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In his "Obedience to Authority" experiments, Milgram took on the dual roles of scientific investigator and documentary filmmaker. He used photography and film as tools of investigation and dissemination throughout his career. Milgram claimed the documentary Obedience (1965) as audiovisual evidence of his "obedience to authority" paradigm. "Revisioning Milgram" looks behind the scenes at the scripting and authoring of Obedience in order to assess its claims as both art and science. It examines the way in which Milgram constructed a visual narrative to support his preferred findings and some of the tensions that arose when his film was first broadcast. This article considers how we might recover the lost visual narratives of Obedience in order to contribute to contemporary reappraisals of "Obedience to Authority."

Public contention over recent changes in New York City's streetscape, allocating more space and priority to pedestrians and cyclists, illuminates an underlying conflict between a belief system regarding motor vehicles as central to American life—the windshield-perspective assumptions here termed Motorism—and dissenting beliefs questioning the rationality of automotive monoculture. New York-based writer Bill Millard argues that during the twentieth century, Motorism attained a level of dominance thorough enough to be unrecognized and unquestioned in most locales; though it encounters enough opposition to be visible as an ideology only in a few places (particularly New York), its ill effects on the environment, the economy, health, and other values are increasingly apparent, suggesting that the New York "streetfight" has social ramifications extending well beyond New York.

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women's representation. The 2011 election confirms that 'favorable' electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women's representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a 'zipper', a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties' favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters' support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women's presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

This article distinguishes Right to Memory from Law of Memory. The last corresponds to a set of norms and policies that, mainly in societies settling a democratic form of government and implementing human rights, reply to previous human rights abuses while the first is conceived as the recognition of victims' subjective rights to obtain a judicial reparation in the new legal-political order for the violations of human rights they suffered, and a condemnation for persecutors. He argues that if there are many good reasons prima facie to support a Right to Memory, its recognition could on the other hand give birth to political difficulties, weakening the democratic transition itself. In a transitional justice perspective, we should stress that such a subjective right should not be granted in any case, and that its recognition should be balanced with the purpose of the efficacious establishment of a democratic order, grounded on Human Rights. ; El artículo establece una distinción entre "el derecho de la memoria", que corresponde al conjunto de normas y políticas públicas destinadas, especialmente en sociedades que establecen una forma democrática de gobierno y adhieren a los derechos de la persona humana, a dar cuenta de las violaciones a los derechos humanos que han precedido; y "el derecho a la memoria", concebido como un derecho subjetivo de las víctimas a ver las violaciones que ellas han sufrido reparadas en el nuevo orden jurídico-político, y a sus autores condenados. Muestra, a partir de un análisis de la justificación moral, de la justificación política y del contexto, que si buenas razones, en primer análisis, pueden empujar a defender la idea de un derecho a la memoria, su reconocimiento puede plantear problemas jurídicos al nuevo orden democrático, así como plantear problemas políticos, susceptibles de afectar la transición democrática. Concluye que la justicia de transición no debería considerar que este derecho a la memoria ha de estar automáticamente garantizado, debería estar regulado en función del objetivo de establecer eficazmente un nuevo orden democrático fundado sobre el respeto de los derechos humanos.

the article draws a distinction between 'the right of memory', which corresponds to all public rules and policies aimed, in particular, in societies that establish a democratic form of government and adhere to the rights of the human person, to account for the violations of human rights that have preceded; and 'the right to memory', conceived as a subjective right of victims to see the violations that they have suffered in the new political and legal order, and their convicted perpetrators. It shows, on the basis of an analysis of moral justification, political justification and context, that if good reasons, in the first analysis, may push to defend the idea of a right to memory, its recognition may pose legal problems to the new democratic order, as well as raise political problems, which could affect the democratic transition. He concluded that transitional justice should not consider that this right to memory should be automatically guaranteed, should be governed by the objective of effectively establishing a new democratic order based on respect for human rights. ; International audience ; the article draws a distinction between 'the right of memory', which corresponds to all public rules and policies aimed, in particular, in societies that establish a democratic form of government and adhere to the rights of the human person, to account for the violations of human rights that have preceded; and 'the right to memory', conceived as a subjective right of victims to see the violations that they have suffered in the new political and legal order, and their convicted perpetrators. It shows, on the basis of an analysis of moral justification, political justification and context, that if good reasons, in the first analysis, may push to defend the idea of a right to memory, its recognition may pose legal problems to the new democratic order, as well as raise political problems, which could affect the democratic transition. He concluded that transitional justice should not consider that this right to memory should ...

International audience ; La présidentialisation du régime parlementaire n'est pas propre à l'expérience française. Toutefois, le système de la V° République autorise la configuration politique de deux formes distinctes de présidentialisation. La configuration politique peut elle-même être analysée du point de vue du système électoral. Cet article présente le lien entre système électoral et forme de présidentialisation.

Les doctrines de l'Etat de droit, de la démocratie et des droits de l'homme ont leur propres cohérences, mais peuvent paraître sur certains points inconciliables.