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A inicios del siglo V, Agustín: el escritor, el hombre de fe, el obispo, el maestro y el intérprete de una época de crisis se transformó en testigo, en valioso relator de las consecuencias sociales y políticas de la caída de Roma a manos de un jefe bárbaro y su sequito de guerreros. En ese contexto el escritor de Hipona construyo, con metódica paciencia una posición que hundía sus raíces culturales en el pasado romano de los tiempos tardo-republicanos y alto-imperiales. Es finalidad de este trabajo demostrar de qué modo dicho pensador urdió un discurso hegemónico ante el paganismo en decadencia y como interpreto la importancia de Roma y su historia pasada y la iglesia católica en su proceso de consolidación, como partes indisolubles del futuro de la Christianitas con capital en Roma. ; At the begining of the fifth century, Augustine, the writer, tha man of faith, the bishop, the master, the interpreter of a critical time, became a witness, a valuable teller of the social and political consequences of the fall of Rome at hands of a barbarian leader and his warriors courtiers. In those context the writer of Hippo built, patiently, a position that sank its cultural roots in the roman past of the late republic and the early empire.The aim of this work is to demonstrate how that thinker create an hegemonic discourse in front of a paganism in decadence and how he understood the importance of Rome, its past and the catholic church in its process of consolidation as indissoluble parts of the future of roman christianity. ; A inicios del siglo V, Agustín: el escritor, el hombre de fe, el obispo, el maestro y el intérprete de una época de crisis se transformó en testigo, en valioso relator de las consecuencias sociales y políticas de la caída de Roma a manos de un jefe bárbaro y su sequito de guerreros. En ese contexto el escritor de Hipona construyo, con metódica paciencia una posición que hundía sus raíces culturales en el pasado romano de los tiempos tardo-republicanos y alto-imperiales. Es finalidad de este trabajo demostrar de qué modo dicho pensador urdió un discurso hegemónico ante el paganismo en decadencia y como interpreto la importancia de Roma y su historia pasada y la iglesia católica en su proceso de consolidación, como partes indisolubles del futuro de la Christianitas con capital en Roma.

Usually considered in the american context, philanthropy is the subject of a growing number of studies in France also. We here examine non-profits that are dedicated to health sciences, at the juncture of two distinct fields: history of medical research and history of charitable foundations. Our first objective is to list and describe these organizations: their actions, functioning and economic models. The second one is to interpret their expansion since the end of the 20th century – the number of French foundations all types combined doubled in 15 years, as did their assets and expenditures. New legal forms were created, most notably the endowment fund («fonds de dotation») in 2008, as legislation in this field developed. By encouraging tools whose purpose is to collect private money, are public authorities initiating a form of disengagement, or at least a restructuring of their missions? The answer must remain nuanced, but it is notable that studying charitable funds and foundations places us at the heart of another field: history of State transformation, which we hope to shed some light on, by showing its implications for researchers, who are facing a growing complexity in science funding. ; Plus souvent étudiée dans le cadre états-unien, la philanthropie fait l'objet d'un nombre accru de travaux en France aussi. Il s'agit ici d'examiner les organismes à but non-lucratif se consacrant aux sciences de la santé, à la jonction d'une histoire de la recherche médicale et d'une histoire des fondations. Le premier objectif est de recenser et de décrire ces organisations : actions, fonctionnements, modèles économiques. Le deuxième d'interpréter leur essor depuis la fin du XXe siècle – le nombre de fondations françaises tous domaines confondus a doublé en quinze ans, comme leurs dépenses et leurs actifs. De nouveaux statuts ont été créés, en particulier celui du fonds de dotation en 2008, la législation dans ce domaine, de manière générale, s'étoffant significativement au cours de cette décennie. En encourageant ainsi les instruments visant à lever de l'argent privé, la puissance publique initie-t-elle une forme de désengagement, ou du moins un redéploiement de ses missions ? Si la réponse ne peut être que nuancée, il est notable que l'étude des fonds et fondations nous place au cœur d'une histoire des transformations récentes de l'État, sur laquelle elle ambitionne d'apporter un éclairage spécifique, en faisant voir notamment ses implications pour les médecins chercheurs, confrontés à une complexité croissante des modes de financement.

