LIGO Scientific Collaboration and Virgo Collaboration, Fermi GBM, INTEGRAL, IceCube Collaboration, AstroSat Cadmium Zinc Telluride Imager Team, IPN Collaboration, The Insight-HXMT Collaboration, ANTARES Collaboration, The Swift Collaboration, AGILE Team, The 1M2H Team, The Dark Energy Camera GW-EM Collaboration and the DES Collaboration, The DLT40 Collaboration, GRAWITA: GRAvitational Wave Inaf TeAm, The Fermi Large Area Telescope Collaboration, ATCA: Australia Telescope Compact Array, ASKAP: Australian SKA Pathfinder, Las Cumbres Observatory Group, OzGrav, DWF (Deeper, Wider, Faster Program), AST3, and CAASTRO Collaborations, The VINROUGE Collaboration, MASTER Collaboration, J-GEM, GROWTH, JAGWAR, CaltechNRAO, TTU-NRAO, and NuSTAR Collaborations, Pan-STARRS, The MAXI Team, TZAC Consortium, KU Collaboration, Nordic Optical Telescope, ePESSTO, GROND, Texas Tech University, SALT Group, TOROS: Transient Robotic Observatory of the South Collaboration, The BOOTES Collaboration, MWA: Murchison Widefield Array, The CALET Collaboration, IKI-GW Follow-up Collaboration, H.E.S.S. Collaboration, LOFAR Collaboration, LWA: Long Wavelength Array, HAWC Collaboration, The Pierre Auger Collaboration, ALMA Collaboration, Euro VLBI Team, Pi of the Sky Collaboration, The Chandra Team at McGill University, DFN: Desert Fireball Network, ATLAS, High Time Resolution Universe Survey, RIMAS and RATIR, and SKA South Africa/MeerKAT ; On 2017 August 17 a binary neutron star coalescence candidate (later designated GW170817) with merger time 12:41:04 UTC was observed through gravitational waves by the Advanced LIGO and Advanced Virgo detectors. The Fermi Gamma-ray Burst Monitor independently detected a gamma-ray burst (GRB 170817A) with a time delay of $\sim 1.7\,{\rm{s}}$ with respect to the merger time. From the gravitational-wave signal, the source was initially localized to a sky region of 31 deg2 at a luminosity distance of ${40}_{-8}^{+8}$ Mpc and with component masses consistent with neutron stars. The component masses were later measured to be in the range 0.86 to 2.26 $\,{M}_{\odot }$. An extensive observing campaign was launched across the electromagnetic spectrum leading to the discovery of a bright optical transient (SSS17a, now with the IAU identification of AT 2017gfo) in NGC 4993 (at $\sim 40\,{\rm{Mpc}}$) less than 11 hours after the merger by the One-Meter, Two Hemisphere (1M2H) team using the 1 m Swope Telescope. The optical transient was independently detected by multiple teams within an hour. Subsequent observations targeted the object and its environment. Early ultraviolet observations revealed a blue transient that faded within 48 hours. Optical and infrared observations showed a redward evolution over ~10 days. Following early non-detections, X-ray and radio emission were discovered at the transient's position $\sim 9$ and $\sim 16$ days, respectively, after the merger. Both the X-ray and radio emission likely arise from a physical process that is distinct from the one that generates the UV/optical/near-infrared emission. No ultra-high-energy gamma-rays and no neutrino candidates consistent with the source were found in follow-up searches. These observations support the hypothesis that GW170817 was produced by the merger of two neutron stars in NGC 4993 followed by a short gamma-ray burst (GRB 170817A) and a kilonova/macronova powered by the radioactive decay of r-process nuclei synthesized in the ejecta. ; Kavli Foundation ; Danmarks Grundforskningsfond ; Niels Bohr International Academy ; DARK Cosmology Centre ; National Science Foundation (NSF) AST-1518052 AST-141242 AST-1411763 AST-1714498 AST-1517649 PHY-1607291 AST-1412421 AST-1313484 ; Gordon AMP; Betty Moore Foundation ; Heising-Simons Foundation ; Alfred P. Sloan Foundation ; The David & Lucile Packard Foundation ; DNRF ; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT) ; Space Telescope Science Institute National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) HST-HF-51348.001 HST-HF-51373.001 ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) NAS5-26555 NNX15AE50G NNX16AC22G NAS5-00136 NNX08AR22G NNX12AR65G NNX14AM74G NNX12AR55G NNM13AA43C NNM11AA01A NNX15AE60G PF6-170148 PF7-180162 ; INAF ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Italian Space Agency (ASI) I/028/12/2 ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; French Atomic Energy Commission ; Commission Europeenne (FEDER), France ; Commission Europeenne, France ; Institut Universitaire de France (IUF), France ; IdEx, France ; Sorbonne Paris Cite, France ANR-10-LABX-0023 ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02 ; Labex OCEVU, France ANR-11-LABX-0060 ; A*MIDEX, France ANR-11-IDEX-0001-02 ; Region Ile-de-France ; Region Alsace (CPER), France ; Region Provence-Alpes-Cite d'Azur, France ; Region Provence-Alpes-Cote d'Azur ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) ; Netherlands Government ; Council of the President of the Russian Federation, Russia ; National Authority for Scientific Research (ANCS), Romania ; Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (MINECO): Plan Estatal de Investigacion (MINECO/FEDER), Spain FPA2015-65150-C3-1-P FPA2015-65150-C3-2-P FPA2015-65150-C3-3-P ; Severo Ochoa Centre of Excellence and MultiDark Consolider (MINECO), Spain ; Prometeo program (Generalitat Valenciana), Spain ; Grisolia program (Generalitat Valenciana), Spain ; Ministry of Higher Education, Scientific Research and Professional Training, Morocco ; National Basic Research Program of China 2013CB834901 2013CB834900 2013CB834903 ; Chinese Polar Environment Comprehensive Investigation AMP; Assessment Program CHINARE2016-02-03-05 ; Tsinghua University ; Nanjing University ; Beijing Normal University ; University of New South Wales ; Texas AM University ; Australian Antarctic Division ; National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy (NCRIS) of Australia ; Chinese Academy of Sciences through Center for Astronomical Mega-Science ; National Astronomical Observatory of China (NAOC) ; Argentina-Comision Nacional de Energia Atomica ; ANPCyT ; Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas (CONICET) ; Gobierno de la Provincia de Mendoza ; Municipalidad de Malargue ; NDM Holdings and Valle Las Lenas ; Australian Research Council ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Ciencia Tecnologia e Inovacao (FINEP) ; Carlos Chagas Filho Foundation for Research Support of the State of Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) 2010/07359-6 1999/05404-3 ; Ministerio da Ciencia, Tecnologia, Inovacoes e Comunicacoes (MCTIC) ; Czech Republic Government MSMT CR LG15014 LO1305 LM2015038 CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_013/0001402 ; France-Centre de Calcul IN2P3/CNRS ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; Region Ile-de-France ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; Departement Sciences de l'Univers (SDU-INSU/CNRS) ; French National Research Agency (ANR) LABEX ANR-10-LABX-63 ANR-11-IDEX-0004-02 ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Finanzministerium Baden-Wurttemberg ; Helmholtz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP) ; Helmholtz Association ; Ministerium fur Innovation, Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen ; Ministerium fur Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kunst des Landes Baden-Wurttemberg ; Italy-Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Istituto Nazionale Astrofisica (INAF) ; Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) ; CETEMPS Center of Excellence ; Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation (Italy) ; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT) 167733 ; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico ; Programa de Apoyo a Proyectos de Investigacion e Innovacion Tecnologica (PAPIIT) ; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico ; Netherlands - Ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) ; FOM (The Netherlands) ; Poland-National Centre for Research and Development ERA-NET-ASPERA/01/11 ERA-NET-ASPERA/02/11 ; National Science Centre 2013/08/M/ST9/00322 2013/08/M/ST9/00728 HARMONIA 5-2013/10/M/ST9/00062 UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00198 ; Portugal-Portuguese national funds ; FEDER within Programa Operacional Factores de Competitividade through Fundacao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (COMPETE) ; Romania-Romanian Authority for Scientific Research ANCS ; CNDI-UEFISCDI 20/2012 194/2012 PN 16 42 01 02 ; Slovenia-Slovenian Research Agency ; Spain-Comunidad de Madrid ; European Union (EU) ; Spanish Government ; Xunta de Galicia ; European Union (EU) FP7-PEOPLE-2012-IEF-328826 ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) DE-AC02-07CH11359 DE-FR02-04ER41300 DE-FG02-99ER41107 DE-SC0011689 ; National Science Foundation (NSF) 0450696 ; Grainger Foundation ; Marie Curie-IRSES/EPLANET ; European Particle Physics Latin American Network ; European Union (EU) PIRSES-2009-GA-246806 ; European Union's Horizon research and innovation programme 646623 ; UNESCO ; Australian Research Council FT150100099 FL15010014 ; Australian Government Department of Industry, Innovation and Science ; Western Australian and Australian Governments ; Australian Government Department of Industry, Innovation and Science ; Australian Research Council CE170100013 ; Spanish Government AYA 2015-71718-R ; Junta de Andalucia TIC-2839 ; National Research Foundation NRF-2015R1A2A1A01006870 DGE-1144469 ; Korea Basic Science Research Program NRF2014R1A6A3A03057484 NRF-2015R1D1A4A01020961 ; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (Mexico) through Laboratorios Nacionales Program (Mexico) ; Instituto de Astrofisica de Andalucia (IAA-CSIC, Spain) ; Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU, South Korea) ; Australian Research Council CE110001020 ; Australian Research Council LE130100104 ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) ; Italian Space Agency (ASI) ; JAXA ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research (KAKENHI) JP 17H06362 JP26220708 JP17H02901 JP17H06363 JP15H00788 JP24103003 JP10147214 JP10147207 ; Chandra X-ray Observatory Center GO7-18033X ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) NAS8-03060 ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; Fonds de recherche du Quebec-Nature et Technologies (FRQNT) ; UKSA ; Canadian Institute for Advanced Research (CIFAR) ; Department of Space (DoS), Government of India ; European Union (EU) 653477 ; ESO 199.D-0143 099.D-0376 ; German Research Foundation (DFG) HA 1850/28-1 Kl 766/16-3 ; European Union (EU) 291222 615929 647208 725161 ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ST/P000312/1 ; ERF ST/M005348/1 ST/P000495/1 ; Marie Sklodowska-Curie 702538 ; Polish NCN OPUS 2015/17/B/ST9/03167 ; Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation ; California Institute of Technology ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) CONICYT FONDECYT 3160504 ; National Science Foundation (NSF) AST-1311862 ; Quantum Universe I-Core program ; Kimmel award ; IRC GOIPG/2017/1525 ; Australian Research Council CE110001020 FT160100028 ; Millennium Science Initiative IC120009 ; NASA through Fermi-GBM ; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) via Deutsches Zentrum fur Luft und Raumfahrt (DLR) 50 QV 0301 ; Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy (BMWi) 50 OG 1101 ; Science Foundation Ireland 12/IP/1288 ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; French Atomic Energy Commission ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; Italian Space Agency (ASI) ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) ; High Energy Accelerator Research Organization (KEK) ; JAXA (Japan) ; Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation ; Swedish Research Council ; National Space Board (Sweden) ; Istituto Nazionale Astrofisica (INAF) ; Centre National D'etudes Spatiales ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) DE-AC02-76SF00515 ; Office of Naval Research N00014-07-C0147 ; National Science Foundation under University Radio Observatory AST-1139963 AST-1139974 ; ESO Telescopes at the Paranal Observatory 099.D-0382 099.D-0622 099.D-0191 099.D-0116 ; REM telescope at the ESO La Silla Observatory 35020 ; Department of University and Research (MIUR) ; Italian Space Agency (ASI) ; Russian Academy of Sciences ; Istituto Nazionale Astrofisica (INAF) ; BIC 114332KYSB20160007 ; Chinese Academy of Sciences KJZD-EW-M06 ; National Natural Science Foundation of China 11673062 ; Oversea Talent Program of Yunnan Province ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia P1-0188 ; Sorbonne Paris Cite ANR-10-LABX-0023 ANR-11-IDEX-0005-02 ; GROWTH (Global Relay of Observatories Watching Transients Happen) - National Science Foundation under PIRE 1545949 ; California Institute of Technology (USA) ; University of Maryland College Park (USA) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science 15H05437 ; JST Consortia ; University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (USA) ; Texas Tech University (USA) ; San Diego State University (USA) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; Los Alamos National Laboratory ; Tokyo Institute of Technology (Japan) ; National Central University (Taiwan) ; Indian Institute of Astrophysics (India) ; Inter-University Center for Astronomy and Astrophysics (India) ; Weizmann Institute of Science (Israel) ; Oskar Klein Centre at Stockholm University (Sweden) ; Humboldt University (Germany) ; Liverpool John Moores University (UK) ; Planning and Budgeting Committee ; Israel Science Foundation ; Large Synoptic Survey Telescope Corporation ; National Science Foundation (NSF) 1455090 ; ERC grant TReX ; Naval Research Laboratory (NRL) ; NRL ; Oxford Centre for Astrophysical Surveys ; Hintze Family Charitable Foundation ; Swedish Research Council ; Israel Science Foundation, Minerva, Israeli ministry of Science ; US-Israel Binational Science Foundation ; I-CORE of the Planning and Budgeting Committee ; Swedish Research Council 2016 03657 3 ; Swedish National Space Board Dnr. 107/16 ; Gravitational Radiation and Electromagnetic Astrophysical Transients (GREAT) - Swedish Research council (V.R.) Dnr. 2016-06012 ; Science and Engineering Research Board, Department of Science and Technology, India ; Indo-US Science and Technology