Suchergebnisse

Crna Gora je Ustavom iz 2007. godine postavila temelje modelu multikulturalizma u odnosu države prema činjenici etnokulturnog pluralizma. Puna integracija svih etničkih i nacionalnih zajednica može biti ostvarena isključivo poštovanjem i priznavanjem njihovih kolektivnih identiteta u političkoj dimenziji, zabranom asimilacije i svih oblika diskriminacije manjinskih nacionalnih zajednica. U demografskom smislu, prema rezultatima posljednjeg popisa stanovništva, radi se o multikulturalnoj državi u kojoj postoji izražen etnokulturni pluralizam. Sa aspekta ostvarenih rezultata u procesu integracije etnonacionalnih manjina u Crnoj Gori, najlošiji rezultati ostvareni su u pogledu integracije romske etničke zajednice. Teškoće u procesu integracije ove zajednice u crnogorsko društvo rezultat su i pravno-institucionalnih nedostataka, posebno u dijelu koji se tiče njene političke participacije. ; The 2007 Constitution of Montenegro has laid down the foundation for the model of multiculturalism which is the basic principle of the states' relation towards the fact of ethnic pluralism within Montenegrin society. Full integration of all ethnic and national communities can be achieved only through recognition and respect of their collective identities in political dimension, prevention of the assimilation and all forms of discrimination of minority national communities. In demographic terms, according to the last census, Montenegro is multicultural state with significant level of ethno cultural pluralism. From the perspective of achieved results in the integration process of minority communities in Montenegro, integration of the members of Roma community was the least successful. The difficulties in the integration process of this community in Montenegrin society are the result of institutional shortcomings, especially in terms of its political participation.

Istraživanje je poduzeto radi svrhe prikazivanja odnosa moći između različitih aktera koji su sudjelovali u formulaciji dopunskog osiguranja. Cilj je utvrditi tko su bili najutjecajniji/najmoćniji akteri u tom procesu kako bi se unaprijedilo znanje o akterima hrvatske zdravstvene politike i pokazalo tko su jedni od najvažnijih aktera u toj hrvatskoj politici. U radu autor se vodio pretpostavkom pluralizma kako je moć široko distribuirana među različitim akterima te da im se na temelju toga omogućava sudjelovanje, zastupanje interesa i utjecaj na spomenuti proces. U skladu s time autor je razvio mrežu interakcije između aktera, a moć se mjerila pomoću 4 indikatora: javne ovlasti, uloga u procesu, medijska zastupljenost te percepcija aktera o distribuciji moći. Svi indikatori upućuju na to da su najutjecajniji akteri bili formalni, odnosno državni te da moć nije bila široko distribuirana. Nadalje, iako su akteri razvili svojevrsnu mrežu odnosa, ona se ne može u potpunosti objasniti pristupom mreža javnih politika jer je kao prvo, postojao jedan centar moći oko kojeg se strukturirala interakcija i kao drugo, civilno društvo je bilo nedovoljno zastupljeno. ; Research was conducted for purposes of explaining the relations of power between various actors which have participated in the formulation of supplementary health insurance. The goal was to determine who were the most inflental/powerful actors in that process in order to advance knowledge about Croatian health policy actors and to show which actors are the most relevant in that policy. In this paper the author took the assumption of pluralism as a theory which holds that power is widely distributed among different actors and thus enables them to take part in the policy process, representing their interests and influencing policy. Accordingly, the author developed a network of interaction between actors, and power was measured by four indicators: public authority, role in the policy process, media representation, and actors perception of power distribution. All ...