У статті обґрунтовано особливості діяльності Наркомосу на етапі розробки та прийняття Декларації «Про соціальне виховання дітей» (1920 р.). Систематизовано нормативно-правову базу, розроблену відділами та дорадчими органами Наркомосу з питань реалізації Концепції соціального виховання означеного періоду. Розкрито форми роботи державних органів, установ, закладів освіти щодо соціального захисту дітей, організації навчання та виховання в контексті реформування шкільної освіти в Україні. ; The article substantiates the peculiarities of the People's Commissariat activities at the stage of elaboration and adoption of the Declaration "On the social upbringing of children" (1920). The regulatory and legal framework developed by the departments and advisory bodies of the People's Commissariat on the implementation of the Concept of Social Education for the specified period is systematized. The forms of work on the level of state, institutions, educational establishments concerning social protection of children, organization of education in the context of school education reforming in Ukraine are revealed. The basic principles of social education in Ukraine were determined by the Declaration of the People's Commissariat of Education of the Ukrainian SSR "On the social upbringing of children" (1.07.1920). Questions of social education were closely linked to the political, economic, and social problems facing the country through the confrontation of various governments, parties, civil war, and foreign intervention. It all influenced the economy, welfare of the population, brought famine and devastation, changed the fate of many families, people, especially children. This situation of children directed the People's Commissariat of the Ukrainian SSR on the immediate adoption of measures and decisions on its solution. In general, the development of pedology and reflexology, the social nature of education, the environmental approach, theory and practice of the children's team, development of the theory of "dying out of the family" in the new ideological conditions and the inability of the family to implement the educational function, socio-economic, political, ideological, educational, cultural, state-building processes led to the substantiation in the country of the social education concept in the early 20's of the XXth century, which influenced the overall process of reforming education in the country under the leadership of the People's Commissariat of the Ukrainian SSR and contributed to create new types of education, development and implementation of forms and methods of educational work with children who faced the political, economic, social and cultural conditions of development of Ukraine.

International audience ; This report synthesizes all aspects of the taxonomy, distribution, history of introduction and spread, ecological constrains (including preferred climate, substratum and habitats), responses to biotic and abiotic factors, biology (including phenology, vegetative and reproductive biology), economic importance and human uses, ecological impacts, legislation and management of Carpobrotus N.E.Br. (Aizoaceae), a prominent invasive plant in Europe. Carpobrotus species are mat-forming trailing succulent perennial herbs native from South Africa, introduced in Europe for ornamental and soil stabilization purposes since the beginning of the seventeenth century, now widely naturalized on coastal habitats of southern and western Europe. C. acinaciformis and C. edulis are the main species recognized outside South Africa, together with their hybrids and potential hybrid swarms. Identification conflicts both in the native and invaded areas raise doubts on the taxonomy of these taxa, but hybridization processes may boost adaptive changes in the invaded range. The release of Carpobrotus in natural environments and protected areas is prohibited in several European countries, but this taxon is not included in the list of invasive species of Union concern. Carpobrotus is a pioneer of disturbed sites and coastal areas including cliffs and sand dune systems, due to its tolerance to stress factors such as salinity, drought and excess of light. Carpobrotus invasion ultimately affects patterns of native species diversity. Moreover, it has been recognized as a major driver of soil conditions shifts and soil geo-chemical processes disruptions, representing a serious threat for coastal habitats. Management plans for Carpobrotus must consider its high plasticity for morphological and ecophysiological traits, which may probably explain its tolerance to a wide range of ecological conditions. Its flexible mating systems, which represent an optimal strategy to facilitate local adaptation and habitat colonization, include ability to produce apomictic seeds, self-and cross-pollination, and an intense vegetative clonality. In addition, Carpobrotus produces a large seed bank with a moderate short-term persistence, and fruits are effectively dispersed by mammals. The most efficient control methods are physical removal and herbicide application on leaves, whereas integration of biological control with other conventional management methods are likely to be most effective. A long-term monitoring of control actions and restoration of soil conditions are needed to prevent recovering from clonal parts, seed bank or mammal faeces as well as potential new invasions by other opportunistic species.