Foundation ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; Laboratory Directed Research and Development (LDRD) program of Los Alamos National Laboratory ; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnologia (CONACyT) 271051 232656 167281 260378 179588 239762 254964 271737 258865 243290 ; Red HAWC, Mexico ; Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico RG100414 IN111315 IN111716-3 IA102715 109916 ; VIEP-BUAP ; University of Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation ; Institute of Geophysics, Planetary Physics, and Signatures at Los Alamos National Laboratory ; Polish Science Centre DEC-2014/13/B/ST9/945 ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; Max Planck Society ; Foundation CELLEX ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Ministry of Research, France ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) ; Astroparticle Interdisciplinary Programme of the CNRS ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; IPNP of the Charles University ; Grant Agency of the Czech Republic ; Polish National Science Centre ; South African Department of Science and Technology ; National Research Foundation ; University of Namibia ; National Commission on Research, Science and Technology of Namibia (NCRST) ; Innsbruck University ; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Austrian Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy ; University of Adelaide ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; University of Amsterdam ; EGI Federation ; China National Space Administration (CNSA) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences XDB23040400 ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China 2016YFA0400800 ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; Grid Laboratory of Wisconsin (GLOW) grid infrastructure at the University of Wisconsin-Madison ; Open Science Grid (OSG) grid infrastructure ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Energy Research Scientific Computing Center ; Louisiana Optical Network Initiative (LONI) grid computing resources ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; WestGrid and Compute/Calcul Canada ; Swedish Research Council ; Swedish Polar Research Secretariat, Sweden ; Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC), Sweden ; Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Helmholtz Alliance for Astroparticle Physics (HAP), Germany ; Initiative and Networking Fund of the Helmholtz Association, Germany ; FWO ; Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS ; FWO Odysseus programme ; Flanders Institute ; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; Royal Society of New Zealand ; Marsden Fund (NZ) ; Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; National Research Foundation of Korea ; Villum Fonden, Denmark ; Danish National Research Foundation (DNRF), Denmark ; Russian Science Foundation (RSF) 15-1230015 14-22-00271 ; Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan 0075/GF4 ; RUSTAVELI FR/379/6-300/14 ; European Space Agency ; ESA Russia ; ESA USA ; French Atomic Energy Commission ; Centre National D'etudes Spatiales ; Helmholtz Association ; German Aerospace Centre (DLR) ; INTA ; OSTC ; Istituto Nazionale Astrofisica (INAF) Italian Space Agency (ASI) 2013-025-R.1 ; German INTEGRAL through DLR 50 OG 1101 ; Spanish MINECO/FEDER ESP2015-65712-C5-1-R ; Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR) 16-29-13009-ofi-m ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research (KAKENHI) JP16H02183 JP15H02075 JP15H02069 JP26800103 JP25800103 ; Inter-University Cooperation Program of the MEXT ; NINS program ; Toyota Foundation D11-R-0830 ; Mitsubishi Foundation ; Yamada Science Foundation ; Inoue Foundation for Science ; National Research Foundation - South Africa ; NRF 2017R1A3A3001362 ; KASI 2017-1-830-03 ; Israel Science Foundation 541/17 ; Council of Scientific & Industrial Research (CSIR) - India ; Department of Science & Technology (India) ; Science AMP; Engineering Research Board (SERB), India ; Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MHESR) ; Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigacion ; Vicepresidencia i Conselleria d'Innovacio Recerca i Turisme ; Conselleria d'Educacio i Universitat del Govern de les Illes Balears ; Conselleria d'Educacio Investigacio Cultura i Esport de la Generalitat Valenciana ; National Science Centre of Poland ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFBR) ; Russian Science Foundation (RSF) ; European Commission Joint Research Centre ; European Union (EU) ; Royal Society of London ; Scottish Funding Council ; Scottish Universities Physics Alliance ; Orszagos Tudomanyos Kutatasi Alapprogramok (OTKA) ; Lyon Institute of Origins (LIO) ; National Research, Development and Innovation Office Hungary (NKFI) ; National Research Foundation of Korea ; Industry Canada and Province of Ontario through Ministry of Economic Development and Innovation ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; Canadian Institute for Advanced Research (CIFAR) ; Brazilian Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovations, and Communications ; International Center for Theoretical Physics South American Institute for Fundamental Research (ICTP-SAIFR) ; Hong Kong Research Grants Council ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China ; Leverhulme Trust ; Research Corporation for Science Advancement ; Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan ; RIKEN ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research (KAKENHI) JP 17H06362 ; EVN RP029 ; European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme 653477 ; European Research Council (ERC) 647208 ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research through NWO VIDI 639.042.612-Nissanke ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) 62002444-Nissanke ; VISIR 60.A-9392 ; MOST104-2923-M-008-004-MY5 ; MOST106-2112-M-008-007
Part one of an interview with John Clementi. Topics include: Memories of John's father, Sandro Clementi. His father's work history and how he became an executive in the plastics business. His father's business contacts in Italy. How his father brought new designs to his company and how the company grew. His father owned a pool hall. John's memories of the family trips to Italy they would every summer when he was growing up. What Italy was like around 1960. Speaking Italian in the United States and in Italy. Italian dialects. John's thoughts on discrimination. John's experiences at Leominster High School and at Deerfield. How John went to Boston College Law School. John left litigation work and joined his father at Plastican. How he met his wife. What Latvia, his wife's homeland, is like. How John and his father divide tasks at Plastican. What sort of products the company makes. The ethnic diversity that exists within the company. ; 1 LINDA ROSENLUND:This is Linda [Rosenlund] with the Center for Italian Culture. Today we're with John Clementi, a [Plastican] located on Industrial Road in Leominster. And today is Thursday, December 13, 2001. John is the son of Sandro Clementi and brother of Anna Canlangelo. So, John, um, could you tell about, first of