U radu se iznose rezultati provedene analize sadržaja izbornih programa političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, uz kratko uvodno objašnjenje kako je došlo do slobodnih demokratskih izbora i tko je sve sudjelovao u njima. Provedena analiza ukazuje na sadržaj ponuđenih političkih ideja, te opis morfologije tržišta političkih ideja uspostavljenih kroz predizbornu kampanju. Analiza obuhvaća programe 34 stranke i u njima prali 17. tematskih cjelina. Analizom je utvrđeno da su sličnosti u programima stranaka daleko prisutnije od razlika. Međutim, bitne razlike se pojavljuju na ključnim temama. Tako se razlike mogu pratiti na temi federacija - konfederacija, Monocentrični - policentrični razvoj Hrvatske, Jačanje nacionalnog identiteta kulture - Pluralizam nacionalnih kultura i odnos prema materinstvu i abortusu. Analizom je, takođe, utvrđeno da su najčešće teme predizbornih programa bile: Pravna država (91,2 %) i poduzetništvo i privreda (70,6 %). Uzrok lome, po mišljenju autora, treba svakako tražiti u napuštanju jedno si ranačnih monopola, kao i posvemašnjoj ekonomskoj krizi privređivanja u Hrvatskoj. ; In this paper the results of a content analysis of political parties' election programmes in Croatia are presented, preceded by a short introduction referring to the occurrence of free democratic elections and all their participants. Outlined in the analysis is the substance of the political ideas offered and also the description of the morphology of the political ideas' market established in the election campaign. The analysis consists of 34 party programmes from which 17 topics have been selected for study. The results indicate many more similarities than differences among the party programmes. However, the major differences appear where the key topics are concerned, which enables their observation through the following oppositions: federation - confederation, monocentric - polycentric development of Croatia, promotion of national cultural identity - pluralism of national cultures and finally, differing attitudes towards motherhood and abortion. The most frequent topics appearing in election programmes, according to the results of the analysis are: the civil state (91,2%) and enterprising and economy (70,6%). It is the opinion of the authors that this arises from the abandonment of the one-party monopoly as well as from the overall economic crisis in Croatia.

Demolition of single-party system and the disintegration of former Yugoslavia during 1990-ies introduced a policy of political pluralism in all newly established countries. With the introduction of the multiparty system, religion was introduced to the political scene. In all newly established countries, the impact of religion onto politics was felt. Some of the political parties were formed as the primary religious parties and thus they introduced religion as the primary political fact. Other parties although formed as secular ones they indicated that their inspiration comes from religion or tradition related to religion. The influence of these parties in political life and proclaimed democratization, that all of these counties aspire to it is more than clear. This paper will show how these political parties that operates in newly formed countries and how their work contributes to democratization. Special emphasis will be put on the analysis of political differences and political practices that will show us in the best way that the aforementioned parties indeed influence the democratization of political systems in those newly formed countries. Based on that the real picture gain will be acquired showing how political parties inspired by religion can contribute to Euro-Atlantic integration to which all of them declaratively tend to. ; Rušenje jednopartijskog sistema i raspad bivše Jugoslavije 90-tih godina 20. veka uvelo je partijski pluralizam u politiku svih novonastalih država. Sa uvođenjem višepartizma uvedena je i religija na političku scenu. U svim novonastalim državama osetio se uticaj religije na politiku. Neke od političkih partija su formirane kao primarno religiozne partije i samim tim uvele religiju kao primarnu političku činjenicu. Druge partije su, mada formirane kao sekularne, pokazale da svoju jasnu inspiraciju nalaze u religiji ili tradiciji vezanoj za religiju. Uticaj ovih partija na politički život i proklamovanu demokratizaciju ka kojoj sve ove države deklarativno teže više je nego jasan. U ovom tekstu će se prikazati kako te političke partije deluju u novonastalim državama i kako svojim radom doprinose demokratizaciji. Poseban akcenat će se staviti na analizu razlika političkih programa i političke prakse koje će na najbolji način pokazati koliko pomenute partije zaista utiču na demokratizaciju političkih sistema novonastalih država. Na osnovu toga steći će se stvarna slika koja će pokazati koliko političke partije inspirisane religijom mogu da doprinesu evro-atlantskim integracijama kojoj sve deklarativno teže.

