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Intro -- Endorsements -- Half-title Page -- Dedication Page -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Phonological transcription conventions -- 1 Embodied meaning: A systemic functional perspective on paralanguage -- 1.1 Embodied meaning -- 1.2 Systemic functional linguistics -- 1.2.1 SFL: Theoretical parameters -- 1.2.2 Discourse semantics -- 1.2.2.1 Ideational discourse semantics -- 1.2.2.2 Interpersonal discourse semantic resources -- 1.2.2.3 Textual discourse semantics -- 1.3 Language development (ontogenesis) -- 1.4 Non-semiotic behaviour (somasis) -- 1.5 Embodied meaning (semiosis) -- 1.5.1 Paralanguage converging with sound (sonovergent paralanguage) -- 1.5.2 Paralanguage converging with meaning (semovergent paralanguage) -- 1.5.2.1 Representation (ideational semovergent paralanguage) -- 1.5.2.2 Evaluation (interpersonal semovergent paralanguage) -- 1.5.2.3 Information flow (textual semovergent paralanguage) -- 1.5.3 Multidimensionality (multiplying meaning) -- 1.6 Emblems -- 1.7 Overview of the chapters in this book -- 2 An ontogenetic perspective on paralanguage -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Pre-linguistic communication -- 2.3 The emergence of 'signs' -- 2.4 Protolanguage: The first semiotic system -- 2.5 The transition to language -- 2.6 Modelling adult paralanguage -- 2.7 Summary -- 3 The semiotic voice: Intonation, rhythm and other vocal features -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 An introduction to phonetics and phonology -- 3.3 Rhythm and salience -- 3.4 Tone -- 3.5 Tonality and tonicity -- 3.6 Other features of the semiotic voice -- 3.7 Analysing the semiotic voice: Prosodic and periodic systems in discourse -- 3.8 Conclusion -- 4 Ideational semovergence: Approaching paralanguage from the perspective of field -- 4.1 Representing experience -- 4.2 Entities.

TThis paper provides, trough different indicators, empirical evidence on the presumably high relevance of corruption in Italian politics and administration, providing an explanation of how this "obscure" side of Italian politics – a pervasive market for corrupt exchanges – has found its way to regulate its hidden activities within an informal institutional framework, i.e. systemic corruption. A general theoretical framework for the analysis of limits and "windows of opportunity" in Italian anticorruption policies will then be provided, crossing the degree of salience and politicization of corruption issue to explain how in different periods such variables shaped such policy arena. Finally, it will be shown how occasionally this dark side of Italian politics clashed with the clean side of politics, focusing on the reasons of the weak political accountability of Italian politicians involved in corruption scandals in the last decades.

Existing research on party behaviour has largely focused on the drivers of issue salience in direct party communication. However, less is known about party-issue linkages in election campaigns covered by the mass media, from which most voters get their information about party positions. Against this background, this article explores how two important drivers of issue salience in direct party communication - issue ownership and systemic salience - play out in the media. Based on considerations about the news value of specific party-issue associations, one would expect both relationships to be particularly important in the media. Despite substantial similarities in party-issue linkages across platforms, a comparison of manifestos and newspaper content reveals evidence for this claim. In particular, smaller parties are hardly covered in the news on issues they do not own, while large parties are especially covered on salient topics. These findings contribute to our understanding of issue competition in mediated environments.

Parties have an incentive to take up extreme positions in order to achieve policy differentiation and issue ownership, and it would make sense for a party to stress these positions as well. These incentives are not the same for all issues and all parties but may be modified by other strategic conditions: party size, party system size, positional distinctiveness and systemic salience. Using manifesto-based measures of salience and expert assessments of party positions, the findings in this article are that parties emphasise extreme positions if, first, they are relatively small in terms of vote share; second, the extreme position is distinctive from those of other parties; and third, other parties fail to emphasise the issue. These findings have consequences for our understanding of party strategies, party competition and the radicalisation of political debates. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractParties have an incentive to take up extreme positions in order to achieve policy differentiation and issue ownership, and it would make sense for a party to stress these positions as well. These incentives are not the same for all issues and all parties but may be modified by other strategic conditions: party size, party system size, positional distinctiveness and systemic salience. Using manifesto‐based measures of salience and expert assessments of party positions, the findings in this article are that parties emphasise extreme positions if, first, they are relatively small in terms of vote share; second, the extreme position is distinctive from those of other parties; and third, other parties fail to emphasise the issue. These findings have consequences for our understanding of party strategies, party competition and the radicalisation of political debates.

AbstractUnder what conditions is decentralisation a salient issue for state‐wide political parties? It is argued in this article that the extent to which state‐wide parties emphasise decentralisation depends on their strategic considerations: on their overall ideology, on the electoral incentives created by the context in which they compete, and on the interaction between the two. The results of the analysis of party manifestos in 31 countries since 1945 are as follows. First, parties that pay greater attention to cultural matters relative to economic matters tend to talk more about decentralisation. Second, the systemic salience of decentralisation also encourages parties to talk more about decentralisation. Third, the larger the regionally based ethnic groups within a country, the more salience all state‐wide political parties will attach to decentralisation. Finally, only parties that put greater relative emphasis on cultural matters tend to respond to the electoral threat of regionalist parties. The influence of territorial diversity on the salience of decentralisation thus works through two channels and is partly conditioned by political parties' ideological profile.

Under what conditions is decentralisation a salient issue for state-wide political parties? It is argued in this article that the extent to which state-wide parties emphasise decentralisation depends on their strategic considerations: on their overall ideology, on the electoral incentives created by the context in which they compete, and on the interaction between the two. The results of the analysis of party manifestos in 31 countries since 1945 are as follows. First, parties that pay greater attention to cultural matters relative to economic matters tend to talk more about decentralisation. Second, the systemic salience of decentralisation also encourages parties to talk more about decentralisation. Third, the larger the regionally based ethnic groups within a country, the more salience all state-wide political parties will attach to decentralisation. Finally, only parties that put greater relative emphasis on cultural matters tend to respond to the electoral threat of regionalist parties. The influence of territorial diversity on the salience of decentralisation thus works through two channels and is partly conditioned by political parties' ideological profile.

Past research has illuminated consistent patterns in the type of protests that receive media attention. Still, we know relatively little about the differential prominence editors assign to events deemed worthy of coverage. We argue that while media routines shape whether events are covered, mass media organizations, social institutions, and systemic changes are important factors in determinations of prominence. To examine patterns of prominence, this study analyzes the factors influencing page placement patterns of protests covered in the New York Times, 1960-1995. We find that (1) protests are less likely to appear prominently over time, but this effect is conditioned by the paper's editorial and publishing regime; (2) regime effects were especially consequential for civil rights and peace protests; (3) effects of event size and violence weakened over time; and (4) events embedded within larger cycles of protest coverage during less constricted news cycles were more likely to be featured prominently.

In light of the unexpectedly high turnout in the 2019 European Parliament election, we explore how major transnational policy issues mobilize voters in European electoral contests. Based on the analysis of two data sets, the Eurobarometer post-election survey and the RECONNECT panel survey, we make three important observations. First, European citizens show a higher tendency to participate in European Parliament elections when they attribute greater importance to the issues 'climate change and environment', 'economy and growth', and 'immigration'. Second, having a more extreme opinion on the issue of 'European integration' increases people's likelihood to vote in European elections. Third, the mobilizing effect of personal issue importance is enhanced by the systemic salience that the respective policy issue has during the election campaign. These findings show the relevance of issue mobilization in European Parliament elections as well as its context-dependent nature.