all, your father, your -- you were telling me before I turned the microphone on that he's really… JOHN CLEMENTI: Yeah. Um, he, um… you know, I think that people that know him, that have known him for any given amount of time would, um… what I think, would all agree that he's just a, an extremely talented, um, gifted person, uh, has the ability to, uh, look beyond the present. He, he, he has a remarkable gift for, for being able to predict trends the way that, that the world is heading. He has a wonderful knowledge of, uh, human nature, um, which is [unintelligible - 00:01:14]. And he – and he's just a very talented executive. I think he has, um, he possesses all of the skills that one would think of in terms of being a very, very effective, uh, executive. Um, and, and I, I think he, he's been able to… exhibit those skills in all sorts of different situations and venues. [Unintelligible - 00:01:34] remain a constant, at least in my experience, having worked with him over the course of the last, uh, 25 years or so. LINDA ROSENLUND:Growing up, was, was he the owner of the… JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, um, growing -- no, I think that he… Plastican really wasn't formed until, um, late '60s, early '70s. Uh, I remember my dad in various roles. I remember him as the proprietor of a, um… of a pool hall. Um, and, and going with him on Sunday mornings, uh, to go clean the pool hall up. I remember him, um, as a, um… as a foreman in a plastics factory, um, working at the [unintelligible - 00:02:21]. And, uh, him sort of coming home, um, eating dinner and then go work another job, so, you know. I 2 think I -- my first true recollections of my dad are probably in that capacity. I still remember the blue uniform and the, you know, the grease and the plastic chip. I mean, I was at an age, I think at that time, I was probably maybe four or five years old. And if he did, then I wasn't old enough to understand. I clearly remember is that, you know, he would come home briefly and back. It's still sort of a joke. At the time, the Mickey Mouse Club was the popular children's show. They came on at five o'clock. And if you would ask my father, to this day, Mickey Mouse, he sort of has this negative psychological reaction because it was sort of his signal that it was time to go to work to the other job. And so that's sort of the way I remember my dad coming home and spending with us, you know, a brief amount of time around dinner and then going back out to work another shift. LINDA ROSENLUND:Asking him how it was that he became involved with Plastican, and it's my memory that he was perhaps worked in sales? JOHN CLEMENTI: Yes. I think we need to kind of go back before Plastican. His first involvement with a proprietary company was with Yankee Plastics. And that would have been back, I think, in 1956. And I think that's where the story comes in about the real estate agent and being made aware of this particular company. It would be around the time that I was talking about earlier. He was working in a plastics company anyway. He was working at Star Manufacturing Company as a shift supervisor. And as such, he more or less had to know the ins and outs of operating the plow from -- I mean, even as a child, in those days, he was literally hands-on. He would come home, as I say, covered with grease and plastic dust in his hair and on his clothes and so forth. He knew intimately the details of running a plastics operation. 3 He was also fortunate, you know, I think he would tell you that he was, in that the owner of that company was an Italian himself. And his name was Nick Dimassa, D-I-M-A-S-S-A. And Nick had been in the United States for a long time. He was the kind of person who -- you know, he was a boy, he was a very elegant figure, you know, just sort of the [block] of white hair and always had a [unintelligible – 00:05:25]. He was a successful manufacturer back in those days and my dad worked for him. And my dad often tells me the story that… you know, I think Mr. Dimassa told him, you know, that instead of making money for him, for Mr. Dimassa, that at some point maybe… well, because he was too talented to work for other people. Then the opportunity arose with this company, Yankee Plastics, which was a small action molder or custom molder that manufactured the kinds of things that are really no longer manufactured in the United States anymore. And by that, I mean… LINDA ROSENLUND:Making that no longer made. JOHN CLEMENTI: Right. So… LINDA ROSENLUND:Like what? JOHN CLEMENTI: Like, you know trinkets and giveaway items—small, little things. And basically for other companies, for other people. It wasn't a proprietary line. It was a line of products that were manufactured for the others. And the product line, from what I could tell, at least at that time as a child, you know, seem to have evolved and that the things that he made were bigger. You know, [unintelligible - 00:06:32] larger. And that line seemed to evolve from the kinds of things that we were just talking about into things like pitchers. And the company evolved into a proprietary housewares manufacturer. And I think probably the turning point for that company, for Yankee Platsics, happened to… in the early '60s, that probably had emerged as a leader in 4 design, especially in plastic design. Because I think it's safe to say that plastics is an ersatz material, a substitute for something else—wood or net, or -- in a sort of view it's a surrogate, whereas in Italy, at the time, emerging from the war, plastics was a new material. It was different. It had a higher value to most people. And subsequently, extraordinarily talented designers in Italy were designing plastic housewares, and my dad saw that and realized that very mundane items were being designed to be extraordinarily beautiful, and brought some of those designs to the United States and began to manufacture them on a proprietary basis, and began selling them to companies that were at the time, you know, the equivalent of the big-box retailers that we know of now as K-Mart or Walmart. It would have been a Woolworths or WT Grant. And so he started manufacturing these products for those kinds of companies, and I think that's really where the company began to assume a different… LINDA ROSENLUND:Now, did he hire anyone from [ideas forward]? JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, it was interesting at the time. From around 1960 on, we would spend a good part of our summers in Italy. We would go back to the ancestral town, Corfinio, and the whole family would. And, you know, while we were there, my dad made business contacts in the north of Italy, Turin and Milan, where the plastics business was happening—not only just for Italy but for Europe, in a way. And he made contact with various designers, the most prominent of which was a house called Leonardo, and had some designs done for plastic housewares. And I mean mixer, decanter design, that was just kind of thing where, if you saw it today, it would be just as beautiful today as it was. You know, classic, modern design. And he picked up on that. And, you know, purchased some designs from that house and began to sell them, manufacture