Search results

In Southern European countries, the regularization of irregular migrants has been largely used in the past as ex post control policy measure, blamed by several scholars as an emergency remedy for the lack of systematic working immigration policies (Baldwin-Edwards, 1999; Finotelli & Sciortino, 2009). Nonetheless, COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the essential agricultural chains and elderly homecare led countries like Portugal and Italy to adopt an unprecedented comprehensive regularization, in terms of numbers of people involved and modalities. Prima facie similar in the approach, the two legislations may entail not only different bureaucratical implications, but also different rational, as different are the political and the socio-economic environments behind. The aim of the article is to compare the two emergency legislations on a synchronic dimension. Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, the article will compare the different approaches of Italy and Portugal in addressing the policy problem after the start of COVID-19 pandemic. As two Southern EU Member States with different views on immigration policies, Italy and Portugal represent an interesting case study to investigate. The article will benefit from an interdisciplinary approach, addressing the issue combining both legal and political literatures. Ultimately, the article will try to assess if the current measures are in line with the regularization policies that have been adopted in the past decade.

The aim of the study is to analyze if the subsidiarity principle in the context of the law solutions introduced by the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council 2018/957 amending Directive 96/71 concerning the posting of employees in the framework of the provision of services should be considered justified and proportionate. The arguments presented will show the opinion that the subsidiarity principle is one of the basic rules for conducting economic policy in the European Union. On this basis it will be investigated whether policy powers should be delegated to the lowest possible level of government, close to the citizens concerned by the policy, unless there are undeniable benefits to running it at a higher level in closer policy coordination. It should be considered if the European Commission proposal pursues a purpose other than the declared one and thus violates the principle of proportionality. It will be proved that smart and clear rules are needed that are adapted to the rapidly growing mobility of EU businesses and citizens, which will prevent the progressive loss of competitiveness of the EU market, while accelerating social convergence and preventing illegal activities affecting intra-EU migrant workers.The issues mentioned above and the conclusions may lead, according to the author, to reflection on the importance of the fact, that the division of competences between Member States and the EU institutions is ultimately a political decision that arises in the context of a conflict of interest and indicate that economic analyzes can only provide arguments for or against policy centralization. Furthermore, it should be noted that the integration is a dynamic process and therefore the results of the analysis regarding the justification for the application of the subsidiarity principle may lead to divergent assessments by the Member States, as the conditions of the functioning of economies are rapidly changing.

For many decades Iran was a goal of economic emigration for Afghans. They could earn there a money to provide for their families at home. Since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 Iran also became a place of refuge for some 3 million Afghans. Their situation was changing according to the changes in internal and international position of Iran. Sometimes the Iranian authorities were sympathetic, other time were fiercely unsympathetic and keen to remove the Afghan "guests". So, the Afghans in Iran could not be sure how long they would be allowed to stay there if the Iranians would be willing to support them and if they would have a work to provide for their families. This state of uncertainty of the Afghan community there was worsened by an outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Bothe the Iranian and Afghan health care are unable to effectively deal with the problem. And an economic collapse in Iran affected primarily the foreigners there of whatever stance, in this particular case the Afghans.

The aim is to analyze the dimension of the humanitarian crisis of Venezuela, with particular emphasis on the importance of regional migration problems and the involvement of the international community.. The article consists of an introduction that focuses on the background of the current migration crisis with particular emphasis on substantive and methodological assumptions and the theoretical perspective. Then, the article focuses on analyzing two major research areas: a) the main social, economic and political causes of the Venezuelan migration crisis; the effects and causes of the crisis for both the Venezuelan economy and the security of the Latin American; and b) the involvement of the international environment, with particular emphasis on the activities of the European Union, the United Nations, Latin American governments and the United States. Hence, the hypothesis indicates that the problem concerning the migration crisis of Venezuela is both caused and deepens further socio-economic problems of pointed country causing a feedback effect. The article is prepared based on a institutional and legal method (analysis of selected initiatives and the shape of public policies supporting the problem of the refugee crisis of Venezuela); systemic (analysis of the impact of the migration crisis on regional security in Latin America); content analysis (in particular documents and statuses of international organizations and governments); descriptive statistics method (analysis of statistical data related to the scale of the economic crisis of Venezuela and the population affected by the refugee problem).

Since the refugee crisis of 2015, European institutions and governments strengthened policies to better manage migration flows and protect EU's external borders. In the external dimension, the Union implemented a wide variety of economic, political and deterrence measurers to regain control over migratory flows. Though development cooperation was declared one of important tools for addressing root causes of migration, the externalization of migration management to neighboring transit countries became the main pillar of anti-crisis strategy. Although this policy enabled to essentially reduce the number of irregular arrivals to Europe, it cannot be considered as a long-term solution, as recent developments on Greece-Turkey border reminded. To be better prepared for migration challenges of the future the EU should rethink its development cooperation with the origin and transit countries and include both forced and economic migrants in its comprehensive response. Aid can be a useful tool for the EU if it is used to manage rather than to stop migration.

