Suchergebnisse

Democracy's ideal implies that the State's territorial action be controlled by the people. To understand how this evaluation is done, I propose to analyse the geographical preoccupations present in the public debate in France. Based on a representative sample of the judgements expressed in 14 French magazines from 2003 to 2005, this research lies on the assumption that the social aspirations and preferences pertaining to territorial development and planning are heterogeneous. Journalists, who pass them on and shape them into general demands, are instrumental in stimulating civic participation and in attracting the authorities' attention. The measurement of the places' visibility in the media is but one step in this work, which then aims to reveal the geographical values underlying discourse and to give an account of the ethical tendencies of the French public opinion. Thanks to a geoethical grid of analysis, I have identified four conceptions of justice: culturalism, libertarianism, constitutionalism and perfectionism. These categories provide evaluative scales which can shed light on the ethical meaning of judgements regarding places. Applying them to the discourse of the press allowed me to characterize the geo-ethical profile of various magazines and to show how each magazine's editorial line finds an expression in the diversity of ideological trends that structure the French public opinion and how they converge, but also diverge and clash. ; L'idéal démocratique suppose que l'action territoriale de l'État soit contrôlée par le peuple. Pour comprendre comment s'effectue ce travail d'évaluation, je propose d'analyser les préoccupations géographiques qui traversent le débat public en France à partir d'un échantillon représentatif des jugements formulés dans la presse magazine (14 titres étudiés entre 2003 et 2005). Cette recherche repose sur l'hypothèse que les aspirations et les préférences sociales en matière d'aménagement et de développement des territoires sont hétérogènes. En les relayant et en leur donnant la forme de revendications générales, les journalistes exercent une fonction de mobilisation de la société civile et d'interpellation des pouvoirs publics. Au-delà de la mesure du rayonnement médiatique de territoires, la mise en évidence des valeurs géographiques sous-jacentes au discours permet de rendre compte des sensibilités éthiques de l'opinion. Grâce à une grille d'analyse géoéthique, quatre conceptions de la justice ont été identifiées : le culturalisme, le libertarisme, le constitutionnalisme et le perfectionnisme. Ces catégories dessinent des ordres de grandeur susceptibles de mettre en lumière la signification éthique des jugements exprimés en matière de territorialité. Leur application au discours de la presse permet de caractériser les profils géoéthiques des différents magazines et, à travers la ligne éditoriale de chacun, de montrer la variété des courants d'idées qui structurent l'opinion publique en France, leurs convergences mais aussi leurs dissemblances, leurs antagonismes et leurs contradictions.

Procuramos, neste estudo, por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, refletir sobre o ponto de vista de dois políticos, sociólogos e jornalistas latino americanos que atuaram na metade do século XIX, a respeito do que entendiam como processo civilizador e qual o lugar ocupado pela educação neste processo. Assim, fomos ao encontro das obras de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, da Argentina, e de Aureliano Tavares Bastos, do Brasil. Acreditávamos que os dois tinham a mesma simpatia pelos Estados Unidos e compartilhavam idéias semelhantes sobre a importância da emigração de anglo-saxões, para o Novo Mundo e da importância da educação protestante de origem norte-americana como alavancas para o progresso e o desenvolvimento da cultura dos seus países como fatores construtores de civilização. PALAVRAS-CHAVECivilização, barbárie, educação, meio-rural. INFLUENCIA DEL PENSAMIENTO POLÍTICO Y PEDAGOGICO NORTEAMERICANO SOBRE LAS IDEAIS POLITICAS Y EDUCATIVAS LATINOAMERICANAS EN EL SIGLO XIX (UN ESTUDIO DE CASO: ARGENTINA Y BRASIL) Este trabajo analiza la propuesta de dos políticos, sociólogos y periodistas latinoamericanos que realizaron sus actividades en la mitad del siglo XIX, sobre el proceso civilizador y cuál era el lugar ocupado por la educación en este proceso. Para ello analizamos las obras de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, de Argentina y de Aureliano Candido Tavares Bastos, de Brasil. Ambos intelectuales mostraban la misma simpatía por los Estados Unidos de América y compartían las mismas ideas sobre la emigración de anglosajones para el Nuevo Mundo y la importancia de la educación protestante de origen norteamericana como impulsora del progreso y del desarrollo de la cultura de sus países como elementos constructores de civilización. PALABRAS CLAVE Civilización; barbarie; educación; medio rural. INFLUENCE OF THE POLITICAL AND PEDAGOGICAL NORTH AMERICAN THOUGHT ON THE LATIN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND EDUCATIONAL IDEAS IN THE XIX CENTURY (A CASE STUDY: ARGENTINA AND BRAZIL) ABSTRACT We search, in this study, trough a literature be search reflecting on the point of view of two Latin Americans politicals, sociologists and journalists who worked in the half of the nineteenth century, about their understanding about the civilizing process and what the place occupied by the education in this process. Thus, we encountered in the works of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, Argentina, and Aureliano Candido Tavares Bastos, Brazil. We believed that both had the same sympathy for the United States and shared similar ideas about the importance of the Anglo-Saxon emigration to the New World and the importance of the protestant education origened in North América as levers for progress and development of the culture of their countries as factors builders of civilization.KEY WORDCivilization; barbarism; education; rural land.