Suchergebnisse

Our main goal is to provide a preliminary, descriptive, and thematic overview of civic education courses in Serbia until 2020 from the perspectives of international political sociology, critical pedagogy and critical curriculum studies. After clarifying pertinent conceptual assumptions of curriculum analysis, we review the methodology employed to examine the curriculum. Firstly, our task is to describe how a civic education course in Serbia looks in relevant educational aspects. Secondly, we explore the role civic education plays in postsocialist and post-conflict Serbian society within the educational system and policies, considering transformative processes and reconciliation goals. Among the main findings, we emphasise the inadequacy of the initial phase of implementation of civic education in Serbia. There is insufficient recognition in the broader public regarding the cosmopolitan and social justice values crucial for generating a democratic political culture.

AbstractThe authors analyse the economic position of households in Serbia during the recent social transition towards a consolidated capitalist society. Of central importance here is a determination of the overall population's economic position, with emphasis on the changes during the gradual consolidation of the capitalist order. The study is based on the analysis of statewide representative samples from three comparable research surveys conducted by the Institute for Sociological Research of the University of Belgrade – Faculty of Philosophy in 2003, 2012, and 2018. The analysis yielded results indicating that the economic position of households in Serbia, despite improvement during a recent period of capitalist consolidation (2018) when compared to an earlier period marked by a cyclical economic crisis (2012), is still lower than it had been during the first years of the country's accelerated postsocialist transformation (2003).

The context of the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only with the processes specific for all postsocialist countries, such as the loss of traditional securities or the renaissance of "disintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but also with specific postwar processes. Since this has resulted in complex mediation between individual & collective behaviors, the youth of the 1990s in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation; with the gap between the wish for security & the possibilities for development, they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving material, cultural, & biographical resources. Skeptical about their own future, they tend primarily to provide for their everyday basic needs & declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private space, & free time. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.

The context of the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only with the processes specific for all postsocialist countries, such as the loss of traditional securities or the renaissance of "disintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but also with specific postwar processes. Since this has resulted in complex mediation between individual & collective behaviors, the youth of the 1990s in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation; with the gap between the wish for security & the possibilities for development, they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving material, cultural, & biographical resources. Skeptical about their own future, they tend primarily to provide for their everyday basic needs & declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private space, & free time. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper gives a comparative overview of inter-generational mobility in 7 countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Serbia, at an early stage of postsocialist transformation. The analysis was based upon surveys organized in these countries in 1993. Basic findings show that a great social and economic transformation does not lead to a great structural mobility. The processes of formation and reproduction of the strata of political and economic managers and small entrepreneurs to some extent make an exception in this sense. These processes are marked by higher openness as compared to other strata. In such a comparative framework Serbia appears to be structurally the most closed one, more closed even than other countries that could be classified as countries with a blocked transformation (Bulgaria and Russia). Very high self-reproduction of managerial and middle strata make an essence of the low mobility of the Serbian society.

The article uses a constructivist reformulation of the question "when is a nation?" as a parameter of comparison for the analysis of nationalist discourses on history in postsocialist Lithuania & Georgia. It shows that Lithuanian nationalists, by means of a critical reassessment of national history, described the nation as something that still had to be created, whereas Georgian nationalists referred to the unchallenged image of a glorious past & so treated the nation as something to be simply picked up from history. It is also argued that these diverging historiographical narratives correspond to different conceptualizations of the notion of the nation. While Lithuanian nationalists conceptualized the nation in the tradition of the French Revolution as a category that aims at the reconfiguration of state-society relations, Georgian nationalists identified it with traditional modes of organizing social relations. Adapted from the source document.

The context ot the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only by the processes specific for all postsocialist countries such as the loss of the traditional securities or the renaissance of the "desintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but with the specific post war processes. Since it results with the complex mediation between the individual and collective behaviours the young people of the nineties in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation. Finding themselves in the gap between the wish for security and the possibilities for development they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving the material, cultural and biographical resources. Sceptical towards their own future they primarily tend to provide for their everyday basic needs and declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private sphere and free time. (SOI : PM: S. 193)

