Suchergebnisse

Shari'a and the nation-state -- Islamization and nationalism -- The constitutionalization of Shari'a -- The nationalization of Shari'a --The localization of Shari'a in Aceh

In any attempt to clarify ths problems generated by the writing of history, one is always beset by the difficulty of selecting a point of departure. This is particularly the case with the study of Malaysian history, by which term I mean Malaya, Indonesia, Borneo, and the Philippines. Close as we now are to a political Malaysia, this term is used here purely in the geographical sense.

State, Nationalism, and Islamization -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations and Acronyms -- List of Tables -- 1 Nationalism and Islamization: Is There a Causal Link? -- The Puzzle: Why the Islamization of Government? -- Lack of Political Legitimacy -- Weak, Heterogeneous State -- Presence of Popular Islamist Movements and Parties -- State Nationalism -- Religion and State Nationalism -- Islamization of Government -- Operationalization of Variables -- Measuring Islam's Role in State Nationalism -- Measuring the Islamization of Government -- Islam's Role in Turkish and Pakistani State Nationalism -- Research Design and Methodology -- Outline of the Book -- Implications -- Notes -- 2 Islam, Secularism and Constitutions -- What Is a Constitution? -- Constitution and Nation -- Turkish Constitutions -- The Early 1920s to the Mid-1940s -- 1921 Constitution -- 1924 Constitution -- The Late 1940s to Late 1970s -- 1961 Constitution -- The Early 1980s to Late 2000s -- 2010 Onwards -- Pakistani Constitutions -- The Late 1940s to Late 1960s -- 1956 Constitution -- 1962 Constitution -- The Early 1970s to Late 1990s -- Legal Framework Order, 1970 -- 1972 Interim Constitution -- 1973 Constitution -- 1999 Onwards -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 3 Islam and National Symbols -- Turkish National Symbols -- The Early 1920s to Mid-1940s -- The Red National Flag -- State Emblem -- The Two Turkish Anthems -- Presidential Emblem and Flag -- Ankara: A Modern and Secular City -- The Late 1940s to Late 1970s -- Kocatepe (National) Mosque -- The Hittite Sun Monument -- Two Anniversaries: Reappropriation of Islamic Past -- Five Hundredth Anniversary Celebrations of Istanbul Conquest -- Nine Hundredth Anniversary of the Battle of Manzikert -- The Early 1980s to Late 2000s -- The Restoration of Mehmet Ersoy and Glorification of IM -- Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge

The structure of the state of Pakistan is based on Islamic ideology. Islam is the state religion under article 2 of the constitution of Islamic republic of Pakistan, (1973). There are significant attempts and efforts made for Islamization of laws, such as, the adoption of Objective Resolution, (1949). The bulk of the provisions of Islamic law regulate individuals as well as collective lives of the people. However, there are certain challenges. Islamization is urgent need of the Pakistani Muslims. An implementation and enforcement of the provisions of Islamic laws in true sense is essential for further progress in Pakistan. The role of the constitutional institutions for Islamization is significant for consideration having certain challenges in implementation. In this context, this paper specifically discusses the role of constitutional institution, the Federal Shari'at Court (FSC). It argues that the FSC has, more or less, contributed for Islamization of laws in Pakistan and there are certain challenges in terms of its application. It analyses the judgments of the FSC and describes its powers and procedural challenges for Islamization of laws. It further highlights the jurisdiction of the FSC and pendency of the cases in Shari'at Appellate Bench is questionable. The paper concludes that although legislature and in particular FSC have contributed for Islamization of laws and for constitutional development but still implementation of laws and Court decisions is a big challenge.

The paper traces the historical unfolding of the Islamization strategy during Mubarak's reign. It examines and compares the practices constituting this strategy and the State's reaction to it. The relational approach adopted in this study gives weight to structured agency through analyzing how ideational and organizational levels interact. It evaluates the political efficacy of counter-hegemony as a political strategy, bringing to the forefront its practical, as well as its theoretical limitations.

This chapter provides an overview of the effects of research on women and gender in the Islamic world, as it relates to the study of Islamism (Muslim fundamentalism, or political Islam), and Islamization. Most of the literature on this phenomenon overlooks women altogether, or reduces their import to the question of modesty and Islamic dress. The gendering of the "political" sphere continues, while the scholars of women and gender in the region debate other issues and develop new research agendae in their own intellectual ghetto.

The article focuses on the analysis of the situation of religious minorities in Pakistan in the light of strengthening of radical Islamism observed in recent years. Most of the country's population are Sunni Muslims. Religious minorities include Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, Ahmadis, and others. The legal norms formed over the years of independence, in conjunction with legislative acts that have been in force since the British colonial period, define the specific and a kind of segregated status of these groups. Pakistani parties frequently used issues of religious affiliation and the legal status of non-Muslims in the internal political struggle. In addition, religious minorities have often fallen victims to the aggression of the Islamist extremists. In these conditions measures taken by the Pakistani authorities towards confessional minorities become significant as they largely reflect the mood in Pakistani society of a certain period. Today we are witnessing another phase of growth in Islamic sentiments in Pakistan caused not least by the Taliban (which is considered a terrorist organization) takeover in neighboring Afghanistan. The adherence to Islam and Islamic traditions demonstrated by the government of Imran Khan and the Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf party, which he leads, also has an effect. As a result, the authorities are creating new organizations aimed at bringing various aspects of public life in line with Islam. These factors cannot but influence the position of religious minorities and may create obstacles for the development and implementation in practice of legal norms to regulate certain spheres of their life. It is difficult to expect soon any significant efforts by the Pakistani authorities to improve in practical terms the situation of religious minorities.