Suchergebnisse

Artikel ini membahas argumen historis, filosofis, dan sosiologis perjuangan penegakan syariat Islam oleh Komite Penegakan Syariat Islam (KPSI). Secara historis, proponen pendukung KPPSI menyakini bahwa ide perjuangan syariat memiliki akar historis yang kuat di daerah ini. Begitu pula argumen filosofis dan sosiologis. Tetapi, meskipun benar bahwa argumen-argumen yang mendasari keinginan untuk memberlakukan syariat Islam itu sebagian besarnya dapat dibenarkan secara normatif, namun kenyataan bahwa secara politik tidak terdapat situasi yang dapat diinterpretasikan sebagai alasan pembenar yang mendasar untuk menuntut gagasan itu, menjadikan gagasan tersebut masih sebatas wacana. Apalagi, jika kemudian perjuangan ke arah itu ditempuh lewat mekanisme politik dengan tuntutan adanya payung hukum berupa otonomi khusus, maka tampaknya gagasan tersebut terasa kurang populer. This article analyses the historical and philosophical-sociological arguments of the struggle for the enforcement of Islamic law by the Islamic Sharia Enforcement Committee (KPSI). Historically, proponents supporting KPPSI believe that the idea of the Shari'a struggle has strong historical roots in this area. The same goes for philosophical and sociological arguments. The arguments underlying the desire to enforce Islamic law are largely and normatively justified. However, this study has found out that there is no political situation that can be interpreted as a fundamental justification for demanding the idea makes the idea still a discourse. In fact, the struggle within KPSI's direction pursued through political mechanisms too, with the demand for a legal umbrella in the form of special autonomy. Therefore, the idea of the enforcement of Islamic law, the author argues, seems to be less popular.

Legislative studies can analyze parliamentarians' behavior through interactionist approaches: Schelling's work can be usefully mobilized to understand actors' coordination in the parliamentary arena and how they exchange political moves. The "fronde" within the Socialist Group during the 14th term (2012-2017) of the French National Assembly particularly lends itself to this type of approach. In a situation of relative crisis, of weakening of the reference points of party discipline and of uncertainty about the actions of their peers, deputies calculate the political costs of their potential dissent thanks to the positions of highly visible personalities who contribute to converging expectations. Conflict between government and a "rebellious" majority is a "limited conflict" between interdependent actors that can harm each other. ; Les études parlementaires peuvent analyser les comportements des élus au prisme d'approches interactionnistes: l'œuvre de Schelling peut être utilement mobilisée pour éclairer les échanges de coups politiques et les coordinations des acteurs dans l'arène parlementaire. La «fronde» au sein du groupe socialiste au cours de la XIVe législature (2012-2017) de l'Assemblée nationale française se prête particulièrement à ce type d'approche. Dans une conjoncture de crise relative, de fragilisation des repères de la discipline partisane et d'incertitude sur les actions de leurs pairs, les députés cherchent à calculer les coûts politiques de leurs potentiels votes transgressifs, grâce aux prises de position de personnalités particulièrement visibles qui contribuent à faire converger les anticipations. Le conflit entre le gouvernement et une fraction «frondeuse» de sa majorité relève des logiques de «conflits limités» entre acteurs interdépendants qui peuvent se nuire mutuellement.

En este trabajo se analizan algunas de las realidades que favorecieron el mantenimiento de la prohibición de importar trigo en España entre 1849 y 1869. A través del contraste de las series de precios del trigo con la información suministrada por las actuaciones gubernamentales, las discusiones parlamentarias y los documentos redactados por los diferentes grupos de presión, se pretende precisar la función del prohibicionismo en el comercio exterior del trigo. Se concluye que las ciudades del litoral podían importar trigo tan barato como el del interior. No obstante, dado el crecimiento de los precios del trigo desde 1853, existió un margen para sustituir la prohibición de importar trigo por el establecimiento de derechos arancelarios protectores. Sin embargo, la existencia de un bloqueo político constante impidió la realización de esa reforma arancelaria. Sólo cuando se produjo un cambio de régimen la prohibición pudo desaparecer. ; This paper analyses some factors that supported the Spanish ban to import wheat between 1849 and 1869. Through the study of the parliamentarian debates, the government documents, informs of the economic agents, and the series of wheat prices, the paper tries to fix the function of the ban to import wheat in the liberal regime. It is concluded that coastal cities could get foreign wheat as cheap as Spanish wheat. However, the ban could have been replaced with customs duties due to the increase of the wheat prices in the international markets. Nevertheless, the political obstacles subsisted and the reform failed. When the political regimen changed, the ban was repealed.

