Suchergebnisse

The 1980s caught Albanians in Kosova in interesting social, political, and psychological circumstances. Two diametrically opposed dogmatic dilemmas took shape: "illegal groups" – considerably supported by students – demanded the proclamation of the Republic of Kosova and/or Kosova's unification with Albania. On the other side of the spectrum, "modernists" – gathering, among others, the political and academic elites – pushed for the improvement of rights of Kosovars guaranteed under the "brotherhood and unity" concept advocated within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). This paper outlines the nature of demonstrations that took place in March and April 1981 and the corresponding responses of political and academic elites. Stretching beyond symbolic academic reasons – demands for better food and dormitory conditions – the study points to the intense commitment of the students to their demands, often articulated in nationalistic terms. Was it inevitable that the structure of the SFRY would lead to those living in Kosova as a non-Slavic majority in a federation of "Southern Slavs" to articulate demands for national self-rule? It is necessary to highlight these political and social complexities through analytical approaches in order to track the students' goals and to reexamine assumptions behind the "modernist" agenda. In that vein, the paper analyzes the conceptual connections and differences between student reactions and modernists' positions during the historical period under discussion here.

It is noted that the mass demonstrations of the 1960's were led essentially by young people. Similarities & diff's in the pol'al behavior of young people & students are examined through existing studies & a structural explanation of student movements is presented. Students as a group & the student role are defined, conditions of conflict are traced--in particular, role conflict--& an empirical test of 2 hyp's is made, based on survey data by the above author from SOZIALE BEDINGUNGEN FUR STUDENTISCHEN RADIKALISMUS (Social Preconditions for Student Radicalism, Cologne, Germany, 1970). The 2 hyp's are: (1) If the student role is an important condition for student movements, support for such movements should r with identification with that role. Support is found for both. (2) The greater the perception of a cleavage of norms & expectations between the in-group (students) & the out-group (pop), the more likely is support for student movements. A synthesis is suggested between structural & historical conditions in explaining student movements & protests among young people in general. While pol'al issues must not be neglected, youth & student movements cannot be explained with reference to their pol'al intentions alone. The norm of pol'al participation can be shown to be at work in the process, but a structural explanation is also necessary & warrants further res. This may necessitate a revision of the sociol of soc movements. A structural explanation of soc movements is only possible within a conception of the soc system which treats harmony, consensus & equilibrium as one state of the system among others. M. Maxfield.

Die Wirtschaftskrise in Nigeria wird seit 1982 mit einem Strukturanpassungsprogramm des IWF bekämpft. Als Reaktion auf die negativen Auswirkungen der liberalen Wirtschaftspolitik kam es zu verschiedenen Protesten aus der Bevölkerung. Aus Anlaß einer Benzinpreiserhöhung gab es 1988 umfangreiche Studentenproteste, die von weiteren Gesellschaftsgruppen unterstützt wurden. Der Artikel schildert die Ereignisse von 1988 und die erneuten Demonstrationen von 1989, er beschreibt die Forderungen und Aktivitäten der Studenten sowie die staatlichen Reaktionen darauf. (DÜI-Spl)

This paper examines three recurrent hypothesis in the literature on the student movement in Colombia. It aims to identify limitations and suggest alternatives based on social movements theories. The first hypothesis explains the origin of the mobilizations as reactions to the gravity of the situations faced by university or as a byproduct of structural change sectors, but omits the role of the subjects in this process. The second poses a dichotomy between the social and the political to explain the dynamics of movement, but reduces the understanding of a complex phenomenon. The third hypothesis explains the failure of the student mobilizations by internal divisions result of the politicization of students and isolation from society, losing sight of other variables to explain the success and failure of social movements. ; Este trabajo examina tres hipótesis recurrentes en la literatura sobre el movimiento estudiantil en Colombia, identificando sus limitaciones y sugiriendo alternativas basadas en las teorías de los movimientos sociales. La primera hipótesis explica el origen de las movilizaciones como reacciones ante la gravedad de las situaciones que enfrentan los sectores universitarios o como subproducto del cambio estructural, omitiendo el papel de los sujetos en ese proceso. La segunda, plantea una dicotomía entre lo social y lo político para explicar las dinámicas del movimiento, con lo que reduce la comprensión de un fenómeno más complejo. La tercera hipótesis explica el fracaso de las movilizaciones estudiantiles por las divisiones internas producto de la politización del estudiantado y el aislamiento de la sociedad, perdiendo de vista otras variables para explicar el triunfo y el fracaso de los movimientos sociales. ; Universidad de San Buenaventura - Cali