the products and sell them. 5 He didn't even know the process but continued, I think is… you know as we continue to maintain a relationship with Italy in terms of going there in the summer, I think he was probably more aware of what was going on in Europe, both by way of Danish and Swedish and Finnish. Right from the very start his proprietary line probably had an edge in terms of quality. I think he was probably… he was a leverage, I think, pretty much to the Hilton those days. But I think that what happened was, once these designs hit, they were just enormously successful. In fact, there was one item, I think if you ask him specifically, there was one item that really was all the [doctoring gamble], which item was sort of a revolutionary item. It was the decanter that now I think we all probably recognize, the one with the measuring lines on the outside and the flip top, little spout on the top, you know, where you take the soft lid and put it on top. And now it's an archaic item, but in those days I think it was a bit revolutionary in that it replaced, you know, the glass pitcher that lemonade would go in, for example. That, I think, was probably the item that provided most of the working capital to go ahead. I would say that was the most significant item. LINDA ROSENLUND:Ask for a design they have an idea of art and then they make contact with? JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, in those days there was a—and there still is, in fact—a national houseware show in Chicago. And I believe that they saw it in Chicago, because my dad would exhibit with everybody else. And I think they saw the item and liked it and tried it on, and it became wildly successful [unintelligible - 00:11:42] a springboard for other items. In fact, I think that was the first, and then the items from Italy that were really high fashion came later. So that, I think that was probably the item that really made the difference. And of course, you could -- the world thinks that 6 came from that. In other words, you had the decanter, now you make the tumblers that go with the decanter, and it sort of becomes a set, and off you go. And there are other sets then, you know, that… pitchers and tumblers, you need bowls, and so you make bowls. And then you need colanders. You know, all of that sort of houseware items that we've come to realize is sort of … you know, the staples of plastic housewares—laundry baskets, lace baskets, all of those things. The line eventually evolved and grew so that it went from things like small tumblers to wastebaskets and trash receptacles, big, 34-gallon trash receptacles. The company evolved, such that from, let's say, from, 1967 it went from a small custom molder to a full-blown housewares manufacturer with a proprietary line. There's a real difference. I mean, custom molder, you're a job shop working for other people. And then as a proprietary line, you are a brand name, and you are manufacturing for yourself. And I think that was a crucial revolution, really, as far as… LINDA ROSENLUND:After more… JOHN CLEMENT: Yeah, I think -- you know, in Leominster, where in those days there were scores of custom molders, custom molders being people who manufactured items for other companies. You know, I think everybody's dream was to have their own proprietary line because you could essentially control you own fate. And my dad was… you know, enough of a visionary to realize that even early on, and thus the importance of coming up with designs that were at the time, at least, you know, innovative and different and would provide an [entrée] in places like Woolworths, for example, that he might not otherwise ever be able to get into given the existence of companies like Rubbermaid at the time. So I think that was a big, a major factor in, you know, being successful going forward. 7 No. Mr. Dimassa was the owner and chief executive of the company called Star Manufacturing, and that's where my dad was a shift foreman, where he learned the art and science of plastics. And he left Star Manufacturing to purchase Yankee Plastics, which was not much more than a garage type operation, very small manufacturing plant with, you know, with not much in terms of sales and not much in terms of machines. But he left Star Manufacturing to buy Yankee Plastics with his life savings and start, you know, in the business as a proprietor. I heard them talk about it. And I heard my dad talk about it and… basically say, I think, with a lot of admiration, that my mother just -- my mother never ever reminded him of what he was doing and what the risks were involved and, you know, the potential downside. Basically, she was there to support him in whatever he felt he needed to do, and that she always basically had faith in what he was doing. She never had much doubt that it was going to be successful. Yes, yes, yes. LINDA ROSENLUND:… while he was at Star Manufacturing? JOHN CLEMENTI: I'm not sure of that, but I'm pretty sure, I'm pretty sure that he was doing both, yes. He was working two jobs at the time. LINDA ROSENLUND:I never really understood… JOHS CLEMENTI: Well, I think it's… again, I hate to speak for him in that regard, but I think it's because it was a [solicit] income that didn't require a tremendous amount of sophistication if terms of the language, in terms of, you know, business relationships, banks, regulatory agencies. You know? It's a pool hall. People put down money and play pool, and that's that. So it's fairly straightforward, easy kind of business to get into. That doesn't mean you're necessarily successful at it, but it's… you know, if I had to guess, I would think that was the reason. 8 LINDA ROSENLUND:Well, I don't want to put words into his mouth or your mouth either, but I can remember, when asking him about social clubs, he said, "Oh, no. I never belonged to a club," but I got the impression that the pool hall was… JOHN CLEMENTI: I don't know. I don't know about that. I think he probably met a lot of people that way that he might not have met otherwise. But I never had any impression from him that it was a social thing. To me, it was strictly, from what I could tell, a business thing. And it wasn't… again, from what I could tell, the clientele there was not… Italian. It wasn't Italian American. It was just at the pool hall in another town and, you know, in the early '50s. And my dad would always say that, you know, was unfortunate, but pool halls always did well when economies didn't do well. Because people were laid off and had time on their hands, you know, what do you do? And, you know, the pool hall is strictly, from what I could tell at least, an economic thing. LINDA ROSENLUND:At the pool hall, when he fought Yankee… JOHN CLEMENTI: I believe he did. You know, I'm pretty sure that he did. In fact, I think that it was before he did that, and it wasn't simultaneous in my recollection. LINDA ROSENLUND:Are there any differences in your whole life… JOHN CLEMENTI: Gee, you know, to tell you the truth, no. My life, my social life was more or less the same as it always was, which is substantially different from the way things are nowadays in a sense that, you know, people visited each other unannounced. You