Suchergebnisse

The changing world order is ushering in a competition of new ideas and norms. This has already ushered a new era of great power politics, which will present challenges for small states. Small European countries in particular are dependent on open rules-based trade regimes, and institutions like the EU and NATO. To adapt to these developments, small states should increase their activity and flexibility of their foreign policies. This article uses Amitav Acharya's concept of a multiplex world order to understand the changes influencing small states. Estonian foreign and defence policies will be studied in depth to highlight the challenges and opportunities available to small states in Europe. The article concludes that a paradox is developing for small states: as nationalism rises and global institutions falter, small states will need to be global in foreign and defence strategies. While small states face resource limitations, there are certain smart strategies that can adapt more successfully to the new world order. ; peer-reviewed

This paper is aimed at analysing the role of the global institutional order in resource curse. To achieve this aim, the author discussed the complexity of resource curse and the multifaceted nature of the activities that cause resource curse. Despite the complexity of resource curse and the multifaceted nature of the activities that cause resource curse, the particular role of the global institutional order is identified, among different causal roles played by different agents, and thus attributed causal responsibility to the global institutional order. This attribution of causal responsibility is based on the implicit argument, which pervades this paper, that any actor or agent that contributes to causing resource curse is responsible on the 'level', and to the extent, the actor or agent contributes to causing resource curse.

In 1804, the Caribbean island of Haiti became the first black republic in the world after leading the only successful slave rebellion in history to result in the formation of an independent nation. Overflowing with valuable natural resources and equipped with a strategic Caribbean location, Haiti was positioned to remain one of the most prosperous territories in the world. But the price of independence was steep, and the country failed to thrive under crushing foreign intervention. But its story does not end there. This note examines the opportunities for Haiti to establish economic independence through public-private partnerships and foreign direct investments. First, this note will recount Haiti's complicated past, from the native Taino Indians, the commencement of African slavery, to the historic slave rebellion and the fight for independence which elicited extreme backlash from the Western world. Next, this note will take an in-depth look at Brazil's recent anticorruption success and apply those lessons to Haiti. By firmly addressing its own corruption issue, Haiti can create an environment that is welcoming to foreign investors, paving the way for transformative public-private partnerships. This note will then address the characteristics of an effective public-private partnership (P3)—a mechanism by which a government can partner with the private sector to fund and operate key infrastructures and stimulate economic development. Haiti's lack of essential structure makes it ripe with opportunities for P3s in virtually every industry—water, sanitation, electricity, internet, transportation, education, and more. Developing this infrastructure will not only stabilize daily life for Haiti's citizens but it can begin to attract foreign investors. As such, this note will explain the role of foreign direct investments (FDIs) in strengthening and expanding Haiti's economy. In addition to injecting capital into the country, FDIs can also help Haiti develop its human capital by providing jobs and skill training. This ...

In the current investment arbitration crisis, the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) presents a unique solution. Governments concerned with regulatory chill should adopt the USMCA model if they want to reduce the risk of ISDS claims related to the regulation of health, national security, morals and the environment.