Suchergebnisse

Статья раскрывает происхождение и содержание терминов «образ врага», «доктрина Брежнева», «права человека», «свобода и независимость средств массовой информации», появившихся в годы «Холодной войны» прежде всего в практике западных СМИ и «заимствованных» постепенно в ходе 80-х годов советскими средствами массовой информации. Основное внимание автор уделяет истории происхождения и использования этих терминов, являющихся инструментами информационно-психологической войны, в пропаганде, направленной на население Советского Союза, а затем и России, анализирует их психологическое воздействие на общество с целью «размывания» официальной идеологии и пропаганды, переформатирование его сознания и переориентирование на систему западных ценностей, политических и мировоззренческих стереотипов. ; The article reveals the origin and content of the terms "enemy image", "Brezhnev's doctrine", "human rights", "freedom and independence of the media", which appeared during the "Cold War" especially in the practice of the Western media and "borrowed" gradually by the Soviet media in the course of the 80s. The author pays special attention to the history of the origin and use of these terms as a tool of information-psychological war, and propaganda aimed at the population of the Soviet Union, and then Russia; analyzes their psychological impact on the society with the aim of "washing out" of the official ideology and propaganda, reformatting its consciousness and reorientation on the system of the Western values, political and world outlook stereotypes.

This study titled analyzes loan to deposite ratio (LDR) at government banks and private bank in west Kalimantan. The problem is how the development loan to deposite ratio in state bank and private bank in west Kalimantan. While the purpose of this study is to analyzes the ratio of loan to deposite ratio at government banks and private banks. In this study the author uses descriptive research mhetod is done by collecting nominal to get an overview of the reseach result. Approach is the method used in this research is quantitative method, A process of discovering knowledge in the form of figures that tracks that find information about what we want to know. The amount of data used was eight years old in each quarter. The result showed that the level of development of LDR on government banks and private banks based safe limits its loan to deposite ratio of a bank is about 85% - 100% or according Kasmir safe limits for LDR according to government regulations is a maximum of 100. Then the state banks have the highest LDR figure of 89,30% and the lowest value of 79,90%. While private banks are still under the safe LDR value occurs only once in 2012 to the IV quarter with 88,3% LDR figure, While the lowest figure 61,2%

This paper situates the Phong Tuek Viṣṇu, a lesser-known Dvāravatī sculpture from western Thailand, in its archaeological and art historical context in order to demonstrate 7th to 8th century artistic and political connections across mainland Southeast Asia. The circumstances of the Viṣṇu's rediscovery in the early 1950s, as well as its subsequent "restoration" and preservation at Wat Dong Sak, are examined through reappraisal of documentary evidence, new field reconnaissance, interviews of local residents, and systematic examination of the sculpture itself. Detailed stylistic analysis and conjectural reconstruction of the sculpture's original appearance place the image within the broader development of the mitred Viṣṇu iconographic type known from sites throughout Southeast Asia. With particular emphasis on the details of the headdress and garment, specific comparisons are made to related sculpture from Thailand, Arakan (Myanmar), Preangkorian Cambodia, and the Cham civilization of Vietnam. The Phong Tuek Viṣṇu's idiosyncratic features and geographically dispersed stylistic relationships suggest a probable early 8th century date following the mid-to-late 7th century expansion of Khmer elites out of the Kampong Thom area of Cambodia. The Phong Tuek Viṣṇu, therefore, provides valuable testimony of a particularly intense period of interactions spanning mainland Southeast Asia from Arakan in the west to central Vietnam in the east.

International audience ; The European catfish, Silurus glanis, was widely introduced in western Europe, and it has now established self-sustaining populations in numerous large rivers of western France. Using data collected from surveys conducted by the French National Agency for Water and Aquatic Environment (Onema) from 1989 to 2010 in more than 500 sites throughout the country (10636 electrofishing surveys), we investigated the potential impact of the European catfish on fish communities in French rivers. In the first part of the analysis, we compared trends observed before and after the European catfish was established at given sites (before-after analysis). Species richness, evenness and diversity decreased significantly after the European catfish was established at 1.4%, 1.4% and 5.8% of the sites, respectively. Total fish biomass and density decreased significantly at 6.6% and 2.9% of the sites, respectively. In the second part of the analysis, we compared sites with European catfish against sites lacking European catfish during the same period (with-without analysis). Fish species richness was significantly higher in sites with European catfish. No significant differences in fish diversity, evenness, total fish biomass or density were found between sites with or without European catfish. While our results indicate that the European catfish may in a few cases impact fish communities or populations, it does not appear to be responsible for a countrywide collapse in fish assemblages.