know, people would show, you know, the Italian talking about the Italian, relatives and friends and acquaintances. There was certain informality, you know? It was not unusual maybe a couple nights a week to have people show up at your house for coffee after dinner and talk, or in the summertime to show up and sit up on the porch or whatever. You know, and that continued 9 right on through. So to that extent, nothing really changed. My dad had been working a lot of hours anyway, so he continued to work a lot of hours. And really, our lives… you know, at least for a child, which is what I was, really didn't change. I mean, I think it's fair to say things, you know, things got moved. When I was in the second grade, we moved to another house that was newer and nicer. But substantially, not different from what it was before. So I can't say that life really changed at all at that time. Again, I didn't perceive that anything had changed. The big thing that would've convinced me as a child that we, you know, that we were doing well and that, you know, my dad was a successful person, was, you know, the trips that we would take to Italy in the summertime. Because at a certain point, I realized that not everybody went to Europe every summer. You know, as time went on I realized what a big deal that really was. LINDA ROSENLUND:Were you going to… JOHN CLEMENTI: At the beginning… I can't remember exactly. I don't think she was still living there, but we had -- we just had lots and lots of relatives there. And we have -- the ancestral home was there, and it's still there, the house that my dad grew up in. And at the time, there was sort of a ritual that happens with Italian immigrants from Central Italy and Southern Italy that have kind of gone on this, you know, sort of the… the exodus from Italy, especially in the post-war. They returned in the summertime, usually for the month of August. And it's a little known fact, but there are… tens, if not hundreds of thousands, of Italian immigrants in places like Australia, Argentina, Canada, huge number of Italian immigrants. France, Germany, Luxembourg, Belgium. And these people in the summertime returned to Italy because, among other things, it's vacation in Europe the whole month of August in Italy. No one works. It's a vacation month. 10 And people -- it's kind of a class reunion for everybody. And so, for example, I don't think it's an exaggeration to say that our little town of a 1,000 people becomes a town of maybe 3,000 people in August. And so this became sort of a ritual with our family that we would go back for the month of August and… you know, my dad would basically see the people he grew up with, his classmates, his friends, his relatives. And my mother too, because obviously my mother was brought up there as well. And so, you know, it sort of became, as I said, a ritual, or something that was expected. Of course, in the meantime, my dad was, you know, was also doing business, going to design houses, mold makers and talking to the people in the business in Italy who were sort of making it happen over there. And, you know, would build some tools in Italy, get some ideas et cetera. SPEKAER 1: Do you want me to stop this? JOHN CLEMENTI: Yeah. And as I say, for my dad it was business and pleasure, you know, well… nice for me because it afforded me a chance to see cities like Milan and spend some time in big cities whereas… you know, outside of the usual tourist traps, if you will, and get to visit, you know, some companies, and to see Italy as an economic entity as opposed to a tourist entity. And I have to say it was a significant education to me. Because among other things, it allowed me to keep the language, which, you know, was usually lost at some point. But that became I think a very important part of our lives, because for 10 years, I'd say from 1960 to 1970, I think we went every year. Yeah. And just last year my daughter, who is now a senior at Dartmouth, learned Italian and spent a term in Sienna. And we were able to visit her there and that was just a real joy. I was thrilled that she decided on her own that Italian was the language she wanted to learn. And so that was sort of gratifying. But we, 11 the family has been back to Italy, and… I think they enjoy very much and I think they're proud of that side of the family that it's of Italian heritage. I hope that they, you know, continue on and will… learn more about Italy and become more involved with the culture. But that's something they almost have to do on their own, simply because having married someone who is an Italian, it becomes a little bit more difficult. LINDA ROSENLUND:… recruit some of his friends in Italy that have come to America? JOHN CLEMENTI: No. I think… interesting, going back to Italy in those years… I never perceived an overwhelming desire on anybody's part at that time to come to America. Because I think by then, it was pretty much over. Italy was enjoying an economic boom. People were doing well. There was a migration in Italy. People from the south went to the north to work—places like Turin and Milan—to work for companies like Fiat, you know, Pirelli. You know, big companies. And so, there was very little impetus at that time for anybody to come to the United States. I think that was pretty much over. LINDA ROSENLUND:Now, when you… JOHN CLEMENTI: All the time. And it was, it was sort of a wakeup call, because when we first went to… Italy in 1960, it… it was a lot different from what it is today, in many ways. Our little village was primitive. There were maybe three automobiles. There were only a couple of television sets, and they belonged to fraternal organizations. There was no television before until eight o'clock in the evening. It was just so different from what we as Americans expected in terms of lifestyle. Most of the houses didn't have full indoor plumbing. Animals—horses, oxen—were used for transportation. People worked in the fields largely with their own physical labor. It was a very rudimentary agrarian 12 economy, much like what you would see in a third world country today. It would be unfair to call it a third world country because there were obviously other things going on in the big cities, et cetera. But for a ten-year-old child, it was a real eye opener. It was very exciting in many ways to be able to be stepping back in time. But by the same token, I realized that it was a life that was substantially harder than what I was used to. And the natural result of that was to think, "Boy, if we didn't come to the United States, this is the way we would be living now." LINDA ROSENLUND:… back to the village? JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, extraordinarily well. All of our relatives and friends were happy to see us. I mean, they really couldn't have done more for us. They were very lavish in their hospitality and would just about do anything for you to the point of almost being an embarrassment. And so to that extent it was just wonderful. For me, it was a lot of fun because, as I said before, at that time there was a language gap. I'd learned Italian before I learned English, but then I went to school, and, like most American kids, children of immigrants, you don't want to speak the language in public. And so the Italian, while you could understand it, you were always hesitant to speak it. And so when I got to Italy, if I wanted to communicate, I realized that I got to try to speak it as well. And… they had some fun with me and, you know, my brand, my version of the dialect that's spoken in our little village. But we got along well and we had a lot of fun, and it just sort of drew from there to the point where when I was in high school, going back -- I don't think that it was sort of like, "Oh, he's back again." And, you know, I knew everybody and they all knew me, and it was sort of like going to a summerhouse, like [unintelligible - 00:29:35] or something. It was, it became that kind of thing. 