Suchergebnisse

Victim participation in a politicised process : the Karama victims' association and the search for justice in transitional Tunisia / Simon Robins and Houcine Bouchiba -- Breaking the racial taboo : black Tunisian activism as transitional justice / Housa Mzioudet -- From the streets up : youth leadership of informal processes to transitional justice in Tunisia / Lawrence Robinson -- Transitional justice, contentious politics, and the struggle for the right to work / Saerom Han -- Making and remaking the past in post-revolutionary Tunisia : the uses of history in Transitional Justice Information Classification : General / Simon Robins, Kora Andrieu, Ahmed Aloui, Wahid Ferchichi and Hajer Ben Hamza -- The politics of technical assistance : international involvement in Tunisia's transitional justice process / Alicia Pastor y Camarasa -- Overlooking women's lived realities : How Tunisia's Truth & Dignity Commission dealt with the hijab ban / Tine Destrooper and Safa Belghith -- The private sector and the anticorruption discourse in the Tunisian transition : Carthage was not destroyed / Taygeti Michalakea -- Transitional Justice in Tunisia and colonial legacy / Elham Kazemi -- Reparations in post-revolution Tunisia : at the intersection of innovation and politicisation / Simeon Gready -- Conclusions : learning from the Tunisian experience / Simon Robins and Tine Destrooper.

Call for Papers for a Special Issue of the International Journal of Transitional Justice. Deadline: June 1, 2023

Chapter 1: Human Rights and Transitional Justice -- Chapter 2: Chilean recent history -- Chapter 3: Searching for the Truth -- Chapter 4: Reparations for the victims -- Chapter 5: Memorialising and Commemorating -- Chapter 6: Investigating and condemning the perpetrators -- Chapter 7: "Never Again" and guarantees of non-repetition.

Observers have argued that the window of opportunity allowing for the adoption of transitional justice methods in Eastern Europe had closed by mid-1990s, both because by then the public had lost interest in the topic and because former communist officials and secret political police officers retained their political clout and it to block an honest reassessment of the recent past. However, it was only toward the end of the decade that Poland adopted lustration, opened secret archives and investigated a number of communist-era atrocities, proving that, if there is political will, justice delayed might not amount to justice denied. This article examines three methods post-communist Poland has employed in order to come to terms with the communist past -lustration, secret file access and court proceedings- and offers four different explanatory factors that, when taken together, can explain the country's reluctance to pursue the politics of memory more resolutely.

Th is article questions whether transitional justice can deliver social change. Th e author discusses the importance of re-assessing expectations so that transitional justice processes and the legal framework that drives them, including international human rights law, are used to achieve what they are able to deliver. By classifying social change in three categories, namely: ordinary changes, structural changes and fundamental changes, the author argues that a fundamental social change happens when social struggle is able to put forward a new dominant ideology inspired by radically different values to those that allowed the repression or the conflict to take place. While it is not realistic to expect transitional justice to deliver development, democracy, rule of law or peace, the author argues, transitional justice, when properly conducted, can indeed contribute to deliver fundamental change but it cannot deliver it on its own.

A focus on understanding and managing the reactions of affected populations has led to hybridity's being an important part of the discussions about, and applications of, transitional justice. However, despite the presence of "resistance" as a component in theories of hybrid peace, there is limited in-depth theoretical or empirical work on resistance to transitional justice. Th e content of this article addresses this gap in two main ways. First, it asks what we can learn from theories of hybrid peace about resistance to transitional justice. Second, it proposes a particular approach to resistance that would allow for a more dynamic and ultimately more useful understanding of resistance to transitional justice. Th e argument presented here states not only that we must seek to understand the nature of resistance as a part of hybridity, but we must do so by analyzing the relational process through which acts come to be defined as resistance.

Introduction / Elias O. Opongo and Tim Murithi -- Election Financing and Violence: Implication for Transitional Justice in Nigeria, Kenya and Sierra Leone / Elias O. Opongo -- Media and Electoral Violence in Kenya and Nigeria: Holding Journalists Accountable in Transitional Justice Processes / Joseph Olusegun Adebayo -- Electoral Systems, Election Outcomes and Legal Frameworks: A Challenge to Transitional Justice Process in South Sudan, Rwanda and Uganda / C.A. Mumma-Martinon -- Youth and Electoral Violence in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo: Establishing Political Accountability in Transitional Justice contexts / Patrick Hajayandi -- Women in Politics: Gender, Security and Transitional Justice in Electoral Processes in Africa / Lanoi Maloiy -- Electoral Observation and Transitional Justice in Southern Africa: A Comparative Analysis of Zimbabwe and Angola / Clever Chikwanda -- The International Criminal Court and Electoral Justice in Kenya and Côte d'Ivoire / Elias O. Opongo -- Transitional Justice and the Mitigation of Electoral Violence through Amani Mashinani Model in Uasin Gishu County, Kenya / Susan Mbula Kilonzo -- Electoral Processes as Platforms for Transitional Justice: Rethinking Governance Systems in Africa / Tim Murithi -- Conclusion: Elections, Transitional Justice and the Way Forward / Tim Murithi and Elias O. Opongo.

Why are certain responses to past human rights violations considered instances of transitional justice while others are disregarded? This study interrogates the history of the discourse and practice of the field to answer that question. Zunino argues that a number of characteristics inherited as transitional justice emerged as a discourse in the 1980s and 1990s have shaped which practices of the present and the past are now regarded as valid responses to past human rights violations. He traces these influential characteristics from Argentina's transition to democracy in 1983, the end of communism in Eastern Europe, the development of international criminal justice, and the South African truth commission of 1995. Through an analysis of the post-World War II period, the decolonisation process and the Cold War, Zunino identifies a series of episodes and mechanisms omitted from the history of transitional justice because they did not conform to its accepted characteristics.

The political-transition paradigm has been widely debated in the pages of the Journal of Democracy and elsewhere, but its idealistic younger sibling, the transitional-justice paradigm, has rarely been scrutinized so critically. This article argues that as the International Criminal Court runs out of steam, the heyday of transitional justice—with its clamor for more international tribunals and truth commissions—has passed. Whatever lawyers want us to believe, laws are made by people, and law cannot be morally superior to politics. In the aftermath of mass violence, we need a combination of serious historical research and pragmatic political solutions, not therapeutic legalism.