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti dış politika olarak her zaman Batı ülkeleri ile olan ilişkileri ön planda tutmuştur. Bu ilişkiler Türkiye'nin içinde bulunduğu siyasal durum kadar, Dünya siyaset ortamındaki dengeler ile de doğrudan ilişkilidir. Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılması ile bu ilişkiler değişmiş ve artık yeni bir dünya düzeni ortaya çıkmıştır. Türkiye, yeni düzen içinde alacağı yer ile Batıya olan bağlılığını ve dengesiz politikasını lehine düzeltme fırsatını yakalamıştır. Etnik ve kültürel açıdan ortak yanları bulunan eski Sovyetler Birliği ülkeleri ile ilişkiler kurmuş yeni fırsatlar yakalamıştır.Genel olarak bu çalışmada, Sovyetler Birliğinin dağılmasının ardından ortaya çıkan yenidünya düzeni, bu düzen içerisindeki fırsatlardan faydalanmak için hakimiyet arayan dünya güçlerinin faaliyetleri değerlendirilmiştir. Bunlara ek olarak bu çalışmada Avrasya olarak tanımlanan bölge üzerindeki fırsatlar Türkiye açısından değerlendirilmiş ve bölge ülkeleri ile olan ilişkiler incelenmiştir. Bu incelemede Türkiye'nin özellikle, Rusya, Azerbaycan ve Gürcistan ile olan ilişkilere daha fazla yer verilmiştir. Ve Ortaya çıkan tablo üzerinden Türkiye'nin dış politikasında yakaladığı ekonomik ve siyasal fırsatların analizi yapılmaya çalışılmıştır. Son olarak da Türkiye'nin yürüttüğü Kültürel faaliyetlere yer verilmiştir.Çalışmanın oluşturulmasında, siyasi tarih kitapları, strateji kuruluşları, birçok makale ve Internet üzerinden faaliyet gösteren birçok düşünce kuruluşuna ait yayınlardan faydalanılmıştır. Ayrıca TİKA'ya ait olan ülke raporları ve Avrasya Etütleri başlıklı çalışmalarda bilgi toplama noktasında geniş yer tutmuştur. ; The Republic of Turkey always used to give priority to its relationships with Western countries in its foreign policy. These relationships were directly related to the balance of world politics as well as the political status of Turkey. The relationships changed with the break up of the Soviet Union, and a new world order started to emerge. Turkey, having taken its place within this new order, took the opportunity of amending its unbalanced politics and dependence on the West to favor itself. It established relationships with former Soviet Union countries that had common beliefs and cultural characteristics, and gained new opportunities.Overall, this study aims to evaluate the emerging new world order after the break up of the Soviet Union, and the actions of the world powers that sought domination by exploiting the opportunities arising from this new order. Additionally, opportunities in the region know as Eurasia were considered, in terms of Turkey and its relationships with the countries in this region. In this review, Turkey?s relationship with additional countries were also considered, especially with Russia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. An analysis of the economic and political opportunities with Turkey?s foreign policy was also conducted. Lastly, the cultural policies carried out by Turkey were considered.During the development of this study, political history books, strategy organisations, numerous articles, and publications from organisations from the Internet were reviewed. Furthermore, the country reports from TİKA and studies from ?Avrasya Etütleri? were other sources used.

reproduction du texte dans une revue anglaise en fin 2008 ; Cotton sectors are facing many issues which are quite well reported by online newspapers. Many issues are internal to the running of cotton sectors. They are little related to the international issue of market distortion, pertaining to the "cotton file" of the WTO. A number of issues impeding the development of cotton sectors are common to many countries. The lack of supply of basic services is not specific to Least Developed Countries (LDCs). Cotton is generally suffering from high production cost, with or without recurring to transgenic varieties. This global observation should lead us to question the dominating production mode. It is amazing to find that many countries are facing serious seed issue in many forms. In some countries, this seed issue has been exacerbated after the adoption of transgenic varieties. Considering the very wide range of issues, a very wide range of possible responses is mobilized, mainly from the governments. There might be reactions monitored by private operators, but their scopes and their scales are very limited. Some measures are very innovative or imaginative, they are observed in emerging countries like China, Brazil and India, in fact in countries which can afford the policies they decide on. ; Les secteurs coton de par le monde font face à de nombreux problèmes qui sont tout à fait bien rapportés par les journaux en ligne. Beaucoup de ces problèmes sont propres au fonctionnement interne de ces secteurs dans les pays concernés. Ils sont peu liés à la question internationale de distorsion de marché, correspondant au "dossier coton" de l'OMC. Un grand nombre de ces problèmes est commun à de nombreux pays. Le manque de fourniture de service de base pour la production n'est pas un handicap spécifique aux pays les moins avancés (PMA). Le coton souffre généralement de coût élevé de production, que l'on recourt ou pas aux variétés transgéniques. Cette observation générale devrait nous interpeller sur le choix du mode de production. Il est étonnant de constater que tant de pays soient confrontés au problème de semences sous diverses formes. Dans certains pays, ce problème est accentué depuis l'adoption du coton transgénique. Au regard de la multitude de problèmes, une grande palette de solutions possibles est mise en œuvre, essentiellement à l'initiative des gouvernements. Il peut y avoir des réactions provenant des opérateurs privés mais elles visent des domaines très ciblés et elles sont d'ampleur limitée. Certaines mesures mises en œuvre sont très innovantes ou imaginatives, elles émanent de pays émergents tels que la Chine, l'Inde et le Brésil, en fait des pays qui ont les moyens de la politique qu'ils décident.