Interculturality has constituted a dynamic of life in construction that allows the positioning of society framed in respect, promotion, equitable and equal exchange that is materialized through harmony and collective moments that build the Good Living and Living Well of the people ; a practice for the construction of an equitable world. Interculturality and Intercultural Communication has been conceived through coexistence, interaction, action to share values, way to establish links and relationships between people of different cultures, as an element of unity in diversity and the strengthening of the multicultural identities that inhabit the indigenous and afro-descendant peoples of Abya Yala. In the 21st century, the approach to Interculturality has become a challenge for those who see it as a discursive or political resource, since from the logic of the people rather than a concept; it is a way of coexistence of and for life, allowing the accompaniment of the ancestors, who guide the walking and living of each culture. While it is true, there are those who have adopted Interculturality as a political discourse; including governments, states, organizations and educational institutions that do not understand the essence of it, but paraphrase it with broad domain. ; La interculturalidad ha constituido una dinámica de vida en construcción que permite el posicionamiento de la sociedad enmarcada en el respeto, promoción, intercambio equitativo e igualitario que se materializa mediante la armonía y los momentos colectivos que construyen el Buen Vivir y el Vivir Bien de los pueblos; una práctica para la construcción de un mundo equitativo. La Interculturalidad y la Comunicación Intercultural se ha concebido mediante la convivencia, interacción, acción de compartir valores, modo de establecer vínculos y relaciones entre las personas de diferentes culturas, como un elemento de unidad en la diversidad y el fortalecimiento de las identidades multiculturales que habitan los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes de Abya Yala. En pleno siglo XXI el abordaje de la interculturalidad se ha convertido en un desafío para quienes la ven como un recurso discursivo o político, pues desde la lógica de los pueblos más que un concepto; es una forma de convivencia de y para la vida, permitiendo el acompañamiento de los ancestros, quienes guían el caminar y el vivir de cada cultura. Si bien es cierto, hay quienes han adoptado la interculturalidad como un discurso político; incluidos gobiernos, Estados, organizaciones e instituciones educativas que no entienden la esencia de la misma, pero que lo parafrasean con amplio dominio.

From the 1990's health administration became part of a regionalization movement resulting in the setting up of the regional health agencies. These structures, and the methods adopted to reorganize the regional steering of health matters, marked the importing into the heath sector of the trends involved in the renovation of the French administrative machinery.Throughout the 20th century, the « territorialization » of the public policies followed the tempo of a two-step waltz, with a mix of « deconcentration » and decentralization. It is therefore possible to question the place given to thelocal authorities in the steering of regional health matters. The specific investment made by some authorities, such as the former Nord-Pas de Calais Region, raises further questions.After having observed the place given to the local authorities in the health architecture, we will look into the reasons for this, especially as regards the "Region". In many respects the choices made do not appear to be in step with the legal and political dynamics on which decentralization, seen from a global standpoint, is based. We will try to understand the reasons behind this differential treatment of health issues, before looking ahead to what healthsector decentralization might be; i.e. in short, the completion of the health regionalization process. ; A partir des années 1990 l'administration sanitaire s'est inscrite dans un mouvement de régionalisation ayant conduit à l'installation des agences régionales de santé. Ces structures, ainsi que les méthodes choisies pour réorganiser le pilotage régional des affaires sanitaires, marquent l'importation dans le secteur de la santé des tendances ayant touché la rénovation de l'appareil administratif français.Tout au long du XXème siècle, la territorialisation des politiques publiques a suivi le tempo d'une valse à deux temps, mêlant déconcentration et décentralisation. Dès lors, il est possible de se questionner sur la place accordéeaux collectivités territoriales dans le pilotage sanitaire régional. L'investissement particulier de certaines collectivités, comme l'ancienne Région Nord-Pas de Calais, alimente d'ailleurs ces interrogations.Après avoir observé la place accordée aux collectivités dans l'architecture sanitaire, nous nous interrogerons sur les raisons pouvant expliquer celle-ci, tout particulièrement en ce qui concerne la Région. A bien des égards les choix opérés apparaissent à contre temps des dynamiques juridiques et politiques sur lesquelles s'appuie aujourd'hui la décentralisation, envisagée globalement. Nous essaierons de comprendre les raisons pouvant expliquer un traitement différencié des questions de la santé, avant d'envisager ce que pourrait être une décentralisation sanitaire ; c'est-à-dire, en somme, un aboutissement de la régionalisation sanitaire.