In the Western Congo Basin, the Tri-National Dja Odzala Minkebe (TRIDOM) Landscape covers 178000 km² in south-east Cameroon, north-east Gabon, and north-west Republic of Congo. Almost 97% is covered by tropical rainforest and is globally important for the conservation of large mammals (elephants, gorillas, chimpanzees). TRIDOM is also an emerging iron ore province with 9 iron ore deposits currently being explored. Mining and associated infrastructure will, under a business as usual scenario, lead to the widespread fragmentation of this forest landscape. Developing these projects with no-net loss or net gain biodiversity objectives as a condition for access to finance offers opportunities but a landscape-level approach is needed to take into account, and mitigate, indirect and cumulative impacts. There are numerous technical challenges and policy implications to this as the development and implementation of a landscape-scale vision for conservation and development in the TRIDOM requires coordinated efforts by various sectors of government and mining companies, and legal and financial tools to secure long-term land-use rights across the various interacting sectors. In this context, there are lessons to be learned from the TRIDOM for other biodiversity-rich landscapes faced with large-scale land-based investments in mining, oil & gas or agro-industrial sectors.

Las protestas recientes en Hong Kong no son un brote aislado de reclamo popular como pretende hacer creer China Popular, ni un paso más de la rebelión popular reclamando mayor democracia, como aspiran grupos del antiguo enclave británico u otros mistifi cadores de revoluciones al Western style. Realizando un recorrido por las razones tras los reclamos que involucran un cuestionamiento a la democracia hongkonesa e interpretando la necesaria participación en la toma de decisiones por parte de la ciudadanía, valorizaremos las intenciones de China Popular con respecto a Hong Kong y la factibilidad de su programa de un país, dos sistemas. ; The recent protests in Hong Kong, are neither an isolated outburst of popular complaint as the People's Republic of China tries to make us believe, nor another popular demand for greater democracy, as is the wishful thinking of some groups in the ancient British enclave and believers in "Western style revolutions." Analyzing the reasons behind the questioning of the so-called "Hong Kong democracy" as well as the search for greater participation in decision-making, we will attempt to reveal and assess the intentions of the People's Republic regarding Hong Kong and the feasibility of the project called One country, two systems. ; 125-143 ; icejas@ula.ve ; Semestral

Within German-language International Relations we currently witness a debate that attempts to improve the quality of constructivist norm research. By broadening the perspectives the debate contributes to more intercultural depth of the field. Simultaneously they frustrate a critical evaluation of the research topic by applying a poststructuralist approach. Additionally the debate suffers from an implicit allocation of certain norm orders to certain geographies, namely the baseless assumption of the existence of distinct 'western' and 'non-western' norm orders. Critique requires the ability to discriminate. This presupposes the mature autonomy of a critic who aims at thinking beyond an apparent facticity. This is a characteristic of modern thinking. The difficulty is that critical norm researchers are embedded in preexisting norm orders. To meet this condition it is a minimum requirement for critics to disclose what they consider wrong. The possible result of a positivist post-hoc evaluation of empiric facts would only serve the affirmation of an existing reality. Making visible neglected inventories of knowledge and norms within constructivist norm research is necessary, but should avoid marginalizing those inventories of knowledge, that already experience marginalization by a certain group of marginalized groups. Qualified reasons exist to assume that anti-universalism is a popular tool to neglect or defame trans-cultural humanist norm orientations. Adapted from the source document.

Globalization remains the crucial trend of global development, and it is especially evident in economic sphere. Apart from it, political, informational and cultural globalizations are actively discussed. The rapid development of global market, initiated by the West, paradoxically, fostered redistribution of economic influence towards the non-Western countries and primarily to Asia. Therefore, the record of participation of BRICS states (China and India, primarily) in global processes is instructive. These two countries achieve significant developmental successes due to their integration in world economy without abandoning active participation of their government in regulation of economic and social activities. Analysis of the strategies adopted of other BRICS countries could appear quite useful for Russia. ; Глобализация остается определяющей тенденцией мирового развития, причем наиболее явно она проявляется в экономической сфере. Наряду с ней выделяются также политическая, информационная и культурно-цивилизационная глобализация. Стремительное развитие глобального хозяйства, инициированное Западом, привело к перераспределению экономического влияния — все большую роль в нем играют незападные, прежде всего азиатские, страны. В этой связи показателен опыт участия в глобализационных процессах государств БРИКС, прежде всего Китая и Индии. Эти две страны достигли существенных успехов в развитии за счет интеграции в мировую экономику без отказа от активной роли государства в регулировании общественных и хозяйственных процессов. Изучение стратегий партнеров по БРИКС представляет существенный интерес для России.