[ES] El principal argumento de este escrito es que la heterogeneidad de los diseños institucionales que prima en el campo electoral en América Latina (Carroll y Shugart, 2005) también se reproduce en el parlamentario. El perfil morfológico del sistema de comisiones propio de cada Congreso y el lugar que la ley les asigna en el proceso legislativo son prueba evidente de ello. Mientras el marco normativo de algunas legislaturas no deja lugar a dudas en cuanto a la intención de delegar en los partidos las decisiones encomendadas a estos cuerpos; en otros casos, ello ocurre en menor medida. En los casos formalmente ceñidos a una lógica de partido, por otra parte, se alientan esquemas de delegación de corte muy diverso. En este escrito se revisa el acomodo institucional del sistema de comisiones de la Cámara Baja en: Argentina; Bolivia; Brasil; Colombia; Chile; México; Paraguay; República Dominicana y Uruguay. En este sentido, el estudio examina tanto la importancia concedida a su trabajo, como algunos aspectos de su morfología que afectan la estructura de incentivos que acota el desarrollo del proceso legislativo. Asimismo, se analizan los procedimientos utilizados en cada Congreso para enfrentar los problemas de acción colectiva. Por último, se presentan algunas ideas para la elaboración de una futura taxonomía sobre la relación que guardan en la región los partidos y las comisiones permanentes del Congreso. ; [EN] The main argument of this paper is that the heterogeneity of the institutional framework that prevails in Latin America's electoral field (Carroll y Shugart, 2005), also reproduces itself in the parliamentary one. This is proved by the morphologic profile of each Congress' commission system and the place that the law assigns to the system. While some legislative frameworks clearly intend to delegate to parties the decisions entrusted to this bodies; in other cases, this takes place in a less important way. In the cases formally related with a party logic, on the other hand, diverse delegation schemes are encouraged. In this article we analyze the institutional framework of the commission systems of the low chamber in: Argentina; Bolivia; Brazil; Colombia; Chile; Mexico; Paraguay; Dominican Republic and Uruguay. In this sense, this work examines the importance given to their job and some aspects of its morphology that affect the structure of incentives that narrows the development of the legislative process. We also analyze the procedures used by each Congress to solve its problems of collective action. Lastly, some ideas for the elaboration of a future taxonomy on the relationship between parties and permanent commissions in the region are presented.

The major security organizations of the post-Soviet space are the Russia-led Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO); the grouping of Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova known as GUAM; and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which includes China as well as Russia and four Central Asian states. Their specific environment is characterized by Russia's predominance and the reactions to it, other historical antagonisms, diverse security conditions, the rather slow stabilization of new national identities, and an often over-politicized approach to security. Westerners often see the CIS, the CSTO and the SCO as hostile or ineffective groupings, and question marks also remain over GUAM's effectiveness. Analytical tools developed by SIPRI for evaluating regional security institutions help to flesh out a picture of these four post-Soviet groupings. The CIS contains all (non-Baltic) post-Soviet states and claims competence for military cooperation (notably air defence), peace operations and anti-terrorism. Its survival is remarkable but its practical achievements are very limited. Russia has increasingly diverted serious military cooperation to the smaller -- seven-member -- CSTO, which has a structure mirroring that of NATO. The CSTO has established joint rapid-deployment forces, is developing a united air defence, promotes equipment collaboration, and has anti-drug and counterterrorism policies. Its smaller members seem to value Russia's leadership and the institution is more dynamic than the CIS. The four GUAM nations seek an alternative to Russia's policies and in particular want to solve their respective internal conflicts on a basis of national integrity. They coordinate their positions at the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the United Nations, have a counterterrorism programme, and have discussed joint peacekeeping. Practical outputs have been limited by the members' diversity and the tendency to relapse into bilateralism for any serious purpose. The SCO engages in mutual confidence building and military cooperation against 'terrorist, extremist and separatist elements'. It rejects what it calls interference in internal affairs, but promotes economic and other functional programmes designed to advance development. The SCO's membership is subtly balanced in power terms and it has shown dynamism and flexibility, although central resources are few and the impact achieved is hard to judge. Negative views of the CIS, the CSTO and the SCO reflect the outside world's problematic security relations with both Russia and China, as well as normative concerns. Yet these groupings are a fact of life in the Eurasian space that will not quickly change. At best they give their members some experience of what modern multilateralism means. Adapted from the source document.