Cuba and Puerto Rico are the Latin American societies whose histories are most intimately connected with the political development of the United States as an imperial super power in the twentieth century. When the United States invaded both islands in 1898, they not only became central to the growth of economic control of the region by the United States, but the events of 1898 forever transformed political destinies and national identity. of the three companies. After 1898, imperial expansion did not notably improve the economic conditions of the lower classes in the United States, but it did provide a kind of ideological adherence through racialized and gender power that millions of European immigrants with little in common shared in celebrations of imperial whiteness in America ; Cuba y Puerto Rico son las sociedades de Latinoamerica cuyas historias están más íntimamente conectadas con el desarrollo político de los Estados Unidos como un super poder imperial en el siglo veinte. Cuando los Estados Unidos invadieron ambas islas en 1898, ellas no solo se volvieron fundamentales para el crecimiento del control económico en la región por parte de EE. UU, sino que también los hechos ocurridos en 1898 transformaron para siempre los destinos políticos y la identidad nacional de las tres sociedades. Después de 1898, la expansión imperial no mejoró notablemente las condiciones económicas de las clases bajas en los Estados Unidos, pero sí proporcionó una especie de adherencia ideológica a través de un poder racializado y de género que millones de inmigrantes europeos con poco en común compartieron en las celebraciones sobre la blancura imperial en EE. UU.

Arendt assess the importance of judging the public world as a necessary condition to achieve the power of citizenship. Having said that, this ability to judge must not be the result of manipulation, nor of any impromptu opinion; but of the applicability of Kant's judgment of taste to the political sphere. Arendt considers that the characteristics of Kant's judgment of taste should be applicable to the political sphere because: it broadens the margins of comprehension, built in the public sphere, it reveals the universal communicability of feelings, it is builted from intersubjectivity and not from the "truth", and it show that not everything is strategic, that the disinterested enjoyment of the aesthetic experience is humanly possible not only with respect to art, but with respect to humanity and to life itself. ; Arendt plantea la importancia de juzgar el mundo público como una condición necesaria para alcanzar el poder de la ciudadanía. Ahora bien, esta capacidad de juzgar no ha de ser resultado de la manipulación, ni de cualquier opinión improvisada; sino de la aplicabilidad del juicio del "gusto" de Kant al ámbito político. Arendt considera que las características del juicio del gusto de Kant deberían ser aplicables al ámbito político porque: amplía los márgenes de comprensión, se construye en el ámbito público, devela la comunicabilidad universal de los sentimientos, se construye a partir de la intersubjetividad y no de la "verdad", y deja ver que no todo es estratégico, que el goce desinteresado de la experiencia estética es humanamente posible no sólo respecto al arte, sino respecto a la humanidad y a la vida misma.

This article aims to analyze the conceptual differentiation between the processes of production and reproduction in this stage of development of the capitalist model from a gender perspective that allows to understand how the production process of urban space historically excludes women in terms of access to the city as a right in the terms explained by Ana Falú and will try, consequently, to reconstruct a possible methodological framework that facilitates the recovery of the daily life of women as a political experience located in the terms of Henri Lefebvre (1968). To do this, works will be taken up belonging to the field of Urbanism, as well as Political Philosophy, Sociology and Law, proposing a dialogue of knowledge for the approach of such a complex object of study. ; El presente artículo se propone analizar la diferenciación conceptual entre los procesos de producción y reproducción en esta etapa de desarrollo del modelo capitalista desde una perspectiva de género que permita comprender cómo el proceso de producción del espacio urbano excluye históricamente a las mujeres en cuanto al acceso a la ciudad como derecho en los términos explicados por Ana Falú e intentará, en consecuencia, reconstruir un posible marco metodológico que facilite la recuperación de la vida cotidiana de las mujeres como experiencia política situada en los términos de Henri Lefebvre (1968). Para ello, se echará mano a obras pertenecientes tanto al campo del Urbanismo, como de la Filosofía Política, la Sociología y el Derecho, para generar un diálogo de saberes para el abordaje de tan complejo objeto de estudi