This paper examines the restructuring of political conflict in Western societies in the 21st century, as well as its effects on morality, science, and democracy. I argue that the traditional socio-economic dimension of conflict has been intersected by a new dimension of cultural conflict between the cosmopolitan and the communitarian camps. In this paper, I identify three new crises which are responsible for this two-dimensional conflict structure: the refugee and migrant crisis, the climate debate, and the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that these crises are not based in "objective" facts alone, but that they are also shaped by their subjective perceptions or "crisis narratives". The paper shows that these narratives are characterized by three distinct properties: scientification, moralization, and polarization. Scientification entails the simplified perception of both science and democratic decision-making. By reducing the role of science to a singular procedure which produces non-refutable "truths", scientification has led to a change in the perception of democracy from a pluralistic and a posteriori decision-making to the means of implementing a priori scientific truth. The second characteristic of crisis narratives is moralization; that is, the stylization of one's own moral position as superior in order to disparage another moral position which introduces binarism and friend-foe relations in the political discourse of democracy. Finally, I demonstrate how these properties undermine democratic pluralism by leading it into a two-dimensional (or, in the case of the United States, one-dimensional), non-negotiable and "all or nothing" polarization. ; Ovaj članak istražuje restrukturiranje političkog konflikta u zapadnim društvima u 21. veku, kao i efekte koje je ono imalo na moralnost, nauku i demokratiju. Pokazujem da je tradicionalno socio-ekonomska dimenzija konflikta postala ispresecana novom dimenzijom kulturnog konflikta između kosmopolitskog i komunitarnog kampa. U radu identifikujem tri nove krize koje su odgovorne za ovu dvodimenzionalnu strukturu konflikta: izbeglička i migrantska kriza, debata o klimatskim promenama i COVID-19 pandemija. U tekstu pokazujem da ove krize nisu zasnovane samo na "činjenicama", već takođe i na subjektivnim percepcijama krize ili "naracijama krize". Ove naracije poseduju tri različite osobine: scijentizacija, moralizacija i polarizacija. Scijentizacija podrazumeva simplifikovanu percepciju nauke i demokratskog procesa odlučivanja. Ona redukuje ulogu nauke na singularnu proceduru koja proizvodi neupitnu "istinu" i time menja sliku demokratije od pluralističkog i a posteriori procesa donošenja odluka u sredstvo primenjivanja a priori naučne istine. Druga osobina naracija krize je moralizacija, odnosno stilizacija sopstvene moralne pozicije kao superiorne u odnosu na drugu, čime se unosi binarizam i prijatelj-neprijatelj odnos u politički diskurs demokratije. Najzad, demonstriram kako ove osobine podrivaju demokratski pluralizam time što ga vode u dvodimenzionalnu (ili u slučaju Sredinjenih Država, jednodimenzionalnu), bezkompromisnu i "sve ili ništa" polarizaciju.

This article analyzes the constitutional provisions and practices of the Kosovar process of forming a government in two scenarios: after a parliamentary election, and after a motion of no confidence. The factors that most prominently complicate this process are the proportional electoral system, extreme party pluralism, and ambiguous constitutional provisions. Leaving aside the first two factors, which have thus far resisted efforts to change them, the authors claim that the constitutional law dealing with the government-formation process has undergone both procedural and substantive changes as a result of interpretations and decisions by the Constitutional Court. The authors further note that these changes are constitutional constructions, rather than constitutional interpretations, and describe the novel, resultant practice as legitimized without amendment. These constitutional interpretations and constructions, their possible alternatives, and the relevant constitutional provisions are analyzed through doctrinal legal research. That constitutional judgments can be reinterpreted and abused by interim, and office-seeking (rather than policy-seeking) political coalitions seems a condition poised to engender future instability; therefore, the authors hold that the amendment of the constitution is the best insurance against political and constitutional crises when it comes to forming a government, either after elections or with the same legislature. The authors hope that this paper will contribute to the enrichment of the constitutional practice of forming parliamentary governments and the development of the doctrine of constitutional interpretation. ; U ovome članku analiziraju se ustavne odredbe i praksa kosovskog formiranja vlade u dva scenarija: nakon parlamentarnih izbora i nakon izglasavanja nepovjerenja. Čimbenici koji izrazito kompliciraju taj proces su proporcionalni izborni sustav, ekstremni stranački pluralizam i dvosmislene ustavne odredbe. Ostavljajući po strani prva dva čimbenika, koji su do sada odolijevali nastojanjima da ih se promijeni, autori tvrde da je ustavno pravo koje se bavi procesom formiranja vlasti doživjelo i proceduralne i materijalne promjene kao rezultat tumačenja i odluka Ustavnog suda. Autori nadalje primjećuju da su te promjene ustavne konstrukcije, a ne klasična ustavna tumačenja, te opisuju novu, rezultirajuću praksu kao legitimiranu bez ustavne promjene. Ova ustavna tumačenja i konstrukcije, njihove moguće alternative te relevantne ustavne odredbe analiziraju se doktrinarnim pravnim istraživanjem. Uzimajući u obzir činjenicu da se ustavne presude mogu reinterpretirati i biti zloupotrijebljene privremenim ad hoc koalicijama, koje se temelje na trenutačnim uskim stranačkim interesima, može se pretpostaviti da će to stvarati dodatne nestabilnosti u budućnosti. Stoga autori smatraju da je izmjena ustava najbolje osiguranje od političke i ustavne krize kada je u pitanju formiranje vlasti, bilo nakon izbora, bilo s istim zakonodavnim tijelom. Autori se nadaju da će ovaj rad pridonijeti obogaćivanju ustavne prakse formiranja parlamentarnih vlada i razvoju doktrine tumačenja ustava.