El artículo realiza un análisis de la normativa laboral que ha regulado la contratación de trabajadores temporeros durante las últimas décadas. Lo novedoso del trabajo resulta de su aplicación al sector frutícola. Los resultados obtenidos mediante el análisis de la normativa, de sus efectos y de entrevistas en profundidad, muestran que las condiciones laborales que ofrecen las campañas de recolección propician las fugas de los temporeros hacia otros sectores, a pesar de la progresiva adaptación de la legislación a las necesidades de las explotaciones frutícolas. Se observa que las diferentes estrategias de reclutamiento de mano de obra temporal han llevado a un proceso de sustitución entre jornaleros nacionales y extranjeros, muy condicionado a la coyuntura económica del momento. Con el cambio de siglo, las preferencias contractuales mostradas inicialmente por los empresarios frutícolas, que se basaban en la gestión colectiva de las contrataciones en origen, viran hacia el reclutamiento de jornaleros a través de la subcontratación y la prestación de trabajadores, como sería el caso de las ETT. ; The article performs an analysis of how labor legislation has regulated the hiring of temporary workers in recent decades. The novelty of the work is its application to the fruit sector. The results obtained through the analysis of the legislation, its effects and in-depth interviews, show that the working conditions that offer collection campaigns lead to leaks of the seasonal workers to other sectors despite the progressive adaptation of legislation to the needs of fruit farms. It is observed that the different strategies of recruitment of temporary labor have led to a process of substitution between domestic and foreign laborers, very conditional on the economic situation of the time. With the turn of the century, contractual preferences displayed initially by fruit businesspeople, which relied on the collective management of procurement at origin, port the recruitment of workers through subcontracting and the provision of workers, as it would be the case of the TEA (Temporary Employment Agencies). ; Este documento recoge parte del trabajo realizado por los autores en la ejecución del proyecto "Observatorio permanente de la inmigración de las comarcas de Ponent: estudio de los temporeros de las comarcas de la Plana". Dicho proyecto está financiado por la Diputación Provincial de Lérida y está siendo llevado a cabo por investigadores del Grupo de Investigación Análisis Social y Educativo (GRASE), Grupo de Investigación Consolidado (2014 SGR-307) de la Generalitat de Catalunya.

This book chapter is in closed access. ; It goes without saying that urban research has become increasingly global in its outlook. Irrespective of whether you are an urban geographer, urban sociologist, urban political scientist, urban historian, urban economist, favouring a qualitative, quantitative or mixed methods approach, the challenge that confronts researchers as they attempt to participate in and engage with our increasingly 'globalized' urban studies remains fundamentally the same – how to make sense of urban complexity. One quick and easy observation is that the quest to understand our globalizing and urbanizing modern world has seen urban scholars leave no stone unturned in the pursuit of new theory production. From Ananya Roy's (2009) call for new geographies of urban theory to understand the 21st century metropolis through to the emergence of a new critical urban theory (Brenner, 2009; Marcuse, 2009) and a more internationalized urban theory (Robinson, 2011a; Parnell and Oldfield, 2014) it is impossible to ignore how urban studies has been experiencing its own globalizing tendencies of late. One reflection of this is how the prefix 'global' has been attached to all manner of different urban ideas, concepts and processes. We can reflect how in the 1990s cities research, which traditionally focused on cities as part of national urban systems, gave way to a new wave of 'global cities' research examining how cities are connected into international circuits of capital accumulation and political decision-making in globalization (Sassen, 1991; Taylor and Derudder, Chapter 3; Neal, Chapter 4; Acuto, Chapter 7). We can see how in the 2000s erstwhile spatial concepts such as the 'city-region' became reimagined and rejuvenated as 'global city-regions' (Scott, 2001), while classic urban processes such as gentrification and suburbanization were recast as global urban processes through the lenses of 'global gentrifications' (Smith, 2002; Lees et al., 2015) and 'global suburbanisms' (Keil, Chapter 12). The transition from 'cities' through 'globalizing cities' to 'globalized urbanization' is today being extended as urbanization is increasingly reframed as a planetary process through notions of 'planetary urbanization' (Brenner, 2014; Katsikis, Chapter 2) and 'planetary gentrification' (Lees et al., 2016; Shin, Chapter 10). But what, we ask, can be said about the current state of empirical research and the methodological approaches we possess for doing global urban research? And what does it actually mean to do global urban research?