This research is intended to discuss the illocutionary acts used in a speech mainly assertive. The writer attempts to analyze the categories of assertive illocutionary act occurs in the utterances of Donald Trump's political speech in last America's general election. This is a case study that employed a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The writer uses Ancont software to classify the data. The function of this software is to observe the frequent words occur in the data. Then, it shows that the total number of words that occurred in Donald Trump's speech is 3046 words. Through those numbers, there are 901 types of words. However, the data used is only the open classes instead of the closed class words or grammatical category. After reducing the data, the five frequent words which are categorized as an open class appeared are 'job', 'is', 'new', 'American', and 'are'. In this case, the data are analyzed based on the frequents words and the writer also reduces the data which are not categorized as assertive illocutionary acts. From the data analysis, it reveals that the categories of assertive illocutionary acts mostly appeared in Donald Trump's political speech are a statement of fact and assertion. Then, the dominant category used in the speech is a statement of fact containing a convincing. It can be concluded that most of the utterances used by Donald Trump are, besides attempting to represent himself, to convince the citizens supported by some facts about the issue that he believes to be the case in order to establish a positive perspective toward his arguments.

In many ways, the process of Europeanization has been running parallel to other processes, most prominently, that of globalization. While it appears that many of the changes, we see in the political landscapes of the member states can be attributed to the impact of the EU , it may also be the case that these are brought about by increased economic interdependence. The rise in popularity of niche parties and a hollowing out of alternatives with regard to economic policies are two of the most prominent effects that are found to be correlated with an increased participation in European integration. In this paper, I am assessing these claims against the alternative hypothesis, which places the causal power with globalization in general, rather than the integration specific to Europe. By employing matching techniques, I am providing a cleared picture of the dependence of the above mentioned domestic political outcomes on the parallel and often confounding processes of Europeanization and globalization. ; Proces europeizacije se u mnogim aspektima zbivao istovremeno s drugim procesima, poglavito s procesom globalizacije. Iako se čini da upravo Europskoj uniji možemo pripisati promjene kojima svjedočimo u političkim krajolicima država članica, moguće je i da su one posljedica povećane ekonomske međuovisnosti, odnosno globalizacije. Rast popularnosti stranaka novih političkih niša i nepostojanje alternative postojećim ekonomskim politikama dva su najvažnija ishoda koja koreliraju s većom uključenošću države u procese europske integracije. U članku autorica analizira ove tvrdnje suprotstavljajući ih alternativnoj hipotezi da je uzročnik spomenutih promjena globalizacija općenito, a ne integracije koje su specifične samo za Europu. Koristeći tehnike "uparivanja", autorica daje jasniju sliku povezanosti spomenutih političkih posljedica s istovremenim i često isprepletenim procesima europeizacije i globalizacije.

This research is framed within the political, social and cultural Chilean context on the end of the nineteenth century, where as a result of the process of linguistic standardization started in the middle of the century, a series of debates about language took place which resulted in the Chilean spelling reform. From an ethnorthographic perspective of glotopolitical studies we study the reformist period to analyze the language ideologies proposed by Chilean neographers, a group of intellectuals that defended an orthographic system even more rational, logical and radical than other systems proposed by other reformer of the time. These anarchists of letters practiced an unofficial phonematic orthography in order to realize a counterhegemonic ideological project that pretended to obtain a linguistic, political and social progress in Chile. ; La presente investigación se enmarca dentro del contexto político, social y cultural chileno de fines del siglo XIX, donde a raíz del proceso de estandarización lingüística iniciado desde la mitad del siglo, se llevaron a cabo una serie de debates sobre lenguaje que dieron lugar a la reforma ortográfica chilena. A partir de una perspectiva etnortográfica de los estudios glotopolíticos, estudiamos el periodo reformista para analizar las ideologías lingüísticas propuestas por los neógrafos chilenos, un grupo de intelectuales que defendió un sistema ortográfico aún más racional, lógico y radical que el propuesto por cualquier otro reformista de la época. Estos anarquistas de las letras practicaron una ortografía fonemática, no oficial, con la finalidad de concretar un proyecto ideológico contrahegemónico que pretendía alcanzar el progreso lingüístico, político y social en Chile.