13 LINDA ROSENLUND:… dad must have spoken the dialect as well? JOHN CLEMENTI: Yes. LINDA ROSENLUND:So how did he communicate with the businessmen…? JOHN CLEMENTI: Oh, it's interesting, this whole notion of the dialect. I think you'll find, even in Italy today, that some sort of switch goes on and off when you enter the region or when you enter the village. You speak dialect, but when you're anywhere else you speak Italian. It's a phenomenon that I don't think exists here in the United States, where people speak both pure Italian and dialect. And this is true wherever you go. And I noticed this when we do business, as we still do today, with companies in Italy, especially up north. We communicate in Italian or in English, but I know that the people that I'm dealing with, the principals, they'll communicate with their employees in their dialect, which I absolutely don't understand. And if I communicated with my relatives with them present, they wouldn't understand me either. LINDA ROSENLUND:I thought that was more of a recent… JOHN CLEMENTI: I would think, and I hate to speak for Italians, but I think what they would tell you is that people who -- descendants of peasants, say, for a lack of a better term, when they would go to the big city, would speak relatively poor Italian, simply because they spent all their time speaking dialect. But they would know, they would know what they should be saying. And so as time has evolved and education became such that everybody is literate, everybody in Italy speaks the same language. But when they go home, they speak their dialect. And it's a really interesting phenomenon that I don't think as an American I would ever come close to understanding if I didn't go over there to see it firsthand, how someone could be extremely literate. Well, for example, I have a cousin who has written a book—actually, I think books—about classical history, Julius Cesar et 14 cetera. Extremely literate in Italian, and yet when he walks down to the piazza to talk with the guys, boom. He speaks dialect, and just as quickly can go in and out of that mode. So it's a phenomenon that I think still exists, probably to a lesser extent, because I think young people with mass media, watching television, listening to the radio, the Italian becomes modernized, and it is what it is. LINDA ROSENLUND:… now there find it difficult being [unintelligible - 00:32:44]? JOHN CLEMENTI: It's in central Italy. LINDA ROSENLUND:But did he found it difficult going to the north and being taken on seriously by the businessmen up there? JOHN CLEMENTI: You know, I don't think that occurred because… let's not forget, I mean, in the business world he was American. And it was an American company. And even though he spoke Italian, speaks Italian, knows the culture, you know, I think that's the way he was dealing. I think he was always taken very seriously. However, that doesn't discount the fact that there is a, to this day, a dichotomy between north and south. There is a certain… I don't know how to put it, but there's a definite culture clash between the north and the south of Italy. And the northerners view themselves as much more sophisticated, refined than the southerners. And as the southerners, you know, have a similar view of themselves compared to the northerners. In fact, there was actually a movement in the north of Italy to secede from the country. There were this movement, as recently as four or five years ago, for people from the Po Valley to create a country called Padania and secede from the country of Italy. And it doesn't look like it could be real, but I assure you, very real phenomenon. But that was there, and I think that's still there. But I don't think it ever affected my father's ability to do business there. 15 LINDA ROSENLUND:What about accent? JOHN CLEMENTI: You know, again, I think that America has been remarkably fair and welcoming to my father and people like my father. I've probably been -- you know, my father, and people like him who have accents that become self-conscious about it and so forth, I think my dad would tell you that he's been treated fairly, you know, by banks, local banks, who had faith in him early on. And I don't think he's ever forgotten that. I honestly believe that when it comes to discrimination, I think it's there, but I think that to be fair about it, I don't think it's ever been an impediment to me or to meet people, Italian Americans who have a certain sensibility, a certain sensitivity, you know, that it exists. I mean, you know, there will always be… you know, the untoward comment, the, you know, the references, you know, the mafia references that [unintelligible - 00:36:02] me personally. LINDA ROSENLUND:Not even at… JOHN CLEMENTI: Not even at Deerfield. In fact, particularly not at Deerfield. And that's one of the reasons why I personally love the place so much. Because, you know, I think everybody knows and everybody knew at the time, you know, Deerfield was sort of the quintessential Yankee. But the headmaster at the time, Mr. Boyden, Frank Boyden, who's sort of a giant in secondary education, he treated us all the same, and I never… certainly institutionalized from Deerfield. You would get a wise comment from a kid here or there, you know? I chucked out to the usual ignorance that you would find in a high school. I felt that Deerfield, to me, was crucial in my life. I think it was the single most important… Well, let's see. The ethos at Deerfield then and even now was, work hard, play hard. And a certain discipline at the place. By discipline I don't mean a military style discipline, but there was a 16 lot of work to do. It was hard. It was a real interaction between the faculty and the students. And I often tell people, we were as students probably respected by the faculty far more than we deserved. And the place sort or inculcated a sense of responsibility, a sense of giving back to the community. You know, a sense of [unintelligible - 00:37:50] your affairs in a courtly manner. You know, being mind and being understanding. You know, I don't think that was necessarily happening in high school for me. I think it just took my… just took who I was and sort of took me to another level, sort of challenged me, stretched me. I often feel I could've graduated from Deerfield and not gone to college, I'm not sure how much of a difference… It was mine. I mean, I was just going through my sophomore year. You have to realize, it