Liberal states simultaneously pursue policies of encouraging and controlling (un)desired immigration. Forces of representative democracy, nationhood, constitutionalism, and capitalism - each call for distinct migration strategy. Previous research focusing on attitudes towards migration used quantitative methods examining values and perceptions that influence people' opinions. Still, it did not explore the diversity and complexity of sentiments. This paper aims to provide a more nuanced perspective based on tweets at and around the last day of the British membership in the European Union (31 January 2020). Data were collected using NCapture- a web-browser extension which downloaded tweets with hashtags #Brexit, #BrexitDay and #BrexitEve, and imported them directly to NVivo. Seven batches of tweets were captured on 30-31 January and 1, 7-10 February; extracting 250,095 published between 23 January and 10 February. All retweets, duplicates, non-English tweets and spam were removed; leaving 888 tweets for the analysis. The dataset was coded twice; assigning sentiments towards Brexit as positive (n=203), negative (n=586) or neutral (n=99), and using inductive thematic analysis.The findings showed the division of discourse on migration were more complicated than merely in favour and against immigration. Interestingly, they also exhibited the shift in the British debate from benefits and drawbacks of immigration to the reciprocity of migration policies in the future relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union.

This research addresses the foreign policy strategies of the EU after the 2015 refugee crisis. It investigates to what extent the EU migration policy is part of the European foreign policy. The paper outlines that collective action failure is not provided at the domestic dimension of migration policy and, that in order to overcome it, it is transferred to the external dimension of the EU. It argues that migration, previously considered being part of the state's domestic affairs, transformed from the issue of domestic policy to the foreign one. Thus, the authors study the interconnection between migration and security as a key element for understanding this "foreignization" process. The development of close cooperation with third countries in the field of migration regulation has become one of the priorities of the overall migration policy of the European Union. However, the EU has not gained much success and migration crisis even more clearly indicated the need to develop an external dimension to the management of migration processes, but on a more pragmatic approach that would ensure the EU's security interests. The basis for the external dimension of EU migration policy is relations with third countries and linking development assistance with security and border protection issues. The paper analyses EU parliamentary debates before and after the 2015 refugee crisis, by doing so, the interconnection between migration and security is assessed leading to a further understanding about the EU migration "foreignization process".

The immediate post-colonial period offered opportunities as well as formidable challenges for former colonies of European powers. While colonial mentalities still pervaded in many European capitals and paternalism remained pervasive throughout the political diplomacy of the period, other perspectives were emerging. Through innovative policy engagements that occurred in the late 1950s and into the 1960s, a new sense of transnational purpose could be seen which presented former colonies with partnership options that were seemingly and practically outside the context of the historic geo-economic imposition. Whereas some European powers continued to exert overly dismissive attitudes to African engagement and society, other approaches experimented with developmental policies that were lauded by both sides at the time. This article will look at the practice and policies of associationism - the outworking of the Yaounde and Lome agreements - and will look at the formative international cooperation policies of the European Community (EC), as it evolved through the period when former European colonies were attaining independence. Finally, it will survey the reasons for the demise of associationism and speculate on the onset of what some have described as "neo-colonalism" (Langan, 2018: 1-32; Nkrumah, 1965).

W ostatnich latach można zauważyć wzrost znaczenia badań nad doskonaleniem potencjalnej sprawności funkcjonowania i zarządzania instytucjami samorządowymi. Sprawnie działająca administracja samorządowa jest jednym z podstawowych czynników wpływających na jakość życia mieszkańców. Celem artykułu jest ocena poziomu rozwoju i struktury potencjału instytucjonalnego urzędów gmin miejskich w woj. podkarpackim w 2014 i 2019 roku. W artykule wykorzystano metodykę Analizy Instytucjonalnej przygotowaną przez Małopolską Szkołę Administracji Publicznej Akademii Ekonomicznej w Krakowie. Wyniki badań pokazują niski poziom rozwoju potencjału instytucjonalnego badanych urzędów gmin miejskich w obu analizowanych latach. Najkorzystniejsza sytuacja występowała w następujących obszarach: organizacji i funkcjonowania urzędu, partycypacji społecznej i stymulowania rozwoju społecznego oraz współpracy między jednostkami samorządu terytorialnego. W odniesieniu do przyszłych badań zaprezentowana w artykule metodologia, wraz z uzyskanymi wynikami, może się przyczynić się do dokonywania podobnych analiz w przyszłości, a także stanowić przedmiot zainteresowania badań poznawczych i wdrożeniowych.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza sektorowej polityki ochrony zdrowia w świetle zabezpieczenia interesu obywateli poprzez przybliżenie perspektywy zorganizowanych interesów organizacji pacjentów. Tekst jest próbą uzupełnienia dyskusji nt. roli tej szczególnej grupy interesariuszy w procesie podejmowania decyzji w sektorze ochrony zdrowia. Odwołując się do przykładów empirycznych, założono, że cały polski system ochrony zdrowia nie służy dobrze interesom pacjentów z powodu niedoborów organizacyjnych, finansowych i personalnych, a konstytucyjna obietnica równego dostępu do świadczeń ochrony zdrowia jest paradoksalnie skuteczną barierą dla wszelkich zmian zmierzających do poprawy sposobu funkcjonowania tego systemu. Pomimo wrażenia "zwrotu pacjento-centrycznego" w ochronie zdrowia w Polsce zorganizowane interesy pacjentów skupione wokół rzeczniczych organizacji pacjentów wciąż mają niewielki udział w procesie formułowania i wdrażania ważnych zmian w tej polityce sektorowej.