This paper explores the connection between Western feminism and Islamophobia in Norway through an analysis of the veiling legislation of Siv Jensen, the leader of the Norwegian Progress Party. I argue that this legislation is guilty of cultural imperialism because it racializes Muslims in general as inferior, and Muslim women as passive victims in need of white women's liberation. Jensen's feminism exemplifies "Islamophobic victimization" because it suggests that veiled women have no agency under the entrenched patriarchy of Islam. Disguised in feminist language, her veiling legalization construes Islam as inferior and reinforces a colonial master narrative. It is marked by a special concern for what Rey Chow calls "the 'subjectivity' of the other-as-oppressed-victim." Jensen's representation of Islam is Islamophobic in that it perpetuates negative stereotypes about Muslims and defines Islam as both inferior to, and incompatible with, Western culture. She asks a rhetorical question: "Are we going to be on the side of intolerant Islamic leaders who force women to wear the veil or are we going to be on the side of women who fight for greater tolerance and equality?" In doing so, she and her party demonstrate that unveiling is as much about saving Norway from Muslims as it is about saving Muslim women from Islam.

Ethnocultural diversity of the Russian Federation is not only an important component of its historical heritage but also a significant resource for development. However, a number of ethnic groups are on the brink of extinction. The aim of this study is to investigate the impact of changes in state and administrative borders on the territorial and demographic development of small ethnic groups. The article analyses the case of three Baltic Finnish peoples living in the Russian North-West and divided by borders of different levels: Karelians (Finland, the Republic of Karelia, and the Leningrad and Tver regions), Vepsians (the Republic of Karelia and the Leningrad and Vologda regions), and Setos (Estonia and the Pskov region). The analysis is based on the cartographic and statistical demographic data, as well as the results of a complex expedition made in summer 2014 in the Pechory district of the Pskov region. The results of the study show that the assimilation of peoples divided as a result of migration and di vision of their ethnic territory by political borders takes place at an accelerated rate. The study makes it possible to formulate certain recommendations and improve the measures to maintain the language and culture of ethnic minorities of the Russian North-West.

The paper concerns mythology, rites, philosophical tradition and other intellectual inspirations, which have influenced the Western culture's approach to the male-female dualism in social categories and the culture's attitude towards the phenomenon of androgyny. This male-female bipartite category and the occurrence of transgressing it, or not fitting it, is analysed in relation to divergent philosophical and sociological theories, like the thought of Claude Lévi-Strauss, Michael Foucault, Judith Butler, etc. The purpose of the paper is to expose – and search for the reason for – Western culture's ambivalent attitude towards androgyny: perceived either as something odd and stigmatized for not matching the traditional dichotomy in cultural categories, or a perfect dual-unity integrating the two polar opposites in one being. Straipsnyje susitelkiama ties mitologija, ritualais, filosofine tradicija ir kitomis intelektualinėmis inspiracijomis, turėjusiomis įtakos Vakarų kultūroje įsišaknijusiam požiūriui į vyriškumo ir moteriškumo dualumą socialinėse kategorijose bei kultūros pozicijai hermafroditizmo fenomeno atžvilgiu. Ši vyriškumo ir moteriškumo dvidalė kategorija bei jos pažeidimo ar neatitikimo atvejis analizuojami remiantis divergentinėmis filosofinėmis ir sociologinėmis teorijomis, pavyzdžiui, plėtojamomis Claude'o Lévi-Strausso, Michaelio Foucault, Judith Butler ir kt. Straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti ir nustatyti Vakarų kultūros ambivalentiškos pozicijos hermafroditizmo atžvilgiu priežastis. Hermafroditizmas suvokiamas arba kaip kažkas keista ir gėdinga, nes tai neatitinka tradicinės dichotomijos kultūros kategorijų požiūriu, arba kaip tobulas dvilypis vieningumas, sujungiantis vienoje būtybėje dvi visiškas priešybes.