Autor je podelio stranke srbijanske desnice u tri grupe: klasične i moderne konzervativce, tj. neoliberale, liberale, te desne ekstremiste. Prvi su okupljeni u Demokratskoj stranci Srbije, predvođenoj Vojislavom Koštunicom Srpskom pokretu obnove, predvođenim Vukom Draškovićem, Novom Srbijom, na čijem je čelu Velimir Ilić, te Pokretom Snaga Srbije, predvođenim Bogoljubom Karićem, u okviru klasičnih konzervativaca, te strankom G17 PLUS kao strankom modernih konzervativaca ili neoliberala, predvođenih Miroljubom Labusom. Liberali su okupljeni u Demokratskoj stranci, na čijem je čelu Boris Tadić. Klasični konzervativci odani su tradicionalnim vrednostima i posebno insistiraju na ulozi Srpske pravoslavne crkve u srpskome društvu. Osim toga oni su beskompromisno antikomunistički i antijugoslovenski usmereni. Neoliberali, pak, insistiraju na ulozi privrede, a naročito ističu značaj tehnokrata u politici. Iako međusobno vrlo različiti, srpski konzervativci i liberali su jasno proevropske stranke. Međutim, srpski krajnji desničari Srpska radikalna stranka, usmereni su antievropski. Srpski radikali podržavaju krajnji nacionalizam, sarađuju s drugim ekstremno desničarskim strankama u Evropi i usled ozbiljnih privrednih i društvenih problema Srbije Srpska radikalna stranka mogla bi ugroziti krhku demokratiju u Srbiji. ; The author divided Serbian right-wing parties into the three groups: the classical and modern conservatives (neo-liberals), liberals, and the right extremists. The first ones are Democratic Party of Serbia, led by Vojislav Koštunica, Serbian Movement of Renewal, led by Vuk Drašković, Nova Srbija led by Velimir Ilić, The Force of Serbia Movement, led by Bogoljub Karić among classical conservatives, and G17+, as modern conservatives or neo-liberals, led by Miroljub Labus. Liberals are collected in the Democratic Party, led by Boris Tadić. Classical conservatives are devoted to traditional values such as religion. They especially insist on the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church within Serbian society. In addition, they are vigorous anti-communists and anti-Yugoslavism oriented parties. Neo-liberals insist however, on the role of the economy and they especially point out significance of the technocrats in politics. The party of the late Serbian prime-minister Zoran Đinđić considers freedom as the top value within their ideology. They estimate education as the most important resource for fast social development. Although very different among themselves, Serbian conservatives and liberals are clearly pro-European parties. However, Serbian right-extremists, Serbian Radical Party, is an anti-European party. The Serbian radicals are in favour of the extreme nationalism, they cooperate with other right-extremist parties in Europe (National Front in France Liberal-democratic Party in Russia etc), and finally, they are in accordance with other right-extremist parties regarding social profile of the supporters. Because of the serious economic and social problems in Serbia Serbian Radical Party could endanger fragile democracy in Serbia.