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school (Praksisovci). It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality, bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny and legacy of the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis school, who were identified as the protests' instigators and subsequently expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their "ethico-political unsuitability". Under both international and domestic pressure, they were later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in Serbia – Dragoljub Mićunović as one of the founders of the modern Democratic Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Đinđić. Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day. ; Drugog svetskog rata koja je eksplicitno kritikovala rastuću društvenu nejednakost, birokratizaciju i nezaposlenost, i zahtevala slobodu govora i ukidanje privilegija. Ovaj članak fokusira se na sudbinu osmoro profesora sa Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu bliskih Praksis idejama, koje je režim identifikovao kao podstrekače protesta i kasnije ih proterao sa fakulteta zbog njihove "moralno-političke nepodobnosti". Nakon međunarodnih i unutrašnjih pritisaka, oni su kasnije ponovo zaposleni u zasebnoj istraživačkoj jedinici nazvanoj Centar za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju, gde su zadržali svoju kritičku oštricu i zagovarali politički pluralizam. Od kraja osamdesetih godina prošlog veka, oni i njihove kolege iz Centra postaju politički aktivni, nalaze se među osnivačima i kasnije liderima Demokratske Stranke i povremeno zauzimaju najviše položaje u Srbiji – Dragoljub Mićunović kao predsedavajući Narodne skupštine, bivši srpski predsednik i premijer Vojislav Koštunica i nekadašnji premijer Zoran Đinđić. Međutim, dok su neki članovi osmorke i Centra postali čvrsti anti-nacionalisti i antiratni aktivisti, drugi su prigrlili srpski nacionalizam, tako predvodeći intelektualni razdor na Prvu i Drugi Srbiju koji je obeležio srpsko društvo devedesetih godina prošlog veka, i ostao uticajan do danas.

Izbori i izborni sistemi su veoma važan faktor funkcionisanja političkih sistema i njihove demokratizacije. Kraj prošlog veka doneo je temeljite promene bivšim socijalstičkim društvima širom starog kontinenta. Politički pluralizam, demokratija i tržišna ekonomija postale su široko prihvaćene vrednosti za bivša komunistička društva. Ovo je, sa druge strane, povećalo značaj izbora u svim ovim zemljama, uključujući Republiku Makedoniju. Veoma je teško tvrditi da li su izbori u Republici Makedoniji, od početka njenog postojanja kao nezavisne države, uvek bili u skladu sa pravilima naprednih demokratija, ali svejedno ostaje činjenica da su omogućili demokratiju u ovoj zemlji. Republika Makedonija prihvatila je parlamentarizam i u kontinuitetu iskazivala sve veće poštovanje za volju građana izraženu na fer i slobodnim izborima, iako je u nekoliko aspekata pokazala nedostatak političke kulture i tendencije koje bi se mogle nazvati demokratskim manipulisanjem demokratijom. Glavni cilj ovog rada je da pruži pregled izbora i razvoja izbornih modela u političkom sistemu Republike Makedonije. Kao što će to u radu biti predstavljeno, Republika Makedonija je u ove dve decenije svoje nezavisnosti primenjivala čist većinski izborni model, kombinovani izborni model i proporcionalni model, koji je trenutno u upotrebi. ; Elections and electoral systems are a factor of great importance for the functioning of political systems and their democratization. The end of the last century brought fundamental changes to ex socialist societies all over the old continent. Political pluralism, democracy and market economy became the largely accepted values for ex communist societies. This on the other hand resulted in an increased importance of elections in all these countries, including the Republic of Macedonia. It is very hard to argue weather election in the Republic of Macedonia from the very beginnings of its functioning as an independent country have always been in accordance with the rules of advanced democracies, but never the less the fact remains that they have made democracy in this country possible. The Republic of Macedonia has accepted parliamentarism and has shown in continuity an increasing respect for the will of citizens expressed in fair and free elections, although in several aspects it has shown a lack of political culture and tendencies for what might be called a democratic manipulation of democracy. The main objective of this paper is to provide an overview of elections and the evolution of the electoral models in the political system of the Republic of Macedonia. As will be presented in the paper the Republic of Macedonia in these two decades of functioning as an independent country has implemented the pure majoritarian electoral model, the combined electoral model and the proportional model which is being actually implemented.