W artykule zaprezentowano argumenty wskazujące na niesprawność władz publicznych w systemie polityki przestrzennej. Punktem wyjścia jest analiza wykorzystania narzędzi kształtujących tę politykę, wprowadzonych dzięki uchwaleniu w 2015 r. ustawy o rewitalizacji, m.in. narzędzi związanych ze sferą prawno-przestrzenną i partycypacją. Niesprawność przejawia się w braku umiejętności, woli i determinacji do kształtowania i ochrony ładu przestrzennego. W rewitalizacji zaś przejawia się m.in.: niewłaściwym lub niepełnym zdiagnozowaniem problemów stanowiących podstawę dla przeprowadzenia rewitalizacji, brakiem woli władz publicznych w zakresie adekwatnej reakcji na zdiagnozowane problemy, brakiem aktywnej współpracy z interesariuszami (wynikającym zarówno z niskiego poziomu kapitału społecznego, jak i podejścia urzędów). W konsekwencji tylko władze pełnią funkcję podmiotu realizującego gminny program rewitalizacji, a brakuje innych interesariuszy i aktywności publicznej. Uwzględniając powyższe założenia, bezpośrednim celem artykułu jest określenie, czy i w jakim zakresie narzędzia rewitalizacji mogą ograniczać niesprawność władz publicznych w systemie gospodarki przestrzennej (w odniesieniu do obszarów rewitalizacji). Poniższa analiza wskazuje, że w badanych przypadkach narzędzia rewitalizacji nie są więc wykorzystywane w pełnym zakresie (obejmującym wszystkie powiązane z nimi możliwości). Także narzędzia z zakresu partycypacji nie są w pełni wykorzystane (szczególnie te związane z funkcjonowaniem Komitetu Rewitalizacji).

The purpose of this article is to verify how museums in Poland deal with the challenge of digital transformation. The proliferation of information and communications technology (ICT) enables the digitization of museum collections and increases their availability to the public. The preservation and popularization of cultural heritage, being an important part of the cultural policy, is a priority for the European Union, resulting in increased funding of digitization initiatives. The study presented in this article is based on a survey performed among a group of leading museums in Poland which are recorded in the State Register of Museums. The results show that museums accept digitization as a crucial element of their activity. 69% of the institutions present some part of their collections online and 94% intend to increase the scope of digitization. However, most institutions share less than 25% of their current collections online despite having a larger part digitized. 83% of museums share their collections exclusively on their own websites or dedicated platforms, and most institutions (62%) observe a positive connection between sharing collections online and the number of physical visits to the museum. The results also show that museums tend to prioritize heritage preservation over collection sharing.

W artykule zaprezentowano koncepcję zarządzania wartością VBM dostosowaną do specyfiki publicznych instytucji kultury. Proces dostosowawczy obejmuje przede wszystkim uwzględnienie społecznych korzyści generowanych przez instytucje kultury oraz zastosowanie w kalkulacji społecznej stopy dyskontowej. Prezentowana koncepcja umożliwia ocenę społecznej racjonalności działalności prowadzonej przez niekomercyjne instytucje kultury. W celu lepszego zobrazowania proponowanych rozwiązań przedstawiono przykład liczbowy prezentujący omawianą w artykule metodykę.

Artykuł prezentuje wyniki analizy polskiego dyskursu medialnego dotyczącego problemu pedofilii wśród duchownych w latach 2013-2019. Szczególny nacisk położono na składowe procesu określanego w naukach społecznych jako panika moralna. W badaniu zastosowano metodę krytycznej analizy dyskursu medialnego i analizę danych zastanych, w tym polityki władz. Omówiono działania interesariuszy zjawiska pedofilii, a także dynamikę działań, które podjęli w obrębie określonych obszarów polityki publicznej. Wyniki badania pozwalają stwierdzić, że w ciągu sześciu lat nastąpiły znaczące przemiany dyskursu - z początkowego wygaszania zainteresowania w merytoryczną walkę o zmiany na poziomie prawnym i instytucjonalnym. W badaniu zaobserwowano wpływ elit symbolicznych na postępujące zmiany percepcji zjawiska. Zauważono także i zbadano dyskursywne praktyki oddalania problemu, poprzez tworzenie nowego wroga w postaci środowisk mniejszości seksualnych.