El presente trabajo presenta una visión de síntesis sobre los actores sociales involucrados en la problemática de la producción-importación de la semilla de papa. Se argumenta que estos actores institucionales y sociales se encuentran desarticulados y enfrentados en relación con sus intereses, evidenciándose dos posiciones: el apoyo a la importación de semillas, y las incipientes iniciativas de producción local, con la dispersión organizativa de los productores semilleristas y la poca audacia de su planteamiento político. Esta desarticulación social y política origina un caos que amenaza la continuidad productiva de este sistema agrícola altoandino y afianza sus contradicciones ambientales ; Artículos ; ¿Cómo seguir compartiendo soluciones?: La gestión del ciclo de vida cooperativo. ; How to continue sharing solutions? The management of the co-operative life cycle. ; Coque Martínez, Jorge ; Cooperativas financieras y solidaridad. ; Financial Co-operatives and solidarity ; Malo, Marie-Claire ; Tremblay, Benoit ; Semilla, actores e incertidumbres en la producción papera de Los Andes de Mérida. Realidades y escenarios bajo el contexto político vigente. ; Seeds, participants and uncertainties in the potatoe production in the Andes Merida region. Realities and possible outcomes under the current political context. ; Romero, Liccia ; Monasterios, Maximina ; Innovación social y desarrollo local en un municipio andino. ; Social innovation and local development in a municipality of the andes region. ; Richer, Madeleine ; Una nueva modalidad de vinculación entre universidad y comunidad: El programa de alianzas de investigación entre universidad y comunidad. ; A new form of relationship between university and community: The research alliance program between university and community. ; Hernández, Claudia ; Reseña ; El sistema regional de innovación como mecanismo de gestión en ciencia y tecnología ; José Lisandro Aguilar y Leyda Alejandra Blanco ; Reseñado por: Hernández, Claudia ; Les nouveaux indicateurs de richesse ; Los nuevos indicadores de riqueza. ; Jean Gadrey y Florence Jany-Catrice ; Reseñado por: Richer, Madeleine ; This article presents a synthetic perspective on the participants in the problem of the production-import of potato seeds in Venezuela. It is argued that these institutional and social participants are disarticulated and confronted , with two contrasting positions: on the one hand, a position that supports the practice of seed importation, and on the other hand, the still incipient options of local seed production and self-sufficiency, which owe their scarce influence to the organizational dispersion of the seed producers and to a lack of audacity in their political proposals. This social and political disarticulation leads to a crisis that threatens the productive continuity of this Andean agricultural system and supports its environmental contradictions. ; romero@ula.ve ; maximina@ula.ve ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

This text has the intention to cause and to animate the reflection on the real conditions of the right to the education for all the Colombian population. Recognizing that the sentence for an ample population sector is "or eats or studies", as it are expressed in report 2004 of the Special Relatora of the Nations United on the realities of this right in our country, looks for to unravel and to document the underlying contents to the question whereupon has been titled.In order to reach it, its content structure in three sections: first, it puts in scene, of way brief, some premises that imagine the reality on the ways as the educative policies in Colombia and the referring ones of performance are defined and established that is had the second presents/displays, to way of tensions, a glance to the realities on the right to the education for the populations in "greater condition of vulnerability". It is documented with recent information that have been elaborated on the subject and educative revolution "of the Development plan of the present government is resisted with the strategies raised in the call". Finally some tracks are outlined emergent exits and to contribute to the agenda that on the subject it looks for to construct the social mobilization by the education. ; Este texto tiene la intención de provocar y animar la reflexión sobre las reales condiciones del derecho a la educación para toda la población colombiana. Reconociendo que la sentencia para un amplio sector poblacional es "o come o estudia", como se expresa en el informe 2004 de la Relatora Especial de las Naciones Unidas sobre las realidades de este derecho en nuestro país, se busca desentrañar y documentar los contenidos subyacentes al interrogante con que se ha titulado.Para alcanzarlo, su contenido se estructura en tres apartados: el primero, pone en escena, de manera sucinta, algunas premisas que prefiguran la realidad sobre los modos como se definen y establecen las políticas educativas en Colombia y los referentes de actuación que se tienen; el segundo presenta, a manera de tensiones, una mirada a las realidades sobre el derecho a la educación para las poblaciones en "mayor condición de vulnerabilidad". Se documenta con informes recientes que se han elaborado sobre el tema, y se contrasta con las estrategias planteadas en la llamada "revolución educativa" del Plan de desarrollo del actual gobierno. Finalmente se esbozan algunas pistas para salidas emergentes y para aportar a la agenda que sobre el tema busca Construir la movilización social por la educación.

We consider globalization as the most important and defining phenomenon of our contemporary society. The concept that a purely economic perspective refers to the internationalization of markets, is characterized by a number of factors including the elimination of borders in the areas of finance and trade, free movement of capital, services and people as well as interaction among countries and regions of the world through new communication infrastructures.The globalization of society has required infrastructure to uphold it. The ability to access and have the information from anywhere in the world, as well as easy to share and distribute not have been possible without the creation and development of new technologies of information and communication technologies (ICTs), such that globalization is a phenomenon completely tied to what has been called-SocietyInformation. ; Podemos considerar la Globalización como el fenómeno más relevante y definitorio de nuestra sociedad contemporánea. El concepto que desde una perspectiva exclusivamente económica alude a la internacionalización de los mercados, se caracteriza por una serie de factores como la eliminación de fronteras en los ámbitos financieros y comerciales, la libre circulación de capitales, servicios y personas, así como interacción entre países y regiones del mundo a través de las nuevas infraestructuras de comunicación. El proceso de globalización de la sociedad ha precisado de una infraestructura que lo sustentase. La posibilidad de acceder y disponer de la información desde cualquier parte del planeta, así como la facilidad para compartirla y distribuirla no hubiera sido posible sin la creación y desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones (TIC), de tal manera que la globalización es un fenómeno totalmente ligado a lo que se ha venido denominando "Sociedad de laInformación". ; Podemos considerar a Globalização como o fenómeno mais relevante e definidor da nossa sociedade contemporânea. O conceito que, numa perspectiva exclusivamente económica, alude à internacionalização dos mercados, caracteriza-se por uma série de factores como a eliminação de fronteiras nas esferas financeira e comercial, a livre circulação de capitais, serviços e pessoas, bem como a interacção entre países e regiões do mundo através das novas infra-estruturas de comunicação. O processo de globalização da sociedade exigiu uma infra-estrutura para a apoiar. A possibilidade de aceder e dispor da informação de qualquer parte do planeta, bem como a facilidade de a partilhar e distribuir, não teria sido possível sem a criação e o desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias da informação e da comunicação (TIC), de tal modo que a globalização é um fenómeno totalmente ligado àquilo a que se chamou a "Sociedade da Informação".