Postsovjetske stranke vlasti dominantne su stranke koje su nastajale u godinama nakon raspada SSSR-a. Stranka vlasti nije tip političke stranke, nego pojam koji označava da ih formira izvršna vlast stvarajući im legalnu i nelegalnu prednost pred ostalim strankama na izborima i u svakodnevnoj alokaciji resursa. U ovom radu pokušava se utvrditi je li kazahstanska stranka vlasti Nur Otan hegemonijska stranka koja se tako može definirati u skladu sa Sartorijevom definicijom tog tipa političke stranke. Odgovor na to pitanje nije važan samo zbog tipološkog etiketiranja te stranke, nego je ponajprije važan zbog toga što pomoću njega možemo dobiti uvid u institucionalne pretpostavke trajnosti postojećega autoritarnog režima u toj zemlji, ali i u ostalim suvremenim autoritarnim sustavima u kojima postoje višestranačje i ograničeni politički pluralizam. Nakon provedene analize ustava i zakona te političke prakse u Kazahstanu od 1991. do 2016. u radu se dolazi do zaključka da Nur Otan jest hegemonijska stranka u skladu sa Sartorijevom definicijom, ali da je to novi podtip hegemonijske stranke koja ostvaruje hegemoniju unutar stranačkog sustava, ali ne i u cijelome političkom sustavu kao klasične hegemonijske stranke 20. stoljeća. Zbog toga ne odgovara nijednome od dva Sartorijeva podtipa – ideološko-hegemonijske i pragmatično-hegemonijske stranke – te je zbog presudne uloge predsjednika države u ostvarivanju njezine hegemonije u stranačkom sustavu nazvana predsjedničko-hegemonijska stranka. Ta stranka pridonosi trenutačnoj stabilnosti autokratskog režima u Kazahstanu, ali su zbog njezine ograničene hegemonije unutar samo stranačkog sustava, ali ne i političkog sustava u cjelini, institucionalne pretpostavke trajnosti režima nakon odlaska Nursultana Nazarbajeva s čela države nesigurne. ; Post-Soviet parties of power are dominant parties created in the years after the collapse of the USSR. It is not a type of political party, but a term that means that executives form them, producing a legal and illegal advantage over other parties in elections and in the daily allocation of resources. This paper attempts to determine if the Kazakh party of power Nur Otan is also a hegemonic party along the line with Sartori's definition. I argue that party of power could be any dominant party, including a hegemonic party, and hence we need further analysis to identify its appropriate typological definition. The answer to this question is not only important for the purpose of typological labelling, rather its importance lies in aiding our ability to gain insight into the existing Kazakh authoritarian regime's institutional framework of sustainability. After the analysis, the paper comes to the conclusion that Nur Otan is a hegemonic party, but it is a new subtype of the hegemonic party that achieves hegemony within the party system, but not within the whole political system as a classic hegemonic party of the 20th century. Therefore, it contributes to the current stability of the autocratic regime, but the institutional framework of the regime's sustainability after the departure of Nursultan Nazarbayev from the state presidency is not certain.

Članak razmatra tri relevantna principa demokracije, inherentna suvremenom društvu: modernost, politika priznanja i sekularizam. Glavno pitanje kojim se bavi je održivost ovih principa kao temelja za zasnivanje kozmopolitske demokracije i utjecaja na daljnju demokratizaciju ljudskog svijeta. Članak (i) istražuje vezu između modernizacije i demokracije kroz perspektivu višestruke moderne kao mogućnosti za proširenje demokracije na nedemokratsko područje svijeta, (ii) analizira politiku priznanja kao temelj za kulturnu koegzistenciju i politički pluralizam, (iii) razmatra problem a) kako ideja sekularizma ugrožava (prijeti) ideju religioznosti i obratno te čine li to uopće; b) koliko je sekularizam sekularan te je li uopće (problem privatne i javne sfere); c) može li sekularizam ostati temeljni princip (kozmopolitske) demokracije. ; This paper reflects on three relevant principles of democracy which are inherent to the contemporary society. These principles are modernity, the politics of recognition, and secularism. The main question is concerned with the sustainability of these principles as the grounds for the foundation of cosmopolitan democracy, and further influence on the democratization of the human world. This paper (i) examines a relationship between modernization and democracy through the perspective of multiple modernities as a possibility for the extension of democracy over the non-democratic parts of the world; (ii) analyzes politics of recognition as a grounds for cultural coexistence and political pluralism and (iii) reflects on the issue of a) how the idea of secularism if/how the idea of secularism treats the idea of religiousness and vice versa, b) how much is secularism secular (the issue of public versus private sphere), and c) can secularism remain to be the basic principle of (cosmopolitan) democracy. ; Cet article examine trois principes pertinents de la démocratie, inhérents à la société actuelle : modernité, politique de reconnaissance et sécularisme. La principale question qu'il pose est celle du maintien de ces principes en tant que fondements pour l'établissement d'une société démocratique et de leur influence sur la démocratisation du monde humain. Cet article (i) étudie la relation entre la modernisation et la démocratie à partir de la perspective des multiples modernités comme possibilité d'étendre la démocratie dans les parties non-démocratiques du monde, (ii) analyse les politiques de reconnaissance comme fondement pour la coexistence culturelle et le pluralisme politique et (iii) réfléchit sur la question de savoir : a) si/comment l'idée du sécularisme traite de l'idée de la religiosité et inversement ; b) dans quelle mesure le sécularisme est séculaire (problème de la sphère publique vs. la sphère privée) ; c) si le sécularisme peut encore rester le principe de base de la démocratie (cosmopolite). ; Dieser Artikel reflektiert über drei relevante Demokratieprinzipien, inhärent der Gesellschaft von heutzutage: modernität, Politik der Anerkennung und Säkularismus. Die Hauptfrage, mit der es sich befasst, ist die Nachhaltigkeit dieser Prinzipien als Grundlage für die Gründung der kosmopolitischen Demokratie und für den Einfluss der weiteren Demokratisierung der menschenwelt. Aus der Perspektive der multiplen modernitäten untersucht der Artikel (i) die Beziehung zwischen der modernisierung und Demokratie als eine möglichkeit für die Ausbreitung der Demokratie auf die nicht demokratischen Gebiete der Welt, (ii) analysiert die Politik der Anerkennung als Fundament für die kulturelle Koexistenz und politischen Pluralismus, (iii) erwägt die Frage a) ob/wie die Idee des Säkularismus die Idee der Religiosität behandelt und umgekehrt; b) ob/inwieweit der Säkularismus säkular ist (das Thema der öffentlichen Sphäre vs. Privatsphäre); c) ob der Säkularismus als Grundprinzip der (kosmopolitischen) Demokratie verbleiben kann.

