Suchergebnisse

The Korean local autonomy system has a unique feature in that it grants councils, mayors, and governors the right to submit bills. Because of Korea's extensive experience with authoritarianism, the relative legislative productivity of the assembly with respect to the head of the group—that is, the person who has the legislative initiative—has become an evaluation criterion for the activities of local councils in Korea. In this study, we address the question of why the relative legislative productivity of individual councils appears to be the cause of problematic awareness in situations where the legal and institutional conditions—for example, the organization and function of local councils, operating methods, and support systems—are very similar. Accordingly, regarding the 4th to 6th parliamentary period (2006–2018) of 15 parliaments, panel data analysis was performed to understand how the structure of party competition between the heads of the group and parliament and the structure of party competition within the assembly affects the relative legislative productivity of the assembly from a macro perspective. It was found that the relative legislative productivity of the parliament for mayors increases when there is a divided government rather than unified one and when the seat share of the first party in parliament increases. However, it was also found that the greater the difference in seat share between the first party in parliament and the second party in parliament, the higher the index of party concentration in parliament and the lower the relative legislative productivity of parliament. In Korea's political reality, it was confirmed that the political structure of a divided government at the local level does not necessarily lead to a decrease in legislative productivity. The significance of this study is that these ideas were verified.

This study views architecture and cities as part of larger urban process that cannot be detached from the larger socio-cultural milieu, and this understanding begs us to delve with broader historical knowledge and deeper geographical understanding. Against conventional framework that espouses abstract economic mapping and hierarchical global city listings to address the locality, stories of Gangnam, a new city south of the Han River in Seoul, will represent emblematic unfolding of urban modernity in South Korea since early 1960s. The city is a showcase where, in Lefebvre's expression, "the industrial" and "the urban" did not proceed in a sequential order of historical development, but progressed simultaneously and complimented one another under the austere form of national ideology. Here the city illustrates more than its macro-economic spatial narration, and represents the distinctive sociocultural and political conditions of its formation. Today, epitomizing upper- middle class lifestyle, Gangnam became a synonym for the new urban order where the new exchange value of space was expressed in the soaring price of once government-sponsored mass housings. Representing gradually territorializing urban consciousness, the culture and the symbolism of the new city strongly supported the consolidation of the fledgling middle class identity. Deeply immersed in both militarist and capitalist urban ideology, the city's emerging middle class embraced the segregated spatiality engendered by the Han River and projected its newly gained social status and citizenship on the identity of a particular urban space, Gangnam. Beyond dominant framing of a city in economic structuralism, what is emphasized here is the construction of place through finding confluence of variant conditions in particular time and space. From the urbanization story of Gangnam, reflected were the complex thread of social and political influences that realized the culture of capitalist spatiality, where the illegitimate turned into the legitimate, the irrational to rational, and the abnormal to normal.

Civil service reform has been carried out to achieve ideological, political, and technical changes in various countries. Most research about civil service reform has attempted to find factors that influence the extent and intensity of reform elements such as at-will employment, pay for performance, and broadbanding. No prior study has systematically examined factors that affect human resource professionals` perceptions of the effectiveness of civil service reforms. This study focused on that issue, using 2010 Civil Service Reform Assessment survey data from six U.S. state governments to examine the relationships between factors associated with human resources professionals` managerial competencies and demographic characteristics and their perceptions of the effectiveness of civil service reforms with regard to both goal achievement and process. Among its findings was that human resources professionals` competency in consultation on civil service reform with officials in other states was likely to be positively associated with their perceptions of the effectiveness of civil service reforms.

Using data from 1,220 public and nonprofit sector managers in Georgia and Illinois, this research assesses intrinsic and extrinsic motivation as predictors of job satisfaction in association with mentoring. Using analyses of ordinary least squares regression and structural equation modeling, statistically significant and positive relationships were found between intrinsic motivation and job satisfaction. The impact of extrinsic motivation on job satisfaction was found to vary. Job satisfaction was significantly and positively related to organizational trust but negatively related to economic benefit and risk-averse organizational values and goals. Furthermore, mentoring showed a mediating effect on the relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and job satisfaction. These findings suggest that mentoring in the public sector not only helps organizational members to develop their careers and to build better relationships with colleagues but also results in an increased relationship between job motivation and job satisfaction.

This paper reviews the historical and institutional backgrounds of public- and private-sector unions, internal and external trends involving public-sector unions, union representation in the public sector, union affiliation with citizens, and the relationship between privatization and public unions. Using these characteristics to reflect on the fundamental rationale of public-sector unions as the negotiators for public employees and as the promoters of political affiliation with citizens, the nature of the labor-management relationship emerges as a key factor in determining the effectiveness of unions in these roles.

Die B2C-Vertraege ueber die Erbringung einer Dienstleistung im Internet werden immer haeufiger auf einfache Art geschlossen. Nach dem Vertragsabschluss stellt sich aber oft heraus, dass der Abschluss des Dienstleistungsvertrages fehlerhaft war oder dass die erbrachte Dienstleistung im Uebrigen nicht den Wuenschen des Kunden entspricht. Hierbei koennen sich aufgrund des Ausschlusses der Rueckgewaehr nach der Natur der Dienstleistung aus zivilrechtlicher Sicht unterschiedliche Fragen ergeben. Kann der Kunde den elektronischen Dienstleistungsvertrag rueckgaengig machen oder wird das Ruecktritts-

As the international security situation has changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the book examines the implication of the new security environment to the security of South Korea and how the strategic and military relations with the United States will develop. In the new era, the lack of common interests has made the mutual defence sceptical. This book suggests that South Korea should eventually develop a long-term strategy with a goal of self-reliance

Although situating itself at the core, the mainstream is not the center that embraces and draws the diverse nation together. Although attributing to itself a singleness of purpose and resolve, the mainstream is neither uniform nor powerful in its imperialism and hegemony. Although casting the periphery beyond the bounds of civility and religion, the mainstream derives its identity, its integrity, from its representation of the other. And despite its authorship of the central tenets of democracy, the mainstream has been silent on the publication of its creed. In fact, the margin has tested and ensured the guarantees of citizenship, and the margins have been the true defender of American democracy, equality, and liberty. From that vantage, we can see the margin as mainstream.