En los últimos tiempos los archivos personales han adquirido una presencia notoria en el mundo archivístico. El conjunto de documentos resguardados a lo largo de los años por las personas, adquieren mayor valor si el personaje formó parte también de un escenario institucional, académico, político, de investigación o de gestión. Es el caso del archivo personal del historiador Ernesto J. A. Maeder (1931-2015), quien fue una de las fguras más destacadas de la historiografía del Nordeste argentino, desde mediados de los años '60 del siglo XX hasta su fallecimiento en el año 2015. Sus estudios, además de haber aportado a la investigación, contribuyeron a la sistematización y edición de numerosas fuentes desconocidas para la construcción de la historia rioplatense colonial, como así también del período independiente y contemporáneo de la Argentina. Luego de su fallecimiento, dicho archivo fue donado por su familia al Núcleo de Estudios Históricos Coloniales del Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas del CONICET, sede en la que trabajó durante tres décadas. En este artículo se presentarán las características de dicho archivo, que aunque está en vías de organización, ofrece una riqueza que debe ser conocida por el público académico e interesados, con el fin de ser utilizado para la investigación científca.Abstract In recent times personal archives have acquired a notorious presence in the archival world. The set of documents protected over the years by people acquire greater value if the character was also part of an institutional, academic, political, research or management scenario. This is the case of the personal archive of the Ernesto JA Maeder (1931-2015), who was one of the most outstanding fgures in the historiography of Northeast Argentina, from the mid-60s of the 20th century until his death in 2015. His Studies in addition to having contributed to the research, to the systematization and edition of numerous unknown sources for the construction of the colonial Río de la Plata history, as well as the independent and contemporary period of Argentina. After his death, this fle was donated by his family to the Núcleo de Estudios Históricos Coloniales IIGHI Conicet, headquarters where he worked for three decades. In this article, the characteristics of said fle will be presented, although it is in the process of being organized, it o?ers a wealth that should be known by the academic and interested public, in order to be used for scientifc research.Key words: historiography, archive, argentine history.