U razdoblju od 1944 do 1947. KPJ je imala rukovodeću ulogu u novom državnom aparatu, ali je postojalo i višestranačje. Dilema da li ovakav stranački pluralizam ili jednostranački sistem brzo i relativno lako je riješena u korist KPJ. U tom razdoblju stranački sistem u Jugoslaviji se najviše približio boljševičkom. Sukob sa Staljinom prisilio je rukovodstvo da potraži novi identitet jugoslavenskog društva, različit od birokratskog sovjetskog sistema, ali uz zadržavanje diskontinuiteta sa zapadnim tipom građanskih demokratskih društava. Tražio se tzv. treći put društvenog razvoja na terenu samoupravnog socijalizma. KPJ je donjela odluku o vlastitoj preobrazbi u SKJ, ali se nije bitno izmijenila niti vlastitom ulogom niti organizacijskom strukturom. Polovicom 1950. lansirana je teza o odumiranju države, ali nerazvijenoj društvenoj praksi i dogmatskom teorijskom nasljeđu korespondirale su i nerazvijene teorijske rapsrave o bitnim problemima odumiranja države. Nakon kratkotrajnih inicijalnih rezultata smanjivanja uloge i funkcije države, nastupaju duga razdoblja jačanja države. Država je ostala sila iznad institucionalnih oblika samoupravljanja. Ustavom 1974. oktroiran je tzv. integralni sistem socijalističkog samoupravljanja. U takvom sistemu, ali i zbog njega, razgara se duboka i dugotrajna društvena kriza. Usprkos čestim promjenama politički sistem reproducirao je stare birokratske insitutcije koje su onemogućavale provođenje dubljih društvenih promjena. Dominacija politike nad ekonomijom nije dozvoljavala da se faktički radi na deetatizaciji i debirokratizaciji političkog sistema. Prelaz na razvijeni model parlamentarne demokracije bio je neophodan, ali je vrlo dramatičan. ; In the period from 1944 to 1947 the KPJ (Communist Party of Yugoslavia) played the leading role in the new government, but the multi-party system also existed The dilemma of choosing between such party pluralism and the one-party system was quickly and relatively easily resolved in favour of the KPJ. In this period the party system in Yugoslavia had come closest to the Bolshevist system. The conflict with Stalin compelled the leadership to search for a new identity of the Yugoslav society, different from the bureaucratic Soviet system, but retaining the discontinuity with the Western type civil democratic societies. What was sought after was the so-called third road of social development on the pounds of self-managing socialism. The KPJ decided to transform itself into the SKJ (League of Communists of Yugoslavia), but in essence it neither changed its role nor organizational structure. In the mid-fifties the withering away of the state concept was launched, but the undeveloped social practice and dogmatic theoretical legacy was also accompanied by undeveloped theoretical debates about the crucial problems concerning the dying away of the state. After short-lived initial results in reducing the role and function of the state, came long periods in which the state strengthened its power. The state remained a force above the institutional forms of self-management. With the 1974 Constitution the so-called integral system of socialist self-management was octroyed In such a system, but also due to it, a deep and long lasting social crisis had flamed up. In spite of frequent changes, the political system reproduced old bureaucratic institutions which prevented deeper social changes from taking place. The domination of politics over economy did not permit work to be done on the deetatization and debureaucratization of the political system The transition to the developed model of parliamentary democracy was indispensable but it has been very dramatic.