Discusses the ethical barriers to development in countries whose institutions have not quite adjusted to the needs of capitalism. It is argued that at a given stage of market development, the market forces will either impose behaviors & moral codes that further sustain the development of capital markets or will be defeated. The defeat may lead a country back to precapitalism, which will jeopardize any further development. In postsocialist economies, large sections of society are unprepared to apply the rules of advanced capitalist markets. Resistance to market becomes an obstacle to the building of institutional ethics & transparent markers. Only openness to foreign competition & foreign demand for higher ethical standards in business can help the adjustment of economic & legal institutions to the requirement of advanced markets. The Italian case illustrates the contradiction between institutional backwardness & market dynamism in which the catalyzing factor was foreign competition. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Introduction. In Medias Res: Who Will Control Cuba's Digital Revolution? / Ted A. Henken -- PART I. History, Media, and Technology -- The Past, Present, and Future of the Cuban Internet / Larry Press -- Historical Itineraries and Cyclic Trajectories: Alternative Media, Communication Technologies, and Social Change in Cuba / Edel Lima Sarmiento -- PART II. Politics -- ICT, State Power, and Civil Society: Cuban Internet Development in the Context of the Normalization of Relations with the United States / Olga Khrustaleva -- Ghost in the Machine: The Incompatibility of Cuba's State Media Monopoly with the Existence of Independent Digital Media and the -- Democratization of Communication / Alexei Padilla Herrera and Eloy Viera Cañive -- The Press Model in Cuba: Between Ideological Hegemony and the Reinvention of Civic Journalism / Carlos Manuel Rodríguez Arechavaleta -- Digital Critique in Cuba / Marie Laure Geoffray -- PART III. Journalism -- From Generación Y to 14y medio: Beyond the Blog on Cuba's Digital Frontier / Ted A. Henken -- Independent Journalism in Cuba: Between Fantasy and the Ontological Rupture / Sara Garcia Santamaria -- Perceptions of and Strategies for Autonomy among Journalists Working for Cuban State Media / Anne Natvig -- Independent Media on the Margins: Two Cases of Journalistic Professionalization in Cuba's Digital Media Ecosystem / Abel Somohano Fernández and Mireya Márquez-Ramírez -- PART IV. Business and Economy -- Online Marketing of Touristic Cuba: Branding a "Tech-Free" Destination / Rebecca Ogden -- "A Una Cuba Alternativa?" Digital Millennials, Social Influencing, and Cuentapropismo in Havana / Jennifer Cearns -- PART V. Culture and Society -- Without Initiation Ceremonies: Cuban Literary and Cultural E-zines, 2000-2010 / Walfrido Dorta -- Images of Ourselves: Cuban Mediascapes and the Postsocialist "Woman of Fashion" / Paloma Duong

The present article explores the dynamics behind Czech radical-right leader Tomio Okamura and his Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) party's frequent criticism of the West. It argues that their attacks on the West should be seen as not only a critique of liberal democracy but also a denunciation of the post-socialist socio-economic and political order in Central and Eastern Europe. The transition from socialism to liberal democracy in this region has closely tied the concept of liberal democracy to 'the Western model', turning discussions about the West into debates about the post-1989 transition. Using a qualitative analysis of social media communication and drawing on the insights of critical discourse analysis, the article shows how Okamura and his party use their denunciation of the West to fight against both the Western liberal democratic model and the Czech post-socialist regime. By doing so, they tap into postsocialist tropes and challenge the West–East hierarchy of knowledge. The Czech case sheds light on the regional specificity of radical right movements in Central and Eastern Europe and how their anti-Western, anti-liberal stance is influenced by issues related to the post-1989 transition.

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

Contributing to the ongoing debate on decentering science, technology, and society (STS) from Western contexts, this article elaborates on and reconsiders Wen-yuan Lin and John Law's proposal for correlative STS ("A Correlative STS" 2014). Like them, we empirically draw on Chinese medicine (CM) and its relation to biomedicine, but we explore the modes by which CM was enacted in the historical, political, and sociomaterial settings of socialist and postsocialist Central Europe. We show that not only specific correlations but also correlativity itself—as the ontological stance of the actors—are situated and can shift. Our argument regarding STS is twofold. First, while Lin and Law argue that STS needs to develop an appropriate mode of betrayal when translating across ontological differences from a source language to a destination language (Western analytics), we show that in our case an ethnographer cannot find any single source language. Consequently, we argue that STS should study actors' modes and moves of betrayal and their doing ontology as an open process. Second, unlike Lin and Law, who postulate the Chinese mode of international as "subtle" and "minimalist" and an alternative to the Western mode (Lin and Law 2013), we argue that with the rise of China and the changing world political economy, STS needs to be more attentive to dominating expansions that come from non-Western locations as much as from the West.

The forms of contemporary society and politics are often understood to be diametrically opposed to any expression of the supernatural; what happens when those forms are themselves regarded as manifestations of spirits and other occult phenomena? In Not Quite Shamans, Morten Axel Pedersen explores how the Darhad people of Northern Mongolia's remote Shishged Valley have understood and responded to the disruptive transition to postsocialism by engaging with shamanic beliefs and practices associated with the past. For much of the twentieth century, Mongolia's communist rulers attempted to eradicate shamanism and the shamans who once served as spiritual guides and community leaders. With the transition from a collectivized economy and a one-party state to a global capitalist market and liberal democracy in the 1990s, the people of the Shishged were plunged into a new and harsh world that seemed beyond their control. 'Not-quite-shamans'-young, unemployed men whose undirected energies erupted in unpredictable, frightening bouts of violence and drunkenness that seemed occult in their excess- became a serious threat to the fabric of community life. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in Northern Mongolia, Pedersen details how, for many Darhads, the postsocialist state itself has become shamanic in nature. In the ideal version of traditional Darhad shamanism, shamans can control when and for what purpose their souls travel, whether to other bodies, landscapes, or worlds. Conversely, caught between uncontrollable spiritual powers and an excessive display of physical force, the 'not-quite-shamans' embody the chaotic forms-the free market, neoliberal reform, and government corruption-that have created such upheaval in peoples lives. As an experimental ethnography of recent political and economic transformations in Mongolia through the defamiliarizing prism of shamans and their lack, Not Quite Shamans is an attempt to write about as well as theorize postsocialism, and shamanism, in a new way