Suchergebnisse

AbstractBackgroundAccording to a national representative survey, 19.9% of the German population describe various adverse effects on personal health upon exposure to fragranced consumer products. This study investigates whether these fragrance-sensitive persons have a higher risk awareness compared to the general public, whether they show a different safety behavior concerning fragrances and whether they reduce exposure and hence risk.ResultsThe presence of fragrances can have a major impact on the participation in public activities. Half of the fragrance-sensitive persons have ever been prevented from going to some place to avoid exposure to fragrances. More than half of them prefer fragrance-free alternatives (products, laundry, hotels, airplanes, health care facilities, or workplaces), while there are also fragrance-sensitive individuals, who indicate to prefer fragranced products and spaces. Half of fragrance-sensitive persons use perfumes to feel themselves more attractive. Furthermore, there is a large number of persons who prefer fragrance-free alternatives without being fragrance-sensitive. Around half of the general population indicate not to use a fragranced product if they know that it emits hazardous air pollutants. This shows that health effects associated with the presence of fragrances proved to be one out of several factors, but not the only one, which influences attitudes towards fragrances and their usage. The answers given reveal the multitude of aspects influencing risk awareness and safety behavior. According to the survey results, 7.4 workdays were lost due to illness from fragranced product exposure in the workplace per person on average, with estimated personal economic costs of 14.5 * 109Euro/year in Germany.ConclusionsThe high prevalence of persons who correlate their health effects with exposure to fragrances shows that existing risk communication instruments are too weak, even for people who are aware of a risk, like fragrance-sensitive persons. The data substantiate how important it is to respect cognitive dissonance, confirmation bias and the inadequacy of the deficit model in risk management. The issue of adverse health effects associated with fragrances has reached a dimension, which requires immediate action: The results of this study are strong supporting arguments in favor of fragrance-free policies.

Parfumstreitigkeiten betreffen in der Regel lediglich Namen oder Verpackungen. Das eigentliche Parfum erhält kaum rechtliche Aufmerksamkeit obwohl es sehr oft kopiert wird.Der Begriff "Parfum" ist zweideutig, da er sowohl die Duftquelle als auch die Duftwirkung bezeichnet. Unterschiedliche Parfumformeln können gleich riechen und ähnliche Formeln unterschiedliche Düfte produzieren.Die Arbeit befasst sich mit der Anwendbarkeit von Patent-, Marken- und Urheberrechtsschutz auf Düfte.Die Autorin berät seit 2011 als Fachexpertin Unternehmen und Verbände der Duftindustrie

BACKGROUND: Fragrance mix I (FM I) and fragrance mix II (FM II) in the European baseline series are used as screening tools for fragrance contact allergy. In 2005 the European Union (EU) required labelling of 26 fragrances when present in cosmetic products. INCI nomenclature is obligatory for such labelling. OBJECTIVES: To describe frequencies of contact allergy to these 26 fragrance substances, and to evaluate clinical relevance of these positive reactions. METHODS: Three hundred and twenty patients with eczema suspected of being contact allergy to fragrances or cosmetics were patch tested with the EU-declared fragrance chemicals, FM I and FM II. RESULTS: There were 76 positive reactions in 33 patients. Most reactions were seen to [corrected] hydroxyisohexyl 3-cyclohexene carboxaldehyde in 3.1%, followed by Evernia furfuracea (2.5%) and cinnamyl alcohol (2.5%). Twelve reactions to FM I and II were not confirmed by separate ingredients. Clinical relevance of positive reactions to fragrances was certain in 20/33 (61%). CONCLUSIONS: 10.3% of the patients had positive patch tests in the EU-list. Hydroxyisohexyl 3-cyclohexene carboxaldehyde, a component of FM II, was the most frequent allergen, followed by Evernia furfuracea. Since Evernia furfuracea is not part of FM I or FM II, relevant reactions can be missed when only the European baseline series is used.

Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgement -- List of contributors -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Urban water cycle -- 1.2 Concerns of exposure to PPCPs -- 1.3 Objectives of this book -- 1.4 Target compounds: pharmaceuticals and personal care products -- 1.5 Selected PPCPs -- 1.6 Chapter contents -- 2. Consumption and occurrence -- 2.1 Consumption -- 2.1.1 Pharmaceuticals -- 2.1.2 Personal care products -- 2.2 Excretion rates of selected pharmaceuticals -- 2.3 Exposure routes of human-use pharmaceuticals and musk fragrances -- 2.4 Occurrence in hospital and municipal wastewater, surface water, groundwater, drinking water, and sewage sludge -- 2.4.1 Hospital wastewater -- 2.4.2 Treated wastewater and surface water -- 2.4.3 Groundwater -- 2.4.4 Drinking water -- 2.4.5 Sewage sludge -- 2.5 Modelling of expected concentrations -- 2.5.1 Prediction of pharmaceuticals concentration in raw municipal sewage -- 2.5.2 Prediction of the pharmaceutical concentration in the STP effluent and surface water -- 2.5.3 Example: comparison of PEC and MEC of ciprofloxacin in treated wastewater and surface water -- 2.6 Conclusions -- 3. Analytical methods -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Sampling -- 3.3 Extraction and enrichment -- 3.3.1 Solid samples -- 3.3.2 Aqueous samples -- 3.3.3 Clean-up -- 3.4 Derivatization -- 3.4.1 Acetylation -- 3.4.2 Methylation -- 3.4.3 Pentafluorobenzyl-derivatives -- 3.4.4 Silylation -- 3.5 Chromatography -- 3.5.1 Gas chromatography -- 3.5.2 High-performance liquid chromatography -- 3.6 Mass spectrometry -- 3.6.1 GC/MS -- 3.6.2 LC/MS -- 3.6.3 Mass Detection -- 3.7 Quality assurance -- 3.7.1 General aspects -- 3.7.2 Example: estrogens in sludge and sediments -- 3.8 Analytical methods -- 3.8.1 Aqueous samples -- 3.8.2 Sludge samples.

In this short article, we call for policy makers, activists and academics to take account of food aesthetics of economically and racially marginalised people – especially women – when understanding and intervening in food distribution. Although it may seem that aesthetics and poverty are mutually exclusive, and somewhat provocative to suggest that food aesthetics, when understood more expansively, aesthetics is an important aspect of domestic food work, as our findings from our research with British Bangladeshi women from Tower Hamlets on low incomes and responsible for social reproductive labour in their families and communities attest. We draw inspiration from feminist philosophy of food and taste, and everyday domestic aesthetics. Reflecting on our data, we combine these philosophies with Krishnendu Ray's critique of food sociologists who imagine that people on low incomes lack a sense of beauty because their lives are dominated by their life of suffering. To conclude, we propose that food aesthetics should become part of the politics of food distribution and rights.