Proclamations of the death of Los Angeles' growth machine are premature. These proclamations overlook the growing role of immigrant Korean and Chinese entrepreneurs in regional property development. Since 1970, Korean and Chinese entrepreneurs have seriously restructured Los Angeles' morphology, creating hierarchically arranged residential and business clusters for co–ethnic immigrants. Koreatown and Monterey Park are the brand names most familiar to outsiders, but these prominent localities really coexist with a multiplicity of less well–known ethnic communities that owe their origins to immigrant property developers. The immigrant property developers use the classic methods of the growth machine: buy land cheaply, promote it in Chinese or Korean emigration basins, then sell it to co–ethnic immigrants at a profit. In the process, the immigrant property developers reduce the difficulty of immigration to Los Angeles at the same time that they enhance its perceived desirability. The success of the Chinese and Korean developers highlights the hazard of assuming, as is conventionally done, that ethnic residential clustering arises from leaderless social processes. In both these highlighted cases, entrepreneurial elites created residential clusters of co–ethnics from conscious, long–term plans that required political as well as economic savoir–faire. In so doing, the immigrant property developers joined the Los Angeles growth machine whose fortunes, admittedly, have been waning among the native born population of the region.La mort annoncée de la dynamique de croissance de Los Angeles est prématurée. Ce serait oublier le rôle grandissant des chefs d'entreprise immigrés coréens et chinois dans l'aménagement immobilier régional. Depuis 1970, ces entrepreneurs ont considérablement restructuré la morphologie de Los Angeles, créant des 'agglomérats' commerciaux et résidentiels hiérarchisés pour migrants de m?me ethnie. Si Koreatown et Monterey Park sont des noms bien connus des étrangers, ces lieux dominants coexistent en réalité avec une multiplicité de communautés ethniques moins renommées qui doivent leurs origines à des promoteurs immigrés. Ces derniers appliquent les mécanismes classiques de la prospérité: acheter le terrain bon marché, le promouvoir dans des bassins d'émigration chinois ou coréens, puis le vendre à profità des immigrants co–ethniques. Ainsi, les promoteurs immigrés facilitent l'immigration vers Los Angeles tout en en accentuant l'aspect attractif. La réussite des aménageurs chinois et coréens souligne le risque qu'il y a à supposer, comme bien souvent, que tout regroupement résidentiel ethnique naît de processus sociaux non dirigés. Dans les deux cas exposés, les élites commerciales ont créé des regroupements résidentiels de m?me ethnie selon des plans délibérés à long terme, impliquant un savoir–faire à la fois politique et économique. Ce faisant, les promoteurs immigrés ont rejoint la dynamique de croissance de Los Angeles qui, il est vrai, a vu décliner les succès au sein de sa population de souche.

The partnership between the EU and the ACP countries (that include 38 of the world's 49 least developed countries) has a long standing history and was renewed in 2000 with the Cotonou Agreement. Furthermore, the European Commission has become the world's fifth largest donor of development aid - and therefore one of the most important - in the 1990's. When total aid is looked at the ACP countries are disproportionally among those receiving the most foreign aid per capita in the world and hence the effects of European aid are of special relevance for them. The aim of this paper is therefore to investigate the effect European aid has on investment in the ACP countries. It contributes to the ongoing debate on aid effectiveness by arguing that the impact f aid does not only depend on the characteristics of the recipient but also of the donor. The EU-ACP Partnership Agreement could increase incentives for private investment in the ACP countries either through direct support measures or more indirectly through complementary spending for infrastructure and administration. The special private sector chapter in the Cotonou Agreement makes it visible that private sector support is a primary objective and brings the existing provisions into a more coherent and refined framework. However, given the limited funds that were available under the Lomé Conventions direct investment support cannot be expected to increase total investment considerably. The empirical findings show that total aid has a positive but declining effect on the share of gross domestic investment in GDP. The effect of aid from the European Commission on gross domestic investment seems to be smaller partly due to its allocation towards ACP countries with a relatively poor investment performance. ; Die Partnerschaft zwischen EU und AKP-Staaten (von denen 38 zu den 49 am wenigsten