In recent years, historians have slowly lost interest in depicting the Cold War as a unique ideological contest between the "real existing" socialist East and the capitalist West. In this spirit, this text examines the social practice of literary transfers, i.e., the exchange of literary works across borders. These transfers sought to physically restore an unraveled Europe that had come about as a result of the ideological and often personal division of Europe's (and Germany's) populations. Focusing on the practice of literary transfers across the Iron Curtain permits us to understand borders as symbolic spaces of the Cold War, although they had supposedly been hermetically sealed. Current research on opposition movements in Cold War Europe is still dominated by the widespread notion that oppositional phenomena in thegdrrepresent a research area distinct from other oppositional movements in the Eastern bloc. Possibly due to Germany's singular dividedness, this perception has often led to individual studies of oppositional phenomena, especially in the literary field, in the formergdr, thereby obscuring parallels in Central and Eastern Europe. As a critical response, this text distances itself from the division of the Soviet bloc's cultural history into irreconcilable geographical subareas. In doing so, it exemplifies literary transfers both across the German-German border as well as across the East-West Iron Curtain.

In the past decade, the European Union and its member states have invested heavily in a far-reaching, diffuse, and technologized border regime targeting the elusive figure of the clandestine or "illegal" African migrant. Taking the mismatch between these large investments and the statistically small number of overland irregular migrants as its starting point, this article explores the embodied effects of illegality engendered in the policing of the Euro-African borderlands. Based on fieldwork with West African police forces, aid organizations, and migrants, it focuses on the migration circuit between the Sahel and Spain, where a joint European response to irregular flows was first tried and tested under the umbrella of the EU border agency Frontex. By highlighting the means of detection used to apprehend "illegal migrants"—from bodily signs to presumed "intentions to migrate"—the article looks at how an increasingly reified and embodied modality of migrant illegality is produced on the circuit between West Africa and Europe's southern shores. This production of illegality crucially depends on the incentives offered to African forces for participating in European controls. Tensions among African officers over the unequal gains from such incentives and ambivalence over the rationale for controls, I argue, make the transnational policing of clandestine migration a fraught site of state investment and concern.

Until the later half of the twentieth century, Western studies of Chinese military thought have used as their source texts mainly the translations of the "Seven Military Classics," six of which were written before the Tang dynasty. Military scholarship in the later periods was deemed to lack the strategic weight of these venerated classics. However, the Ming dynasty witnessed several key developments in military affairs that have been documented in Chinese military texts. According to surveys of important Chinese military treatises written before the twentieth century, several Ming military texts are highlighted for their significant value to Chinese military history and tactics. Unfortunately, only a few such texts have full or partial translations in European languages to facilitate in-depth study by Western scholars. This paper provides an English translation of a key Ming military text that had hitherto been unavailable in the public domain to facilitate a more holistic understanding of China's military past. The source text is Qi Jiguang's Record of Military Training (Lianbing shiji練兵實紀) Part Two, Chapter 4, entitled "Oral Instructions from the Podium" (Dengtan koushou登壇口授). This chapter has been chosen for translation based on its significant documentary value and conceptual contributions in describing four themes of Qi's thoughts on military strategy: deliberate calculations, active defence, concentration of force, and combined warfare.

This article introduces René Girard's mimetic theory to examine the relationship between culture, religion and violence. It challenges the way the problem of religion and violence is narrowly conceptualised as a problem of 'religious violence' (i.e. religious terrorism and civil war). When the problem of religion and violence is constructed in this way, purportedly to take religion seriously, it does so by not taking culture or politics seriously. It is a limited conception since religion as a concept is always socially, culturally and politically contested, negotiated and constructed. It is not a neutral descriptor of a reality in the world, which causes violence under certain conditions. Moreover, this limited conception of religion fits what critical theorists call a problem-solving approach to theory. It ignores the fact that how, by whom and in whose interests the problem of religion and violence is constructed is itself a form of power in international relations. Therefore, the way the problem of religion and violence is constructed can be challenged as an example of the scapegoat mechanism in mimetic theory, and how it operates in the West as well as in the religion and violence in countries that are the object of Western foreign policy. This is demonstrated in two case studies: the invention of religious violence, and ethno-religious conflict in the Balkans in the 1990s.