Suchergebnisse

FORMA PARTE DE UN CONJUNTO DE RE`PRODUCCIONES FOTOGRÁFICAS DE CUADROS Y GRABADOS QUE REMEMORAN EL ATAQUE DE VAN DER DOEES A LAS PALMAS DE GRAN CANARIA EN 1599 ; Copia digital. Madrid : Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2015

FORMA PARTE DE UN CONJUNTO DE RE`PRODUCCIONES FOTOGRÁFICAS DE CUADROS Y GRABADOS QUE REMEMORAN EL ATAQUE DE VAN DER DOEES A LAS PALMAS DE GRAN CANARIA EN 1599 ; Copia digital. Madrid : Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2015

FORMA PARTE DE UN CONJUNTO DE RE`PRODUCCIONES FOTOGRÁFICAS DE CUADROS Y GRABADOS QUE REMEMORAN EL ATAQUE DE VAN DER DOEES A LAS PALMAS DE GRAN CANARIA EN 1599 ; Copia digital. Madrid : Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2015

The attainment of independence in 1960 opened a new vista in the political history of Nigeria as the new nation, was after long years of tortuous journey in the hands of aggressive external control and coupled with series of destructive internal disturbances across villages, towns, cities throughout the polity, had the first opportunity at selfgovernance in the modern sense. Retrospectively, historians and other scholars have explicitly documented and argued the huge impact of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the legitimate trade, colonial rule and the forced union called amalgamation in 1914 on Nigeria. The attainment of political or flag independence was, however, not an automatic guarantee of solutions to the many damages that were done to our socio-economic and political institutions by the above development in our collective history. The paper, therefore, presents discussions on how the kingship institution in Akokoland in particular and Nigeria in general has fared since independence up to the period of return to civil rule in 1999. Using a gristmill of sources, the descriptive and analytical methods were used to present the ideas of the paper and the findings revealed that the kingship institution beyond Akokoland has continued to show resilience despite the various stages of mutations it has passed through.

Lusíada. Política internacional e segurança. - ISSN 1647-1342. - N. 17-18 (2019). - p. 111-123. ; The article analyses the possibility of Pristina and Belgrade accepting to change Kosovo's borders and its likely consequences for peace in the Balkans. It argues that such a possibility raises worries of further instability – including war – returning to the region as other minorities feel discriminated against and the will for independence or integration in a neighbouring country grows and turns into a chain reaction. The logic of exchanging some of North Kosovo municipalities with a Serb majority for some eastern Serbian ones of Albanian majority is one of separation of ethnic groups. This goes against the prevailing consensus although the opinion of part of the international community seems to be shifting. However, Kosovo is not just a territory of Albanian majority where many Serbs live. It is also the melting pot where the Serbian orthodoxy and culture come together with its churches and monasteries dating back to the Middle Ages. The reality is that since the end of the war nearly twenty years ago and several attempts to pacify Kosovo the region remains very unstable. The UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the Ahtsaari plan in 2007 for a multi-ethnic and democratic Kosovo were insufficient to generate a mutually accepted solution although it conceded several rights to the Serb minority and protection of their religious monasteries under international supervision. Furthermore, most of the negotiations that occurred since the 2011 clashes led to agreements hardly ever implemented and part of the region, notably North Kosovo, still remains very unstable.

Lusíada. Política internacional e segurança. - ISSN 1647-1342. - S. 1, n. 13-14 (2016). - p. 113-132. ; This article presents an overview of humanitarian intervention and the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, in terms of the main arguments surrounding the controversy concerning unilateral versus multilateral military action. Building on the literature that addresses this debate, the article identifies the main elements that support the idea that, while there are good reasons to legitimize unilateral interventions in specific circumstances, those interventions should be exceptional. The main argument is that multilateral interventions are the best alternative to, simultaneously, address the need to protect people threatened by mass atrocity crimes and the need to maintain international peace and security. Multilateral authorisations reduce the risk of conflicts emerging and spiralling among states, and in particular, the most powerful ones. They also reduce the likelihood of using the 'humanitarian argument' for intervening with different and self-serving agendas. In addition, they reduce the risk of abusive humanitarian intervention. Moreover, they foster more collaboration in terms of the need to address post-conflict situations and successful peacebuilding processes. Finally, they promote norm dissemination concerning the human rights agenda more effectively, particularly amongst non-liberal states. ; O artigo apresenta uma análise sobre intervenção humanitária e a doutrina da Responsabilidade de Proteger em termos dos principais argumentos em redor da controvérsia das intervenções militares unilaterais versus multilaterais. Partindo da literatura que aborda este debate, o presente artigo identifica os principais elementos que dão suporte à ideia de que, apesar de existirem boas razões para legitimar intervenções unilaterais em casos muito específicos, esse tipo de intervenções deve manter-se excepcional. O argumento principal é o de que as intervenções multilaterais são a melhor opção para, simultaneamente, acautelar a necessidade de proteger populações ameaçadas por atrocidades e preservar a paz e a segurança internacionais. As autorizações multilaterais reduzem o risco de surgirem e escalarem conflitos entre Estados, em particular entre as maiores potências. Para além disso, reduzem a possibilidade de o 'argumento humanitário' ser utilizado para intervir com agendas diferentes e em benefício próprio. Depois, reduzem também os riscos de intervenção humanitária abusiva. Adicionalmente, fomentam mais colaboração para a necessidade de acautelar situações pós-conflito e processos de construção da paz com sucesso. E, para terminar, promovem a disseminação de normas relativas a direitos humanos de forma mais eficiente, muito particularmente, entre Estados não-liberais.

Includes indexes. ; Reprint. Originally published as no. 53., Sept. 20, 1916 Bulletin of the University of Texas: Austin, Tex. : The University, 1916. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-262) and index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Precede al título: Groupe des Cartothècaires de LIBER, 8ª Conferencia, Barcelona 1992, 28 de Septiembre - 1 de Octubre ; En la cubierta: Comunicaciones presentadas en las VI Jornadas Bibliotecarias de Andalucía (1990) y en la 8ª Conferencia del Grupo de Cartotecarios de LIBER (1992) ; Bibliografía ; Requerimientos del sistema: Adobe Acrobat Reader

(Bibliography) Bibliographical references included in "Notes" (p. xliv-xlv) Bibliography: p. 739-747. ; Reproduced from Studies in history, economics, and public law, vol. 53, whole no. 131. ; (Statement of Responsibility) A facsim. reproduction of the 1913 ed. with introd. by Fletcher M. Green.

Printed on double leaves. ; Photocopy (positive) made by University Microfilms. ; "First edition." ; Mode of access: Internet.