Durante la minoridad de Carlos II tuvo lugar el asesinato del virrey de Cerdeña, el IV marqués de Camarasa. La historiografía de la Edad Moderna ha concedido poca importancia al reino insular debido a su papel subsidiario a nivel social y, sobre todo económico, dentro del entramado territorial de la Monarquía Hispana. Más allá del contexto sardo en que los especialistas se han movido habitualmente, nuestras investigaciones pretenden poner en relación este hecho histórico con los problemas internos por lo que atravesaba la Monarquía y el escenario político internacional. Además, el principal objetivo del presente estudio es analizar el papel que jugaron un grupo de religiosos sardos y la influencia específica de cada uno de ellos en el asesinato del virrey ; The assassination of the Viceroy of Sardinia, the fourth Marquis of Camarasa, took place before Charles II came of age. Little importance has been given to this insular kingdom by historiography of the Early Modern period due to its subsidiary social and particularly economic role within the web of territories that constituted the Spanish monarchy. This paper seeks to move beyond the context of Sardinia, which has hitherto been the focus of most scholarship on the subject, and relates this historic event to the internal issues faced by the Spanish monarchy at the time as well, as the international political backdrop against which it took place. In addition, the main goal of this paper is to analyse the political role played by a group of Sardinian religious and their specific influence in the assassination of the viceroy

Con este trabajo se analiza la labor de la Asociación del Desarrollo Sostenible y Solidario de la Región Sisalera del Estado de Bahía (APAEB-Valente) en la promoción del desarrollo local. La APAEB-Valente es una asociación constituida por pequeños agricultores que ha ampliado sus actividades más allá de los objetivos iniciales. En sus 30 años de existencia, la asociación ha crecido y se ha convertido en una organización más compleja. Su acción ha favorecido la autonomía de los pequeños agricultores para que no se queden al margen del proceso de desarrollo. Aun sabiendo que existen lastres políticos que dificultan el proceso de desarrollo autónomo, se observan efectivas modificaciones locales, tanto a nivel económico como social, condicionadas por la actuación de la APAEB. ; In this paper, the action of the Associação de Desenvolvimento Sustentável e Solidário da Região Sisaleira do Estado da Bahia (APAEB-Valente) –Association for Sustainable and Supportive Development in the Sisal Region of Bahia State– in promoting local development is analyzed. The APAEB-Valente is an association composed of small farmers who have expanded their activities beyond their initial goals. In its 30 years of existence, the association has grown and become a more complex organization. Its actions favor the autonomy of small farmers in order to prevent them from being totally apart from the development process. Although it is noticed that there are political mechanisms that hinder the development of autonomous processes, we have found effective local changes in both the political and economical realms, conditioned by the action of the APAEB. ; 214-225 ; nusiafs@hotmail.com ; fssilvafs@hotmail.com ; Semestral

El objetivo general de este trabajo consiste en presentar un estado del arte de la cuestión de la gobernanza en general, desde la Ciencia Política y las Relaciones Internacionales, para luego enfocarlo en la arena de la gobernanza ambiental y, más específicamente, en la referida a los recursos hídricos transfronterizos. Este artículo se realiza en el contexto de una investigación doctoral sobre la importancia de la gobernanza del agua para una gestión eficiente e integrada de la misma y, en especial, de aquellos recursos hídricos que cruzan fronteras físico-política-administrativas, con el acompañamiento de procesos participativos garantizados institucionalmente. La cooperación resulta un elemento clave para implementar soluciones que permitan fomentar una gobernanza efectiva de las cuencas compartidas.
Palabras clave: gobernanza del agua; gobernabilidad; gobernanza ambiental; gobernanza de aguas transfronterizas; cooperación.


Abstract: The general objective of this work is to present a state of the art of the question of governance in general, from Political Science and International Relations, to then focus on the arena of environmental governance and, more specifically, the transboundary water resources. This article is made in the context of a doctoral research on the importance of water governance for an efficient and integrated management of water, especially water resources that cross physical-political-administrative boundaries, with the accompaniment of participatory processes guaranteed institutionally. Cooperation is a key element in implementing solutions to foster effective governance of shared basins.
Key words: water governance; governance; environmental governance; transboundary water governance; cooperation.


Recebido em: outubro/2017
Aprovado em: maio/2018.