An unprecedented political crisis hit Congo-Kinshasa in the aftermath of its independence. This five-year crisis undermined national cohesion and territorial integrity. In 1965, the High Command of the Republic, under the leadership of General Mobutu, seized power by force as an interim measure to end five years of chaos and anarchy. This coup was favorably welcomed within the country since the new regime promised to restore state authority, territorial integrity, and national cohesion. Nevertheless, the evolution of the regime worried the national opinion. The regime developed a hegemonic political culture, mainly the supremacy of the party, the Popular Movement of the Revolution, with its tendencies to integrate all the organs of the State: a unique youth, a single union, a single party, under the control of the regime. In the absence of a constituted opposition, the regime having suppressed all the political parties and repressed all opposition, the Congolese Catholic world challenged the regime and became a counter-power. The thesis shows that the reaction of the Congolese Catholic world is a sufficient proof that Mobutu's regime did not have the popular approval: Mobutu is presented as one of the greatest autocrats of the 20th century. ; Une crise politique sans précédent frappa le Congo-Kinshasa au lendemain de son indépendance. Cette crise qui dura cinq ans compromettait la cohésion nationale et l'intégrité territoriale. En 1965, le Haut-Commandement de la République sous la direction du général Mobutu prit le pouvoir par la force comme mesure provisoire pour mettre fin à cinq ans de chaos et d'anarchie. Ce coup de force fut favorablement accueilli à l'intérieur du pays puisque le nouveau régime promettait de restaurer l'autorité de l'Etat, l'intégrité territoriale et la cohésion nationale. Néanmoins, l'évolution du régime inquiéta l'opinion nationale. Le régime développa une culture politique hégémonique, notamment la suprématie du parti, le Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution, avec ses tendances intégrantes de tous les organes de l'Etat : une jeunesse unique, un syndicat unique, un parti unique, sous le contrôle du régime. En l'absence d'une opposition constituée, le régime ayant supprimé tous les partis politiques et réprimé toute opposition, le monde catholique congolais contesta le régime devenant ainsi un contre-pouvoir. La thèse montre que la réaction du monde catholique congolais prouve à suffisance que le régime Mobutu n'a pas eu l'assentiment populaire que cela pouvait paraître : Mobutu est présenté comme un des plus grands autocrates du 20e siècle. ; (HIAR - Histoire, art et archéologie) -- UCL, 2018

The objective of the current thesis will be to address the threat of bioterrorism, which essentially is the use of biological weapons by a violent non-state actor, ΑΚΑ a terrorist group. The academic community is at odds with the political elite in assessing the risk of biothreat. The academic community relies on empirical data, or lack thereof, to classify the threat as "low risk" but "high impact", meaning that it is considered unlikely to happen, but if it does happen the consequences will be disastrous and far-reaching. That is not the case with policy-makers all over the world, who in the past year have augmented spending earmarked for the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), which include biological weapons, and civil protection. This difference of opinions stems from the responsibility to protect the public. Governments cannot simply ignore the risk of biological terrorism, because it ranks low on probability. The odds of a terror attack coming from the skies were also astronomically high, but three civilian aircrafts were hijacked and kickstarted the "War on Terror", which continues to this day. In a shifting and uncertain volatile environment, where the enemy is fighting with an ever-changing and evolving arsenal, decision-makers simply do not have the luxury to ignore threats to national and international security. This thesis attempts to support the idea that the risk is real and present, looming over unprepared societies, which may be hit without prior notice by something far more deadly and terrifying than anything in a conventional arsenal. The first part will attempt to explain the science behind biological weapons: what kind of technical know-how is required and what kind of equipment is needed to succeed in the creation of such weapons. The second part will present the historical aspect of state-run biological programs from the earliest recorded uses all the way to the 21st century. The third part will assess the risk of a terrorist organization acquiring weaponized pathogens, examining both previous incidents and theories developed on the matter. The fourth part, will address all the systemic vulnerabilities that were identified throughout the thesis, by laying out a detailed policy proposal that covers the national emergency response system, all efforts by the international community to deal effectively –to a certain extent- with the issue, along with the fundamental 1972 Convention, and intelligence services.