entwickelten Ländern gehören) hat eine langjährige Geschichte und wurde im Jahre 2000 mit dem Cotonou Abkommen erneuert. Zudem hat sich die Europäische Kommission in den 90er Jahren zum fünftgrößten Geber von Entwicklungshilfe in der Welt entwickelt. Die AKP-Staaten liegen bei Betrachtung der Gesamthilfe überproportional unter denen, welche die meiste Entwicklungshilfe pro Kopf in der Welt erhalten. Es werden daher die Auswirkungen der EU-Hilfe insbesondere auf die Investitionen in den AKP Staaten untersucht. Damit wird ein Beitrag zu der gegenwärtigen Debatte über die Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungshilfe geleistet. Es wird argumentiert dass die Wirksamkeit von Hilfe nicht nur von den Gegebenheiten im Empfängerland, sonder auch vom Geber abhängt. Das Abkommen von Cotonou soll die Anreize für Privatinvestitionen in den AKP-Staaten steigern, entweder durch direkte Förderungsmaßnahmen oder indirekt durch ergänzende Ausgaben für Infrastruktur und Administration. Das Sonderkapitel über den Privatsektor im Cotonou-Abkommen macht deutlich, dass die Unterstützung des privaten Sektors ein primäres Ziel ist und bringt die bestehenden Bestimmungen in einen kohärenten und verbesserten Rahmen. Einer der Schwerpunktsektoren ist daher die Förderung von Investitionen und privatem Sektor. Bei den begrenzten Geldmitteln, die durch die Lomé-Abkommen verfügbar waren, kann allerdings nicht erwartet werden, dass die Förderung direkter Investitionen die Gesamtinvestitionen wesentlich steigert. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Gesamthilfe einen positiven, aber sinkenden Einfluss auf den Anteil der inländischen Investitionen am BSP hat. Die Auswirkungen der EU-Hilfe auf Investitionen in den AKP Staaten sind weniger stark. Dies kann insbesondere auf die stärkere Ausrichtung der EU-Zusammenarbeit auf die AKP Staaten mit schlechteren allgemeinen Investitionsbedingungen zurückgeführt werden.

This thesis deals with durable household electronic appliances collection. Regarding legislative constraints that force disposal of so-called « ultimate » products from july 2002, recycling appears to be an ecologic and economic promising solution. Economic stability of recycling depends among other things on the costs management and the development of secondary markets, in order to add value on materials, spare parts and recycled products. This perspective leads us to consider the management and the planning of collection, the main supplier of reverse logistics and the responsible of a consequent part of system global costs. Once the principal characteristics of the logistics system are identified, the collection at home keeps our attention, and is modelled as a vehicle routing problem : the « pickup and delivery problem with time windows ». This Operational Research problem is then algorithmly resolved, successively considering the single vehicle and the multiple vehicle cases. Main algorithm is based on probabilistic and deterministic tabu searchs, and give excellent results in terms of execution time and quality. Finaly, a way is shown for easily integrating heuristics in a decision support module of collection operational planning, where the human operator has to define the collection plan to be executed. Module integration is modeled using the unified modelling language UML. ; La logistique inverse des déchets techniques encombrants de type blanc ou brun se développe de nos jours afin de répondre aux contraintes législatives fortes qui n'autorisent à partir de juillet 2002 que la mise en décharge des déchets dits « ultimes ». Le recyclage noble apparaît comme une solution prometteuse, économiquement viable et écologique, où la collecte, approvisionneuse exclusive du processus de récupération des déchets, doit être appréhendée et planifiée dans l'objectif de maîtrise des coûts. Après avoir identifié les caractéristiques principales des systèmes de collecte existants, nous nous attardons sur le ramassage à domicile des produits usagés de la population. Afin de pouvoir établir une planification opérationnelle, ce mode de collecte est modélisé comme un problème de routage de véhicules : le problème de chargement et de déchargement avec contraintes de fenêtres temporelles, de précédence et de capacité. Ce problème d'Optimisation Combinatoire est ensuite résolu de manière algorithmique, en considérant successivement le cas d'un véhicule, puis de plusieurs véhicules. La résolution du problème se base sur la recherche tabou et la recherche tabou probabiliste, et fournit des résultats très satisfaisants sur le plan qualitatif et en temps d'exécution. Finalement, nous décrivons, grâce au langage de modélisation unifié orienté objet UML, une manière d'intégrer nos résultats algorithmiques dans un module d'aide à la décision pour la planification opérationnelle de la collecte, où l'opérateur humain est chargé de définir le plan de collecte à exécuter.

