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This article introduces a theory on military role expansion in emerging democracies and poses a broad question: who wants the military to adopt which role in society and politics? Drawing on an original, nationally representative survey conducted in Tunisia, the article explores people's preferences for the military to remain a security provider or serve in government and contribute to policing protests. Findings reveal that public support for military role expansion is substantial and varies across political cleavages. We test hypotheses to account for cleavages driven by the country's authoritarian past versus partisan divides during Tunisia's transition to democracy. Findings indicate that popular support for military role expansion is driven by anti-system sentiments prevalent in contemporary Tunisian politics: while voters prefer the military as a role model for security provision, non-voters support its enhanced role in politics. These observations have ample implications for the research programs on civil–military relations and the dynamics of democratic consolidation. Tunisia's experience warrants greater attention to anti-system attitudes caused by people's disillusionment with democratic procedures. In turn, authoritarian legacies do not appear to play a prominent role during such challenging transitions toward democratic consolidation.

PurposePast literature on board research has centred on board structure and firm performance. Since empirical studies do not reveal a conclusive relationship between the two, attention has shifted towards board role performance. This paper aims to investigate this issue.Design/methodology/approachThe paper examines three conceptual models for the studying of board role performance: structure, process, and mediation.FindingsCurrent literature provides little consensus as to the specific configuration for effective board role performance.Originality/valueFirst, the study examines various aspects of board role performance. This is in contrast with previous research which largely investigates board role performance in general or under the dominant agency perspective which emphasises the board's monitoring role. Second, unlike traditional governance models, the role of board process is explicitly advocated here. Third, the three conceptual models regarding the relationship among board structure, process and performance give an alternative avenue for researchers to explain inconsistencies in past board research. They complement the growing interest in opening up the "black‐box" of decision making that has been manifested in studies involving top management teams.

There seems to be a broad consensus in Europe that there is a European Social Model (ESM), typical of European societies and that this model should be protected and developed. But the ESM is an ambiguous notion: is it a simple description of the actual state of European societies? Is this a normative concept? Is it consistent with contemporary evolution marked by economic globalization and liberalization? Is this a political project? Section 1 provides an assessment of 'the European Social Model'. This model has different patterns among EU-15 countries. The generally adopted classification (Esping-Andersen, 1990) sets out four social models in Europe: liberal, continental, Scandinavian and Mediterranean. Are the four models variants of a single ESM? Section 2 compares their economic and social performances. The best economic performances are obtained by the Liberals and the Scandinavian countries; Scandinavian countries have also the best social performance. The economic performances of continental model countries are poor. Are they condemned to evolue to the liberal model, or can they move towards the Scandinavian model? Can this model be implemented in all larger open, heterogeneous and with high unemployment countries? Section 3 discusses the need to adapt the ESM to new economic and social challenges: the ageing of populations, the rising trend in health spending, the change in family structures, the rising trend in social exclusion, the persistence of mass unemployment in some countries, of low fertility rates in some others. The section presents the actual debates, national or European, about reforms of pension system, health system, unemployment benefits, family policy and anti-poverty flight. Section 4 presents the actual situation of 'Social Europe'. This expression may refer to the current actions of European Institutions. It may also refer to a political project: increasing gradually the level of Europe's intervention in social fields. But the objective may be to 'modernise social protection', i.e. to ...

The article deals with the declining union density and shrinking coverage of collective agreements in most EU/EES countries, in particular in Eastern Europe and Greece. In many countries, international organizations pushed through "structural reforms" weakening trade unions. The result is declining union density and decreased capacity to conclude sectoral collective agreements and avoid downwards derogations at company level. Even in some core eurozone countries have governments without much of social dialogue carried through "internal devaluation" to restore competitiveness. High union density (Finland) or high union mobilization capacity (France) could not prevent this development. The economic performance of a country and degree of globalization, including the absence of a national currency, appear to be more important. The Swedish (and Nordic) model of self-regulation, resting on negotiations between the labour market parties, contrasts sharply to French state regulation with its high frequency of state extension of collective agreements and minimum wages set by the state. Union density in Sweden is still among the highest in the world but has declined considerably the last twenty years, in particular among the rapidly growing share of foreign-born blue-collar workers. As a small, strongly export-dependent country dominated by large transnational groups, Swedish economy is very influenced by globalization. This has shifted the balance of power to the advantage of employers, and by that circumscribed the unions' efforts to achieve developing jobs and improved working environment.

"What Children see, Children do", role modeling is a momentous progression in child's life. All children have role model at some point in their lives. The point is who they see as their model. This may seem trivial whereas it creates an enormous impression on the impending behaviour and resolutions of the child. It is important for a child to have a social life. Peer and community may also affect the antisocial behaviour of a child. If a child is antisocial or excluded by the peer group, this may lead to stress, apprehension and downheartedness and may even shoddier psychological disturbances. This escalates the risk of crime among juveniles. There are various reasons for delinquency it can be psychological, economic, political and social. This paper tries to answer the questions, whether Juvenile Delinquency is a social issue and how it can be recognized in the teaching or learning environment and what are the implications of Juvenile Delinquency for teachers and students. It also analyses role modeling and parenting in the selected poems in the anthology titled Teen Poems from behind Bars poems written by youth at Denney Justice Center in Everett, Washington.

COVID-19 is a viral disease that is caused by Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARSCoV-2) which has no approved vaccine. Based on the available non-pharmacological interventions like wearing of face masks, observing social distancing, and lockdown, this work assesses the impact of non-pharmaceutical control measures (social distancing and use of face-masks) and mass testing on the transmission of COVID-19 in Nigeria. A mathematical model for COVID-19 is formulated with intervention measures (observing social distancing and wearing of face masks) and mass testing. The basic reproduction number, R_0, is computed using next-generation method while the disease-free equilibrium is found to be locally and globally asymptotically stable when R_0=70%) and the testing rate per day is poor (alpha_2 = 0,3). This implies that Nigeria will be able to halt the spread of COVID-19 under these two conditions. However, it will be easier to enforce strict compliance with intervention measures in the presence of poor testing rate due to the limited availability of testing facilities and manpower in Nigeria. Hence, this study advocates that Nigerian governments (Federal and States) should aim at achieving a testing rate of at least 0.3 per day while ensuring that all the citizens strictly comply with wearing face masks and observing social distancing in public.

Many studies tacitly view social knowledge use as a transaction between knowledge producers (social scientists) and decision makers (bureaucratic managers, judges), thus framing analysis within an implicit bipolar model of use. Although rarely explicit, such models do entail choices at different levels; they entail (1) methodological choices, (2) conceptual choices regarding how one will view social science's role in public decision making, and (3) choices among broader social philosophies. The choices at each level involve scientific as well as ethical judgments. This article explores an approach to evaluating such judgments. Suggestions for a broader definition of applied social science as praxis emerge from the analysis.

This note examines the role of macroeconomic models in the policy design process. It discusses some of the general issues that need to be addressed if macroeconomic models are to make an important contribution to the policy debate. More topically, it illustrates the role that can be played by using policy optimisation techniques on the National Institute UK model to examine some of the macroeconomic policy options currently facing policymakers.

Although ontologies are gaining more and more acceptance, they are often not engineered in a componentbased manner due to, among various reasons, a lack of appropriate constructs in current ontology languages. This hampers reuse and makes creating new ontologies from existing building blocks difficult. We propose to apply the notion of roles and role modeling to ontologies and present an extension of the Web Ontology Language OWL for this purpose. Ontological role models allow for clearly separating different concerns of a domain and constitute an intuitive reuse unit.