In the article D. Paliiv's scientific studies on the military history of Ukraine of the ХХ century, first of all, the history of the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, November revolution of 1918 on the West Ukrainian lands, participations of Galician army in the Ukrainian-Polish war of 1918 – 1919, and the Ukrainian national-liberation movement in Poland in 1921 – 1939 are subjected to a due consideration. The value of a creative work of D. Paliiv for the development of the domestic military history is shown. ; У статті проаналізовано наукові студії Д. Палієва з воєнної історії України ХХ ст. Показано цінність його творчого доробку для розвитку вітчизняної військової історичної науки, визначено його внесок в історіографію визвольних змагань України першої половини ХХ ст.Загалом науково-мемуарну спадщину Д. Палієва (386 позицій) можна умовно згрупувати у такі проблемно-тематичні блоки: історія легіону Українських січових стрільців (1914 – 1918); Листопадова національно-демократична революція 1918 р.; Галицька армія, її участь в українсько-польській війні 1918 – 1919 рр.; український національно-визвольний рух у Польщі міжвоєнного періоду (1921 – 1939); українська проблема у роки Другої світової війни.Важливі військово-політичні висновки Д. Паліїв будує на основі дослідження Визвольних змагань 1914 – 1921 рр. Історичні події, що відбувалися в Україні в зазначений період, простежуються вченим у низці публікацій. Торкаючись питання про державотворчі можливості Галицької армії, він доходить висновку, що її тимчасові перемоги (Вовчухівська операція, Чортківський наступ) пояснювалися ініціативою кількох вищих старшин та енергією стрілецтва за відсутності теоретичних здібностей і практичного досвіду Начальної команди. Значна кількість праць Д. Палієва присвячений формуванню праворадикального табору національно-визвольного руху, зокрема політичним передумовам створення та ідеологічним засадам діяльності Фронту національної єдності (ФНЄ). Д. Паліїв прагнув також узагальнити західноєвропейську філософську думку ідеалістичного спрямування другої половини ХІХ ст., до чого він заохочував редакцію журналу «Перемога».У статті проаналізовано погляди Дмитра Палієва щодо початку Другої світової війни. Коли розпочалась радянсько-німецька війна, він стояв на тому, що українці повинні взяти в ній участь, і то не як партизани, розбиті на різні групи, а як вишколена військова одиниця. Військово-політичний досвід та історичні традиції української державності 1917 – 1920 рр. залишилися, на думку Д. Палієва, недооціненими і, значною мірою, недослідженими, хоча їх вистачило б, щоб виховати цілі покоління державно мислячих, творчих особистостей. Основною умовою відродження української державності він вважав соборно-територіальну і політичну єдність суспільства. Спираючись на історичний досвід 20–30-х рр. ХХ ст., Д. Паліїв робить висновок: здійснення стратегічної мети – відродження незалежної соборної України – залежатиме, в першу чергу, від геополітичної ситуації в Європі, а також стосунків із сусідами і великими державами.

Il contributo affronta il tema del conflitto costituzionale sorto intorno alla questione dell'indipendenza catalana. Vengono indagate le sue radici storiche, dalla nascita del catalanismo politico nell'ultimo quarto del XIX secolo all'istituzione dell'estado autonómico con la costituzione del 1978. Vengono altresì sottolineate le ambiguità mantenute dalle forze politiche circa i fini da perseguire e il modo di intendere il concetto di autonomia (integrazione della Catalogna nello stato spagnolo o preludio all'indipendenza). Accanto a tali cause più remote, si individuano le cause più prossime della crisi nella seconda ondata di riforma degli statuti e nella nota sentenza del Tribunal constitucional sullo statuto catalano, avvertita dai nazionalisti catalani come una provocazione. Ci si sofferma quindi sulle intricate vicende che hanno coinvolto le istituzioni catalane e quelle centrali, segnatamente il Governo e il Tribunal constitucional, mostrando l'inadeguatezza della chiave di lettura che fa leva sull'antinomia tra legittimità e legalità costituzionale e svolgendo dove opportuno dei rilievi comparativi. Le conclusioni suggeriscono una soluzione politica del conflitto attraverso una valorizzazione del principio federale, tale da contemplare anche elementi di asimmetria. Esse sviluppano inoltre alcune osservazioni critiche sull'impiego del diritto penale da parte dei giudici spagnoli e sull'impatto europeo della crisi catalana. ; The essay deals with the constitutional conflict arised around the issue of the independence of Catalonia. Its historical roots are examined, from the origins of Catalan nationalism at the end of the XIXth century up to the foundation of the estado autonómico in the 1978 Constitution. The ambiguities of Catalan political parties are underlined, with regard to their aims and the meaning given to the concept of autonomy (integration of Catalonia into the Spanish state or anticipation of independence). More recent causes of the Catalan crisis are identified, such as the second wave of statute reform and the judgment of the Tribunal constitucional on the Catalan statute. The article then analyzes the thick sequence of events which engaged the Catalan institutions, the central Government and the Constitutional Court, rejecting the explanation that resorts to the antithesis of legality and legitimacy. Comparative remarks are made where appropriate. In its conclusions, the essay suggests a political resolution of the conflict with due regard to the federal principle, including some elements of asymmetry. It also evaluates critically the European impact of the Catalan crisis as well as the extensive use of criminal law by the Spanish judges.

