Suchergebnisse

Role congruence among Ur legislators in city council & Sch district settings was studied by analyzing the congruence between the representatives' view of the representational role & their reported behavior. On the basis of role theory it is hyp'ed that legislators will vary from each other in their extent of role congruence & that these variations are related to their role type. Extensive lack of congruence between role image & perceived behavior will lead to role strain. Role strain is defined as "the felt difficulty in fulfilling role obligations." Data were collected by interviews with 79 of a total of 83 legislators serving in 12 elected non-partisan bodies in 6 Ur, but not subUr, communities in the Greater Detroit Metropolitan Area. A considerable degree of role congruence was found among R's, contradicting the assumption that role occupants will strain to behave congruently with their role self-image. Representatives often made decisions in a manner incongruent with their self-image. Politicos & delegates were found to experience more role strain than trustees. In summary, the representational role is characterized by variability of role norms but relative uniformity of role behavior. Incongruence in turn is accompanied by dissatisfaction. Much of the incongruence between norms & behavior seems to be related to the unwillingness of the constituents to "cooperate" with the rep representative, ie, to "play their roles properly." Role theory presumes a soc system in which diff "players" engage in diff but reciprocal behaviors. 5 Tables. M. Maxfield.

An attempt is made to synthesize political factor & economic constraint approaches to Ur policy making into a political choice model. New approaches to redistribution, including the tendency toward a greater degree of redistribution, the role of increasing minority group representation, & the importance of professionalized agencies, are considered. Allocation politics, & the dominance of bureaucracies in allocational services, are discussed. Development policy is analyzed, & political choice is considered in terms of policy outcomes. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 48 References. F. S. J. Ledgister

IN EXPLORING THE ROLE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSTITUENCY ORIENTATIONS IN LEGISLATIVE POLITICS, THE AUTHORS SURVEY 11 COUNCILLORS IN 3 GREATER LONDON BOROUGHS. THE RESEARCH SUGGESTS THAT COUNCILLORS AGGREGATE SMALLER AND LARGER TERRITORIAL UNITS AS A SINGLE GEOGRAPHIC FOCUS DISTINCT FROM AN ALTERNATIVE PARTISAN SET OF CONSTITUENCIES.

In 1993, after 38 years of single-party control, more than 20% of Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) House of Representatives members left the party to form new alternatives and create an anti-LDP coalition government. However, despite substantial popular support, the new parties attracted few subnational politicians. The effect of this lack of subnational party switching was substantial since the relatively small pool of subnational defectors meant that the new parties had difficulty forming the strong subnational bases of support that would help them to compete with the LDP in the future. In this paper, we consider why so few subnational politicians were willing to switch to these new party alternatives. Using case studies and conditional logit analysis of party affiliation pattern among prefectural assembly members in Japan, we find that party switching was most common among subnational politicians who had powerful patrons who had also left the LDP and had maintained especially good access to central government largesse. We also find that subnational politicians from urban areas, which depend less upon central government pork, were considerably less likely to switch parties, than their rural counterparts. Party switching by subnational politicians infrequent in Japan. Party switching most common among those with powerful patrons who had switched. Party switching most common when patron had access to central government resources. Urban politicians, who need central resources less, less likely to switch. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Since recently, the legal arsenal in the hands of the public authorities has been enriched by an instrument that has long been broken down by the Belgian legislators, namely the right of pre-emption — for several years the regional legislators of the three Regions seem to be attracted by this procurement instrument. In particular, the new Walloon Code of Spatial Planning, Urban Planning and Heritage makes it potentially an important tool for operational urban planning in the Walloon Region. ; Depuis peu, l'arsenal juridique aux mains des pouvoirs public s'est enrichi d'un instrument longtemps boudé par les législateurs belges, à savoir le droit de préemption - Depuis plusieurs années, les législateurs régionaux des trois Régions semblent séduits par cet instrument d'acquisition. En particulier, le nouveau Code wallon de l'aménagement du territoire, de l'urbanisme et du patrimoine en fait potentiellement un outil majeur de l'urbanisme opérationnel en Région wallonne

Abstract
This study examines the political dynamics that shape legislators' policy positions on importing US meat into Taiwan during the past decade, focusing on the cases of US beef in 2012 and US pork in 2021. The trade policy surrounding this issue has become politically contentious, involving conflicting national interests and constituency preferences. Legislators face a dilemma, torn between prioritizing the interests of their constituents and aligning with their party's interests. The central argument posits that legislators affiliated with the ruling party are more inclined to advocate for or adjust their stances to support the removal of import bans on American meat, while those associated with the opposition party tend to exhibit a greater reluctance to endorse such a stance. Factors such as the legislators' constituent's interests, district vs party-list affiliations, the urban–rural divide, or education level do not consistently explain legislators' positions on the US meat trade policy. To examine these arguments, this study employs a mixed-method approach, incorporating quantitative analysis and two case studies of individual legislators. The findings of this study offer empirical support for the central proposition.

The 1988 Canadian Parliamentary Guide was used to collect biographical data on all current provincial legislators (N = 711). It was found that 19.2% of legislators representing urban areas were female, while women made up only 6% of legislators from rural areas. Political party affiliation was found to have no effect on this continuing & expanding trend in women's legislative participation. 2 Tables, 1 Figure. R. Logsdon

We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.

The policy of apartheid, or racial separation, in South Africa has been one of the most controversial political problems in the latter part of the 20th century. Levels of racial segregation in South African cities have risen markedly in the 20th century as a consequence of legislative programmes, which have also had the result of introducing greater uniformity between the provinces (although the colonial heritage has not been eliminated entirely). The process would appear to have reached its conclusion with a lessening of intent on the part of the government and the survival of some elements of colonial integration. Urban segregation levels have attained remarkably high levels, although the goal of total separation has eluded the White legislators.

As the trend towards urbanization escalates, the United States is rapidly becoming a nation of nonfarmers and suburban residents. Consequently, the conflicts between residents and wildlife species are increasing, while the interest in urban wildlife and backyard habitat is growing. These trends, coupled with changes in pesticide regulations, a shortage of trained professionals and relic legislation, create a complex and paradoxical situation for residents and professionals in the area of urban wildlife management. The future of wildlife in the urban environment will depend on our ability to convince and educate wildlife managers, citizens and legislators about the need for control as well as enhancement of urban animal species.

The nature of the marriage institution, or contract, experienced fundamental changes during the last few years in France and in Canada. In a first step, the thesis analyses why Canadian and French legislators do not allow polygamy after having liberalized almost all other aspects of marriage. Secondly, the research shows that the prohibition of polygamy results in several effects on personal and fundamental rights, which are sometimes corrected through legislation by accepting the polygamous relationship for specific purposes. Finally, the thesis examines the prohibition of polygamy in France and inCanada through a critical approach in order to then suggest an outlook for modifications to this general prohibition. ; La nature de l'institution ou du contrat de mariage a vécu un changement fondamental pendant les dernières années en France et au Canada. Dans une première étape, la thèse analyse pourquoi au Canada et en France les législateurs ne permettent pas la polygamie après avoir libéralisé presque tous les autres aspects du mariage. Deuxièmement, la recherche démontre que la prohibition de la polygamie cause plusieurs effets sur les droits personnels et sur les droits fondamentaux qui sont parfois corrigés par la législation en acceptant la relation polygamique pour ces fins spécifiques.Finalement, la thèse examine la prohibition de la polygamie en France et au Canada à travers une approche critique pour ensuite suggérer les perspectives d'évolution proposées à cette prohibition générale.