Suchergebnisse

The following pages represent a stubborn attempt to place the debate in the academic and practical seat it deserves. It is about specifying the conceptual and methodological bases of the electoral systems, linking them with the Chilean reality of its binominal system, arriving at suggestions for the necessary constitutional and legislative decisions that allow or provide a framework for its necessary reform. ; Las páginas que siguen representan un porfiado intento para situar el debate en el sitial académico y práctico que merece, Se trata de precisar las bases conceptuales y metodológicas de los sistemas electorales, vinculándolas con la realidad chilena de su sistema binominal, arribando a sugerencias para las necesarias decisiones constitucionales y legislativas que permitan o le otorguen marco a su necesaria reforma.

Democracy has been acknowledged as the most widely accepted form of government. But, its institutionalization depend on the successful conduct of credible, free and fair election, which gives democratic government legitimacy. Unfortunately, conduct of credible, free and fair election has been eluding Nigerian nation. Corruption is one of the major impediments to successful conduct of election and entrenchment of democratic values. It is on this note that the paper attempt to examine the conduct of elections in Nigeria. The paper, appraised the factors that promote corruption in the electoral system. It also suggests way out.

This paper deals with the issues of transformation of the electoral system of Georgia since 1990 to present. The issues of political parties' representation at the supreme legislative body based on the results of the parliamentary elections at various times are also discussed. There are used the legal sources as well as the opinions of different political actors and representatives of non-governmental organizations and etc.

A FEW YEARS AGO, A WORKING PARTY WAS SET BY THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY TO EXAMINE DIFFERENT ELECTORAL SYSTEMS, AND TO MAKE SUITABLE RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT, A EUROPEAN ASSEMBLY, AND FOR THE BRITISH SYSTEM OF GOVERNEMNT. VARIOUS FORMS OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION WERE CONSIDERED, AS WAS THE POSSIBILITY THAT THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT SHOULD RETAIN ITS PRESENT SYSTEM. THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT THE SUPPORT FOR THE EXISTING SYSTEM SHOULD NOT BE UNDERESTIMATED, YET THERE IS A GENERAL FEELING THAT SOME KIND OF CHANGE IS NECESSARY. IT CONCLUDES THAT IT WOULD BE RIDICULOUS TO CONTINUE A DEBATE ON WHETHER TO EXCHANGE AN OLD SYSTEM FOR A NEW, IF THE OUTCOME IS TO DEPEND ENTIRELY ON THE NEW.

This article is based on a survey of popular attitudes towards the pure list system that is South Africa's proportional representation electoral system. While the reported findings are broadly positive there are some notable exceptions, located disproportionately among racial minorities and also among sizable numbers of black respondents. Pure proportional representation is unlikely to produce the values that the respondents say they most want from a voting system. The significance of the survey's findings is analysed and reasons are advanced for making changes to the electoral system. The government has opted to retain the status quo for the time being but in the longer term this could be negative for South Africa's democracy.

Varieties of gerrymandering and malapportionment can appear not only in electoral systems where all legislative seats are allocated to plurality winners in single-member districts but also in proportional Single-Member District (SMD)–based electoral systems and in settings where multi-partisan committees draw the district boundaries. This article investigates such a case, in which the main parliamentary parties collaborated in order to minimize the uncertainty regarding intra-party allocation of seats. The 2008 electoral reform in Romania created such opportunities, and both the SMD maps and the electoral results at the parliamentary election held in the same year indicate that the parties collaborated to design a number of safe seats for each of them. We draw on a novel data set that measures the degree to which the newly created SMDs reflect natural or artificial strongholds of concentrated partisan support in otherwise unfavorable political territories, and also assess the malapportionment of these districts. All three types of mechanisms were frequently used, and our logistic regression analyses indicate that nomination from the "right" type of SMD was the main factor deciding which of each party's candidates got elected. The statistical analyses are complemented by a qualitative investigation of the political composition and design of 9 SMDs.

Introduction Once the reformation of suffrage (see Reform #1) is accomplished – laying down the foundation of enlightened democracy –, the transformation of the united Europe's (henceforward Republic of the United Europe or RUE) political system is the next priority. As any political system is complex and their institutions are interconnected, I am going to […]
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A 'time democracy' is defined as a system in which each party's share of votes cast determines the fraction of the electoral period during which it is to exercise executive power. The structure of the legislative body & the length of the electoral period are to be established by the constitution. Some problems in implementing this system are explored. 4 References. Modified HA