olvidemos, tampoco, los grandes atentados de Madrid y Londres, entre otros) fue seguramente porque, además de en Irak, pero más calladamente, los EE.UU. reaccionaron con más precisión en otras latitudes. Es importante decir que, en buena parte del mundo occidental, y aún más allá, un importante grupo de países estuvo del lado de los EE.UU. Hoy nos hemos de alguna manera "habituado" a convivir con esa amenaza. No sé si esto es un signo positivo o negativo. Sólo sé que lo mejor sería que no existiese. Ya veremos, con el tiempo, lo que finalmente retendrá la historia de los atentados del 11 de septiembre y de la década inmediatamente posterior.

"Agresiones físicas, acoso judicial, asfixia económica (negando publicidad institucional o subiendo los impuestos al papel), cierre de medios. El último paso de los regímenes populistas latinoamericanos es acomodar la ley a sus intereses y acabar con la libertad de expresión" .Editorial de "El País" de Madrid08/09/2009La discusión que se está llevando a cabo en la Argentina a propósito del proyecto de ley sobre los Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual no puede ser leída como un acontecimiento perteneciente exclusivamente a la coyuntura política de ese país. En el día de anteayer no es casualidad que en el Festival de Venecia el cineasta Oliver Stone (que debería dedicarse al cine ficción que es más lo suyo), hiciese una increíble presentación de un documental sobre el Presidente venezolano, Hugo Chávez, donde éste aparece como una "víctima denigrada" por los medios de comunicación.No hay una sola persona informada en América Latina que no sepa que la prensa venezolana ha sido sistemáticamente presionada, hostigada y perseguida por este peligroso parlanchín. Pero lo mismo sucede (aunque con diferencias de estilo, sin lugar a dudas) en el Ecuador, en Nicaragua o en Bolivia. De la prensa en Cuba no corresponde opinar porque simplemente, la prensa como tal, hace décadas que ha sido suprimida. O sea que la nueva aventura de los Kirchner se inscribe, estrictamente, en una ofensiva continental contra la prensa, apoyada en jugosos argumentos económicos y en el uso mediático de la fama de los eternos artistas e intelectuales "bien intencionados", siempre dispuestos a apoyar causas "populares" dirigidas por hombres providenciales que "ahora sí" van a salvar a sus pueblos.Nada de esto es demasiado novedoso en América Latina si no es que, por primera vez, hasta donde tenemos memoria, aparece claramente la evidencia de la orquestación de una verdadera operación política y mediática internacionalcontra la libertad de la prensa llevada adelante por un buen número de gobiernos latinoamericanos. Y el asunto es suficientemente alarmante como para insistir, una vez más, sobre lo que debería ser -(como lo es en muchas partes)- una evidencia: la libertad de prensa es una de las bases de la democracia.En sentido estricto, quizás es importante dejar en claro que una reivindicación acérrima del papel de la prensa y de la más estricta libertad para ella, es mucho más que una defensa de la prensa. Prensa hay buena, regular y mala. Pero, por las razones que pasaremos a explicar, es necesario defender incluso la libertad de aquella prensa con la cual uno no comparte ni contenidos, ni procedimientos, ni ética. El único límite a esa libertad es el ordenamiento legal vigente si es que éste es respetuoso del derecho inalienable de los ciudadanos a la libertad de consciencia y a la libertad de expresión.En la tradición política de la democracia liberal, la libertad de prensa es un subproducto histórico, relativamente reciente, de un largo trayecto de afirmación de la libertad del individuo que hunde sus raíces allá por el siglo XVI. Y no porque la "Relaciones", editadas en Frankfort o los "Canards" franceses de esa época fuesen verdaderos periódicos. Como tampoco lo eran las gacetas semanales españolas (La Gaceta de Madrid) o las francesas como "La Gazette" o "Le Mercure Galant" del siglo siguiente. Es recién a inicios del siglo XVIII, en Inglaterra, cuando se puede rastrear la aparición de una publicación diaria que mereciese el nombre de "periódico".No, la defensa de la prensa como un elemento fundamental de la democracia liberal es algo decisivo porque tiene sus raíces en la aparición de las nociones delibertad de conciencia y de tolerancia en una Europa que las hizo suyas como forma de salir de los males de las guerras de religión y que están en la base de la secularización de nuestras sociedades modernas.Por ello, la primera idea de tolerancia aparece como "tolerancia religiosa". Aunque los Países Bajos y Ginebra fueron las sociedades que más tempranamente practicaron