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Since its arrival in Solomon Islands in July 2003, the Australian Government-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) has made a number of significant achievements, including restoring peace in the nation and discipline to the budgetary

This article investigates the applicability of the influential economics of civil war literature to the case of the conflict which occurred in Solomon Islands between 1998 and 2003. It is argued that a modified version of the greed thesis resonates with particular aspects of the situation in Solomon Islands, particularly during the latter phases of the conflict when a variety of actors, including politicians, businessmen and ex-militants, were clearly benefiting from the instrumentalisation of violence and disorder. The underlying causes of the conflict have much to do with historical patterns of uneven development which have created overlapping boundaries of social-economic inequality and ethrticity. As is the case with other recent armed conflicts in Melanesia, issues of land, identity, ethnicity and socioeconomic justice were central to the conflict.

In this paper we begin by defining and examining the concept of police building. Its historical precedents and contemporary forms are briefly reviewed, showing a variety of motives and agendas for this kind of institution building. We argue that police building has been a relatively neglected dimension of nation- and state-building exercises, despite its importance to functions of pacification and restoration of law and order. The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building. This politics is multilayered and varies from the formal to the informal. Using two case studies focusing on events in 2006 in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands, the reasons for the fragility of many current police-building projects are considered. In both cases, we argue, police capacity builders paid insufficient attention to the political architecture and milieu of public safety.

In this paper we begin by defining and examining the concept of police building. Its historical precedents and contemporary forms are briefly reviewed, showing a variety of motives and agendas for this kind of institution building. We argue that police building has been a relatively neglected dimension of nation- and state-building exercises, despite its importance to functions of pacification and restoration of law and order. The emerging literature on international police reform and capacity building tends to adopt a narrow institutionalist and universalistic approach that does not take sufficient account of the politics of police building. This politics is multilayered and varies from the formal to the informal. Using two case studies focusing on events in 2006 in Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands, the reasons for the fragility of many current police-building projects are considered. In both cases, we argue, police capacity builders paid insufficient attention to the political architecture and milieu of public safety.

This article considers claims, in the wake of coups in Fiji and the Solomon Islands in 2000, that the Pacific region is experiencing 'African'-style difficulties. It argues that the Africanisation thesis is analytically weak, internally inconsistent and empirically flawed. Data covering GDP per capita, literacy, schooling and life expectancy are explored, as are indicators covering coups, insurgencies and military involvement in politics. Claimed similarities between the role played by 'ethnicity' in driving conflict are considered, as are comparisons of the role played by the post-colonial state. In conclusion, the article looks at the underlying causes of conflict, and potential for future instability, in Melanesia.

This article considers claims, in the wake of coups in Fiji and the Solomon Islands in 2000, that the Pacific region is experiencing 'African'-style difficulties. It argues that the Africanisation thesis is analytically weak, internally inconsistent and empirically flawed. Data covering GDP per capita, literacy, schooling and life expectancy are explored, as are indicators covering coups, insurgencies and military involvement in politics. Claimed similarities between the role played by 'ethnicity' in driving conflict are considered, as are comparisons of the role played by the post-colonial state. In conclusion, the article looks at the underlying causes of conflict, and potential for future instability, in Melanesia.

In April 2006, rioting broke out in Honiara, Solomon Islands, following the parliamentary election of Snyder Rini. Occurring almost three years after the commencement of the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), the riots

In April 2006, rioting broke out in Honiara, Solomon Islands, following the parliamentary election of Snyder Rini. Occurring almost three years after the commencement of the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI), the riots

AbstractMelanesia is becoming a region of many partners, expanding diplomatic options and a new sense of independence. The wider context of the new Melanesian assertiveness is one in which China is a rising power and Indonesia is forging closer links with the western Pacific. The impetus to Fiji's new assertiveness arose from the diplomatic isolation imposed upon it by Australia and New Zealand after the 2006 military coup. Papua New Guinea's new confidence is founded upon its liquefied natural gas boom. Even Solomon Islands is expanding diplomatic connections. Regionally, the change can be seen in the Melanesian Spearhead Group, which now counts Indonesia among its members, and in Fiji's push for its own vision of Pacific regionalism. Australia and New Zealand nevertheless remain the indispensable countries in the region. Australia's commitment to Melanesia remains constant but without the bold initiatives and interventionist enthusiasm of the early RAMSI years.

Cover -- CONTENTS -- CONTEXT -- RECENT DEVELOPMENTS -- OUTLOOK, RISKS, AND VULNERABILITIES -- POLICY DISCUSSION: PRIORITIES FOR STABILITY -- A. Managing the Fiscal Position -- B. Monetary Policy and Exchange Rate Management -- C. Financial Stability and Governance -- PRIORITIES TO PROMOTE GROWTH -- A. Encouraging New Growth Areas and Structural Reforms -- B. Governance of the Logging and Mining Sectors -- C. Financial Inclusion in Support of Climate Change Adaptation -- D. Other Issues -- STAFF APPRAISAL -- BOX -- 1. Logging Developments -- FIGURES -- 1. The Cross-Country Context -- 2. Macroeconomic Developments and Outlook -- 3. Fiscal Indicators -- 4. Money and Credit Developments -- 5. Financial Access and Inclusion -- 6. Constituency Development Fund (CDF) -- TABLES -- 1. Selected Economic Indicators 2014-23 -- 2a. Summary of Fiscal Accounts (in millions of Solomon Islands Dollars) -- 2b. Summary of Fiscal Accounts (in percent of GDP) -- 3. Balance of Payments, 2014-23 -- 4. Summary Accounts of the Banking System, 2014-23 -- 5. Indicators of Capacity to Repay the Fund, 2018-27 -- 6. Alternative Policy Action Scenario 2018-21 -- APPENDICES -- I. Authorities' Response to Fund to Policy Advice -- II. SDGs Identified in the 2016-35 National Development Strategy (NDS) -- III. Risk Assessment Matrix -- IV. PPG External Debt Under Alternative Scenarios 2018-28 -- V. Economic Impact of the Loss of CBR -- VI. Public Investment Management Assessment (PIMA) -- VII. External Sector Assessment -- VIII. Financial Inclusion and Climate Change -- CONTENTS -- FUND RELATIONS -- RELATIONS WITH OTHER IFIS -- STATISTICAL ISSUES.