International audience The French Basque Country (FBC) represents an emblematic case of the politicization of local development through grassroots economic activism. These mobilizations are particularly obvious in the agricultural sector. Based on a qualitative research on small farmers' organizations and short food circuits, this article shows that Basque farmers' mobilizations constitute a case of a dual politicization of small-scale farming and territorial identity. This process has gone through two phases: the first period (1970-2000) was characterized by the politicization of local productive systems. Throughout the decade 2000-2010, a new mode of grassroots economic activism emerged, signalled by new alliances between producers and consumers, and by an increasing ideological pluralism. Two case studies illustrate these developments. The first relates to a case of explicit politicization with the controversy around the foundation in 2005 of an alternative Basque Chamber of Agriculture. The second case study is devoted to the development of short food circuits in the FBC, considered here as a case of implicit politicization of the encounter between productive and consumption circuits. Both cases illustrate the politicization of new economic social movements, and the constant overlapping of sectoral and territorial claims in the Basque territory

Rad je podijeljen na četiri dijela. U prvom dijelu se predstavlja nauk konstitucije Gaudium et spes o odnosu Crkve i politike. Obrađuje se: narav i svrha političke zajednice, suradnja svih u političkom životu te politička zajednica i Crkva. Stavovi Ivana Pavla II. o vjernicima u politici predstavljeni su prikazom dokumenta Sinode o laicima 1987.: Christifideles laici koji je objavljen 1990. Papa je snažno tražio od laika da se uključe u politički život i smatrao da je grijeh ne baviti se politikom, s mišlju: svi su predmet i protagonisti politike. Poziva se na promicanje solidarnosti i karitativnog rada kroz politiku. Crkva i laici su dužni evangelizirati društveno-ekonomski život kao i kulturu. Zatim se iznose osnovne ideje iz Katekizma Katoličke Crkve i na koncu se obrađuje Doktrinarna nota o katolicima u politici, Zbora za nauk vjere iz 2002. godine. Nauk novijih crkvenih dokumenata o ovoj temi može se sažeti ovako: Vlast i država izviru iz ljudske naravi i moralnog zakona, a onda to znači i da imaju i božanski izvor. One su potrebne za funkcioniranje ljudskog života. Opće dobro i poštovanje osobe ključni su kriteriji za prosudbu svake vlasti, političara, režima i stranke. Priznaje se autonomija i odvojenost Crkve i države. Priznaje se pluralizam stranaka i režima. Poziva se sve kršćane da se uključe u politički život, dapače grijeh je ne baviti se politikom. Ako se zakoni i vlast protive općem dobru i dobru osobe, onda se vjernik političar treba distancirati i ne glasati za takve zakone. Crkva treba biti kritička svijest i savjest društva. ; This article is divided into four parts. The first part presents the doctrine of the constitution as described in Gaudium et spes: in other words it deals with the relationship between church and politics. It deals with the nature and purpose of political community, the cooperation of all in political life, and the political community and the Church. The views of John Paul II on the role of believers in politics are presented through an analysis of the 1987 Synod document on the laity, Christifideles laici, which was published in 1990. The pope strongly urges the laity to become involved in political life and takes the position that abjuring from politics can be sinful, noting that all are subject to and all are protagonists in politics. The pope stresses the necessity of promoting solidarity and charitable works through politics. Church and laity are obliged to evangelize in social and economic life as well as culture. The paper goes on to present the basic ideas of the Catechism of the Catholic Church, and finally the ideas of the Doctrinal Note on Catholics in Politics, issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2002. The doctrine of recent Church documents on this topic may be summarized as follows: authority and the state stem from human nature and the moral law, and this means that they have a divine source. They are necessary for the functioning of human life. The common good and respect for persons are the key criteria for judging governments, politicians, regimes and parties. The autonomy and separation of church and state should be recognized. The pluralism of parties and regimes should be recognized. All Christians are called to become involved in political life: in fact, it is sinful not to be involved in politics. If laws or authorities are against the common good and the good of the person, then the believer politician should distance himself from such laws and authorities and should not vote for such laws. The Church should be a critical conscience of society.