ÖZETİnsan haklarının dünya siyasetindeki rolü gün geçtikçe artmaktadır. İnsan haklarının giderek artan önemi insan hakları ve egemenlik, insan hakları ve milliyetçilik, insan hakları ve siyasal sistemler arasındaki ilişki vb. konulara dikkat çekmektedir. İnsan hakları, ülkelerin dış politika kararları üzerinde de etkili olmaya başlamıştır.Bu çalışmada da insan hakları konusu yukarıda değinilen bağlamda ele alınmıştır. Ancak çalışmanın daha belirgin (spesifik) bir amacı vardır: İnsan haklarının Avrupa Birliği'nin dış ilişkilerinde bir faktör olarak oynadığı rol. Bu çerçevede, öncelikle Avrupa Birliği Kurucu Antlaşmaları'nda yer alan insan haklarının korunması ile ilgili maddeler incelenmiş, Avrupa Temel Haklar Şartı ile gelişimin son noktası vurgulanmıştır. Avrupa Birliği'nin dış ilişkilerinde kullanmış olduğu araçlar (deklarasyonlar,siyasi diyalog,ortak pozisyon vb) sıralanırken insan hakları maddelerinin yer aldığı antlaşmalara özel bir önem verilmiştir. 1990'lardan bu yana yapılmakta olan bu tür antlaşmalar içinde barındırdığı "insan hakları maddesi" vasıtasıyla birtakım yaptırımlar içermektedir. İnsan hakları ihlalleri karşısında antlaşmanın askıya alınması ya da durdurulması mümkündür(Cotonou Antlaşması'nda olduğu gibi).Son bölüm, insan hakları konusunun Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerindeki rolü üzerinedir.Son gelişmeler ışığında (Katılım Ortaklığı Belgesinde sözü edilen kısa ve orta vadeli öncelikler gibi)insan haklarının Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerindeki rolü incelenmiştir.ABSTRACTThe emergence of human rights as an issue has had several implications in international affairs. The first effect of human rights has been witnessed in foreign policies of nation-states. They (States) have been caught in a dilemma: on the one hand, there has been human rights concerns which have indeed raised as moral imperatives,on the other hand,the long-rooted concept of international system that is sovereignty and non-interference principle.However, in this specific study, the main concern is not concentrated on individual state practices ( though they are to be mentioned briefly) as regards human rights but on the European Union's human rights policy in its external relations.Since it is not a state but still has its own sphere of influence it offers a unique path with regard to human rights. Thus, this study is focused on the role of human rights in the European Union's external relations. In this regard, first a general framework has been drawn.Secondly, the European Union's human rights policy has been put on the table. The integration into agreements of human rights clauses as part of conditionality is significant in this sense;this tool has increasingly been used by the Union to have influence on human rights issues( as seen in the Cotonou and Europe Agreements).The last part has been devoted to a special case study that is the role of human rights in Turkey-European Union Relations.In the light of recent developments such as short and midterm priorities brought by the Accession Partnership ,the role assumed by human rights factor in this relationship has been tried to clarify.

The increased use of personal communication devices, personal computers and wireless cellular telephones enables the development of new inter-personal communication systems. The merge between computers and telephony technologies brings up the demand for convenient hands-free communications. In such systems the users wish to lead a conversation in much the same way as in a normal person-to-person conversation. The advantages of hands-free telephones are safety, convenience and greater flexibility. In many countries and regions, hand held telephony in cars is prohibited by legislation. By placing the microphone far away from the user a number of disadvantages are introduced, which results in substantial speech distortion and poor sound quality. These disturbances are mainly caused by room reverberation and background noise. Furthermore, acoustic feedback generated at the near-end side is a problem for the far-end side talker, who will hear his/her own voice echoed with 100-200 ms delay, making speech conversation substantially more difficult. Digital filtering may be used to obtain a similar sound quality as for hand held telephony. Three major tasks must be addressed in order to improve the quality of hands-free communication systems; noise suppression, room reverberation suppression, and acoustic feedback cancellation of the hands-free loudspeaker. The filtering operation must perform the above mentioned tasks without causing severe near-end speech distortion. A properly designed broad-band microphone array is able to perform all the given tasks, i.e. speech enhancement, echo cancellation and reverberation suppression, in a concise and effective manner. This is due to the fact that the spatial domain may be utilized as well as the temporal domain. This thesis deals with the problem of specification and design of beamformers used to extract the source signal information. A new subband adaptive beamforming algorithm is proposed, where many of the drawbacks embedded in conventional adaptive beamforming are eliminated. Evaluation in a car hands-free situation show the benefits of the proposed method. Blind signal separation is discussed and a new structure based on frequency domain inverse channel identification and time domain separation, is proposed. Further, filter-bank properties and design are discussed together with performance limitations in subband beamforming structures. ; Avhandlingen behandlar specifikation och konstruktion av mikrofon-arrayer för att extrahera talinformation. En ny adaptiv delbands beamforming-algoritm föreslås där många av nackdelarna hos konventionella adaptiva beamformers är eliminerade. En utvärdering i en bil med ett frihands-system bekräftar fördelarna med den föreslagna metoden. Blind signal-separation diskuteras och en ny struktur föreslås, baserad på en inverterande kanalidentifiering utförd i frekvensdomän med en kontinuerlig separation utförd i tidsdomän. Filterbanks-egenskaper och designmetoder diskuteras tillsammans med begränsningar som finns i beamforming-strukturer utförda i delband.