AbstractThe article presents an overview of the electoral politics of Punjab as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the oldest surviving state level party in India. It is argued that SAD has been the catalyst behind the major shifts in the politics of the post-partition state. Besides being the most successful party, apart from the Congress, since the state's reorganization in 1966, it has had statewide organizational presence. The Panthic party also receives attention, as it claims to be the legitimate custodian of the Sikh community's religious and cultural interests whenever they are perceived to be under threat, and not just their political interests. Post-militancy, the leadership of Badal has been instrumental in affecting a critical shift in the SAD agenda as it now seeks support based on its record at the front of development and governance rather than by evoking ethnic issues. Significantly, while SAD has retained its core social constituency of the rural Sikhs, it has also succeeded in reaching out to the urban Hindus, including the sizable dalits by following a regionalist populist agenda. Its long-standing alliance with the BJP, an urban Hindutva party, has helped the party broaden its support base. Emergence of AAP as the third credible alternative in what has long been a bipolar polity, with the political power remaining either with the Congress or with the SAD/BJP combine, has posed a fresh challenge to the long entrenched parties, most significantly the SAD which is no longer an ideologically driven cadre based driven movement party.

In order to determine the fundamental factors that have become the foundation of modern conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic the early stages of formation and development of the state on the territoryof modern-day Syria are analyzed. These processes are discussed in the context of socio-cultural transformations in the Middle East. The features of development of Syria in ancient times are also discussed, as well as Syrian role and place in international political processes of the early and late Middle Ages. The features of the socio-political situation in Syria, during its tenure as a part of the Arab Caliphate are considered, at the same time are the aspects of religious factors influencing the formation of Arab national identity as well as national identity of the Syrian in particular are analyzed. The specific character of development of Syria in Modern history, particularly in the context of regional dominance of the Ottoman Empire are determined. ; З метою виявлення фундаментальних чинників, що стали основою сучасного конфлікту в Сирійській Арабській Республіці, аналізуються ранні етапи формування та розвитку державності на території сучасної Сирії. Дані процеси розглядаються в контексті соціокультурних трансформацій у близькосхідному регіоні. Показано особливості розвитку Сирії в античний період, а також її місце і роль у міжнародно-політичних процесах раннього та пізнього середньовіччя. Досліджено особливості соціально-політичного становища Сирії у період її перебування у складі Арабського халіфату, а також проаналізовано специфіку впливу релігійного чинника на формування арабської національної ідентичності загалом та сирійської етнонаціональної ідентичності зокрема. Виявлені особливості розвитку Сирії у Новий час, зокрема у контексті її домінуючої ролі в регіоні Османської імперії.

The new bill reforming Italian citizenship law, as adopted by the Parliament in October 2015, has seen a new set of actors at the centre of the public and political debate: the second generations of migrants. Children of immigrants who were born and/or grew up in Italy have proven capable of influencing the political agenda through the use of innovative instruments to voice their concerns. The Authors shows how their proposals and activities were characterized by pragmatism, moderation despite some internal contradictions. ; El debate público y político sobre la propuesta de reforma de la ley sobre la ciudadanía en Italia, aprobada por la Cámara de diputados en octubre de 2015, ha involucrado a nuevos protagonistas, entre los cuales las así llamadas segundas generaciones, es decir los hijos de inmigrantes nacidos y/o crecidos en Italia. Estos últimos, con proyectos y medios a veces inéditos, han logrado influenciar la agenda política y hacer sentir su propia voz. Pragmatismo, moderación, y en algunos casos incluso contradicciones, caracterizan sus propuestas y acciones en relación a la reforma para la obtención de la ciudadanía. ; Il dibattito pubblico e politico sulla proposta di riforma della legge sulla cittadinanza in Italia, approvata alla Camera nell'ottobre del 2015, ha visto protagonisti nuovi soggetti, tra i quali le cosiddette seconde generazioni, ovvero i figli di immigrati nati e/o cresciuti in Italia. Questi ultimi, con strumenti e modalità talvolta inediti, sono riusciti a influenzare l'agenda politica e a far sentire la propria voice. Pragmatismo, moderazione, e in taluni casi, contraddizioni caratterizzano le loro proposte e attività in tema di riforma dei modi di acquisto della cittadinanza.