la tolerancia y ciertas formas de libertad de consciencia, quizás fue el edicto de Nantes, que autorizó la libertad de cultos en Francia -(al menos hasta que otro mandamás emperifollado lo revocase en 1685)-, el ejemplo más conocido de cómo Occidente fue estableciendo, en la noción de tolerancia religiosa primero y política después, las razones medulares por las cuales, en cualquier caso, la prensa ha de ser libre.En defensa de la tolerancia se suelen traer a colación dos textos muy conocidos: "A letter concerning tolerance" escrito por John Locke, y no por casualidad publicado en Holanda en 1689, y el "Traité sur la tolérance" (á l´occasion de la mort de Jean Calas") de Voltaire que data, a su vez, de 1763. Aunque ampliamente reconocidos como dos de las fuentes más notables de la necesaria libertad de conciencia que debe reinar en las sociedades modernas secularizadas, su fama posterior es algo desmesurada.El primer texto de Locke es, en realidad, bastante poco tolerante, se limita a propugnar la libertad de culto y está lejos de consagrar realmente la noción de libertad de conciencia. Prohibe explícitamente el ateísmo y le niega la libertad de culto a las religiones cuyos fieles "…se sometan ipso facto a la protección y servicio de otros príncipes…": en otras palabras, el texto deja explícitamente abierta la puerta para que se le niegue la libertad de culto a la Iglesia Católica en Inglaterra.Por su parte, la obra de Voltaire está estrechamente vinculada a un acontecimiento que hoy llamaríamos "de crónica roja" y de abuso de la justicia. La muerte, por suicidio, de un hombre en la ciudad de Toulouse, y la injusta ejecución como homicida, de un hugonote, Jean Calas, acusado de esa muerte y sentenciado por un tribunal católico. Aunque bastante más liberal que la Carta de Locke, el trabajo de Voltaire no organiza un abordaje general del problema de la libertad de conciencia y nunca se separa realmente del acontecimiento detonador de su "Traité". Como muchas veces en la obra de Voltaire, su texto es más una brillante polémica que una construcción teórica realmente sólida.En honor a la verdad, el primer autor -(desgraciadamente muy poco conocido en nuestras latitudes)- que efectivamente propone en su obra una argumentación a propósito de la necesaria libertad de consciencia y de la más absoluta tolerancia ante las opciones religiosas será el filósofo francés Pierre Bayle. En sus textos,"Pensées diverses sur la comète" (1683), "Ce que c´est que la France toute catholique sous le règne de Louis le Grand" (1686), "Addition aux Pensées diverses sur la comète" (1694), la "Réponse aux questions d´un Provincial" (1703) y la "Continuation aux Pensées diverses sur la comète", (1704) establecerá, contra católicos y protestantes, y aún en defensa del ateísmo, las bases filosóficas de la moderna libertad de consciencia y de la tolerancia religiosa que deben reinar en una sociedad moderna y secularizada.La libertad de expresión -(derecho inalienable del individuo establecido en el artículo 19 de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos de 1948)- tiene entonces como fundamento la libertad de conciencia y la necesaria certidumbre que la sociedad y la autoridad practican, efectivamente, la más absoluta tolerancia, en un principio religiosa y, modernamente, religiosa y política, para con las más diversas expresiones de los individuos. A su vez, la "libertad de imprenta", o"libertad de prensa", se tranforma en la manifestación práctica, en la concreción de toda esta secuencia de derechos que se le reconocen al individuo. A "contrario sensu": toda limitación a la libertad de prensa es una forma de cercenar la libertad de expresión, una manifestación de intolerancia y una violación a la libertad de conciencia.Nadie ignora que, en esta "sociedad de la información" en que vivimos-(que es bastante menos que una "sociedad de libre expresión")- hay fuertes grupos de interés y conglomerados corporativos que, especializados en "la información", no favorecen en nada ni la libertad de conciencia, ni la libertad de expresión, ni la tolerancia. Pero si algo está claro es que, en ningún caso, es la autoridad política la que debe auto-adjudicarse la potestad de evaluar la calidad del funcionamiento de la prensa. Esa es tarea de la ciudadanía.Estos populismos autoritarios latinoamericanos, que se han coaligado para erigirse en una suerte de "Inquisición Popular" destinada a decidir qué prensa es "buena" y qué prensa es "mala", están violando, abiertamente, no solamente la Declaración de los Derechos Humanos: están atropellando la democracia y las bases mismas de toda nuestra tradición política, cultural y filosófica.