The European human rights regime, while protecting homosexual individuals from certain forms of discrimination, leaves member countries to regulate same-sex unions ; International audience While the European regime of human rights protects individual gays and lesbiens against certain forms of discrimination, it leaves the Member States to regualte same-sex unions. ; The European human rights regime, while protecting homosexual individuals from certain forms of discrimination, leaves member countries to regulate same-sex unions ; Le régime européen des droits de l'homme, s'il protège l'individu homosexuel contre certaines formes de discriminations, laisse les pays membres réglementer les unions homosexuelles

»Proizlazi da je teološka dimenzija nužna bilo da se protumače bilo da se riješe aktualni problemi ljudskoga suživota« (Ivan Pavao II., Centesimus annus, br. 55) Nove okolnosti donose i nove izazove na koje je potrebno odgovoriti. Kako bi odgovor bio primjeren i polučio željeni uspjeh važno je pri tome razriješiti sve relevantne nepoznanice. Početkom 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća demokracija, pluralizam mišljenja, parlamentarizam, višestranačje i izbori, prava i slobode prodrli su u hrvatsko društvo. Zbog nedostatka demokratske tradicije i njezine praktične primjene društvo je u to vrijeme karakteriziralo stanje nesnalaženja i neupućenosti. Važnost poznavanja svakoga pojedinog subjekta od posebnog je značaja u pluralističkom društvu. Te činjenice osobito je bio svjestan kardinal Franjo Kuharić. Budući da je zbog ateizma u prošlom društvenom sustavu za većinu stanovnika u Hrvatskoj Crkva bila nepoznata, on je držao bitnim predstaviti je vjernicima i široj javnosti. U prvom se dijelu članka, stoga, prikazuju naglasci njegove misli o porijeklu, naravi, poslanju i službi Crkve i to u svjetlu službenog nauka Drugoga vatikanskog koncila. Drugi dio članka pokazuje Kuharićev istančan smisao za uočavanje i isticanje bitnoga kao i lakoću i jednostavnost u prenošenju poruke. Polazeći s kršćanskog kuta motrenja on u središte postavlja teme koje su izuzetno važne za razumijevanje, ali i daljnje usmjerenje pojedinca, društva i države. Uz društveno-politički vid govora o demokraciji, zajedničkom dobru, političkim strankama i slobodnom izboru Kuharić naročito stavlja naglasak na njihovu etičku dimenziju. U trećem se dijelu članka prikazuje Kuharićevo stajalište o suodnosu Crkve i države u novim okolnostima, njihovi prostori autonomije i suradnje oko zajedničkog dobra pojedinca i zajednice. Iako bi se prikazano moglo nazvati općenitim i poznatim, konkretne okolnosti kao i mentalitet određenog naroda čine da ono općenito i poznato bude prepoznato i vezuje se upravo uz pojedini narod. Kardinal Franjo Kuharić je tom nimalo lakom zahtjevu nedvosmisleno dao svoj doprinos. ; New circumstances bring new challenges that need to be addressed. In order to reach an adequate response and sought-out success, it is important to disentangle all the relevant unknowns. At the beginning of the nineties of the past century democracy, pluralism of thought, numerous political parties and elections, rights and freedoms all found their place in the Croatian society. However, since this society had no democratic tradition and no tradition of practical implementation of democracy, it was, at that time, characterised by the state of confusion and ignorance. The importance of knowing each and every subject is especially needed in a pluralistic society. Cardinal Franjo Kuharić was well aware of this fact. Since the atheism of the former social system made the Church unknown to the most of the citizens of Croatia, he considered of utmost importance the task of introducing the Church to the faithful and to public. Therefore, the first section of this article presents the highlights of his thought on the origins, the nature, the mission, and the service of the Church in light of the official teaching of the Second Vatican Council. The second section of the article proceeds by showing Kuharic's nuanced sense for noticing and pointing out what is important as well as the levity and simplicity with which he was able to convey a message. Starting from a Christian point of view, the Cardinal emphasises the issues which are extremely important for understanding and a further guidance of an individual, society, and state. Beside the social-political part of his discourse, which treats issues like democracy, common good, political parties, and free elections, the Cardinal also emphasises the ethical dimension of these issues. The third section of this article shows Kuharic's position on the Church-state relation in the new circumstances, their respected areas of autonomy and their cooperation on those matters that constitute the common good of individuals and community. Although the article shows the matters which might be considered quite general and well-known, the concrete circumstances and the mentality of a certain nation have a capacity to transform what is general and well-known into what is specific for a certain nation. Without doubt, Cardinal Franjo Kuharić managed to give his contribution to this uneasy task.