Suchergebnisse

The populist exception? the 2017 New Zealand General Election / Jack Vowles, Jennifer Curtin and Fiona Barker -- 1. Populism and electoral politics in New Zealand / Fiona Barker and Jack Vowles -- 2. Populism and the 2017 Election--The Background /Jack Vowles -- 3. Measuring populism in New Zealand / Lara Greaves and Jack Vowles -- 4. Populism, authoritarianism, vote choice and democracy / Jack Vowles -- 5. Immigration and populism in the New Zealand 2017 Election / Kate McMillan and Matthew Gibbons -- 6. Gender, populism and Jacinda Ardern / Jennifer Curtin and Lara Greaves -- 7. Maori and the 2017 General Election--Party, Participation and Populism / Lara Greaves and Janine Hayward -- 8. The unexpected coalition--challenging the norms of government formation / Jack Vowles -- 9. New Zealand populism in the 2017 election and beyond / Jennifer Curtin and Jack Vowles.

1979 (1980). - 497 S. : 1 Reg.; 1980 (1981). - 564 S. : 1 Reg.; 1981 (1982). - 546 S. : 1 Reg.; 1982 (1983). - 428 S. : 1 Reg

The New Zealand Labor party came into being after years of indecision and disunity, and many false starts. The history of this movement lies outside the scope of this article, but a brief discussion of the basic cleavages which divided labor before 1916, and of the circumstances under which the party was organized, may help to clarify some of the points in the analysis of its present-day structure and problems which is attempted in the pages ahead.The geography and economy of New Zealand encouraged small, widely scattered productive units and decentralized unions relatively weak in bargaining power. The economy is dependent largely upon agriculture and the earlier industries were concerned chiefly with the processing of primary products such as butter, cheese, and meat. The thinly scattered population, the remoteness of the "four main centers" (Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch, and Dunedin) and many of the provincial towns, the variations in conditions from locality to locality, and the absence of mass production industries discouraged the development of a cohesive labor movement ready to support its demands by unified industrial action. Among those groups of workers who were thrown together on the job, such as the "watersiders" (dockworkers) and the miners, there was greater solidarity than among others and these were more inclined to press their claims by direct action. The trades and labor councils that developed in the various centers and met in Dominion-wide annual congresses after 1891 were the stronghold of the more moderate unions. Periodically their tactics were challenged by the militant groups, and differences crystallized in the formation of rival organizations.