As the most dominant subject matter in the history of Chinese art, landscape representation has undergone many alternations in its form, theme, function, and context of application since its emergence as an independent artistic genre in the tenth century. For a long time, this subject of art has favored the portrayal of mountains and rivers as the key visual motifs for self-cultivation or meditation. However, during the nation-building era of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s and the early 1960s, landscape depictions began to characterize a new visual and spatial-temporal order, earning what official art critics of the time called "the New Landscape." Prior scholarship tends to consider such representations as the by-products of contemporary cultural policies, resulting in very little research that critically investigates the visuality of those images and their functions as an instrument for shaping viewers' conceptions and interpretations of the public image of their nation-state.This dissertation examines the function of the New Landscape as a site for political imagining during the art historically overlooked period known as "The Seventeen Years" (1949-1966) of the People's Republic of China. Unlike most scholarship which primarily examines the era's depiction of landscape within the medium of Chinese ink painting, I investigate it across different visual media and textual sources, under the critically understudied angle of imagining. This work examines the New Landscape by major art producers—including, but not limited to, painters from the Jiangsu Traditional Chinese Painting Institution in Nanjing, woodcut artists from the nation's collective farm in Beidahuang, and filmmakers of the Changchun Film Studio in Changchun. By critically investigating how the visual construction of their landscape arts connected to the political interpretation of the spatiality and temporality of the state's history surrounding the portrayed site, my research argues that the New Landscape served to reconfigure viewers' conceptions of the revolutionary past, socialist present, and communist future of the Chinese state. Thereby, the New Landscape served as a public art for managing the vision and the political envisioning of the viewers during the arduous process of Chinese socialist nation-building. This research intervenes in Chinese art history through its strong emphasis on the connections between landscape representation and political imagining, illuminating how the depiction of space in art could trigger affective responses in the viewer in the context of nation-building.

"Co-Opting the Border: The Dream of African American Integration via Baja California" examines the emergence and fall of Little Liberia, an African American community in Baja California, Mexico. The Little Liberia community members saw possibilities for facilitating change in the social and economic system of the United States by existing outside its borders. The manuscript combines African American history, Black studies, and borderlands history themes and methods. Established in 1917 by elite members of the Los Angeles Black community, and later joined by wealthy African Americans from Oklahoma, the community's initial goal was to change social and economic racial inequality in the United States by becoming an agricultural source for California while its members physically lived in Mexico. Its founders envisioned the border as a resource that could enable African Americans to gain access to U.S. markets and economic networks while dwelling in a nation that would not subject them to the injustices of the U.S. racial order. As time went on, the community's leaders also proposed an African American-Mexican co-owned bank, a sanatorium, a hotel, and local trade systems to supplement cross-border commerce. The community, however, eventually succumbed to pressures from international politics emanating from the Mexican Revolution and U.S.-Mexico relations, and from economic challenges and internal mismanagement of the community, which led to its eventual closure a decade after it began. A few members, however, lived out the rest of their lives in Baja California or kept contact with Mexican political leaders for decades after the experiment ended. The Lower California Mexican Land and Development Company's community, nicknamed Little Liberia, provided African Americans the opportunity to work together with Mexicans in Baja California to enact social change. Little Liberia community members built on other movements at the time, such as Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association, that attempted to connect Blacks socially, economically, and politically throughout the world. Little Liberia's creators interpreted the border as a malleable space that could allow physical and economic mobility, while circumventing the negative effects of the United States' racial system. The ways these African Americans envisioned the border between the United States and Baja California, the social and political relationship between the two locations, and the community member's roles as Americans in Mexico drastically differed from the White filibusters in Mexico in the last half of the nineteenth century. This shift in thinking may not just be one of racial difference, but also of changing ideas about the border between California and its Baja counterpart.