was 1966, and the world was sort of getting to be a little topsy-turvy. You know, the drug culture had made [unintelligible – 00:38:38] in Leominster. And, you know, it was just a confused age. I was doing well in school, at least in terms of grades, but I didn't feel I was achieving very much. But I was probably doing well in a group of… really doing all that well. I thought I was just going through the motions, to tell you the truth, and I felt this sense of malaise about it that, you know, that hammer is going to fall here sometime. And you know, I don't like the way this… and, you know, I just started researching prep schools. I just thought I need to get out of here, down to Deerfield. There were kids that I'd gone to school with who had left and gone… More than anything, what happened was I went --when I was feeling this malaise, I just decided to go to the library and pull out catalogs, where I can get some catalogs. And, to tell the truth, they were very exciting. You know, [area in Dover], 17 Deerfield, you know, the idea that you could play sports on any level, you could study subjects that weren't necessarily offered in high school, and I think the idea of being away from home. I wasn't afraid of it because I've, you know, gone to Europe. It was kind of all of those things put together. I mean, my parents were a little bit taken aback, "Why do you want to leave? What's this all about?" But, you know, after going through the process, the tours and all of that, I think they kind of said okay, and so off we went. LINDA ROSENLUND:So you apparently knew… JOHN CLEMENTI: Yeah. But at time it was fairly clear that we could afford it. I think I knew that in my mind. After all, as I said before, we've been going to Italy now for, you know, at that time, seven, eight years, six, seven years. And so I didn't doubt that that was the case, so… LINDA ROSENLUND:… get the sense that your family was very successful and perhaps -- so [unintelligible - 00:40:58] the other students. JOHN CLEMENTI: [Unintelligible - 00:41:01] at Leominster High? I mean, I had that sense, you know, occasionally, but it really wasn't an overriding factor. I mean, I was pretty much of a happy camper in a way. I had a lot of friends, I loved sports. I was on teams with people. I never felt different, I never felt singled out, I never felt exceptional. It was really… as I said before, it was more a question of worrying about sliding down the slippery slope, if you will. Because, you know, I knew friends that, you know, one year were afraid to go to a dance and in the next year were dropping acid. So it became a kind of thing where I really felt that I wasn't going to progress hanging around. I thought I needed a change of venue. You know, I mean, the factual answer is yes. But I never -- it was important in a sense that they monitored my grades and spoke to my teachers and made sure 18 that I was doing what I ought to have been doing. But I think as time went on, as I got into high school, I think their ability to influence what was going on became less and less, simply because the issues I think became more and more complex. And, you know, they were dealing with them was less and less, simply because now instead of talking to a teacher, you have to talk to every one of these teachers and you need to have a better knowledge of what was going on. I think another thing that I've realized quite honestly is I think is the reverse of what you were asking. I was a sophomore in high school. I believe there was a switch for my philosophy of tracking students to a philosophy of open classrooms. And I have been attending school with same group of kids more or less since seventh grade. And as a sophomore, all of a sudden I realized I was in classes with kids that I'd never been in classes with before. And I think I came to the realization, and then I looked around and I thought it was me, and I thought, "Oh, I'm no longer in the top group. I'm now in the lesser group." But then I realized there were another two, three kids that I knew were very bright, that I knew were, you know, smart as anybody in the class, if not smarter, that were with me, but that there were classes where all the kids were bright. I don't know if this is true, but I surmised that if your parents were on the ball, if your parents knew what the score was in school, that they knew who the good teachers were. And along with the program, then you would be one of the guinea pigs in the open classroom. And this is sort of getting back to your question, "Why did you go to Deerfield?" I think what really set me off was an English class that I was in, in which… it was pretty clear that the class remain in the [gamut] from the brightest kids in the school to probably the least talented in the college curriculum. And the class 19 became a series of same kids putting up their hands, coming up with the answer, being ridiculed by the kids that didn't have the answer, who felt insecure and [badly]. And then what would happen is you would just realize this wasn't advancing the knowledge of the class. And so I thought: "If this is the way it's going to be, then it may be time for me to…" that was another; that was a pretty important fact that I neglected to mention, but… I felt badly for the teacher. Because what happened was she just started teaching to the mean. It all fell apart, in my opinion. [Laughter] SPEKAER 1: And I'm talking about… during high school. JOHN CLEMENTI: You know, I hate to speak for him, but wouldn't have surprised me if he did. I think he probably did. LINDA ROSENLUND:Did he push you for an education to go to college, or… JOHN CLEMENTI: Oh, I don't think he ever did. I don't think he ever expected me not to go to college. And by that time, having gone to Deerfield, you know, that was a totally different culture. And, you know, everybody was going to go to college. In fact, the game changed when I went to Deerfield. Another big reason why I went to Deerfield is in those days I really wanted to go to an Ivy League college. Go to on Ivy League college? Well, interestingly, my sophomore year in high school I was on the debate team, and we had a pretty good debating team in those days. And we went to [unintelligible - 00:46:37] which were up at Dartmouth and Hanover. And I remember to this day, because it was in February and it was classically Hanover, snowing all day long. But… I just, you know, I want to do it, this is where I want to go. You know, I want to go here. At that point, I think that kind of finalized the decision to leave Leominster, because my ability to get there would be seriously stained. And so, you know, I started applying to these other places, [unintelligible - 00:47:11] whole 20 thing evolved. My parents had interestingly -- it's funny, because I had a discussion with my dad about it. You know, my dad, his recollection is he sent me there. My recollection is I wanted to go there. Because really, we have no relationship to any of those kinds of schools. Back to funny story. When I… about that time, and it was in the winter, was in February, I think, I had applied to all these schools and I was now on my schedule. And my dad was still working, you know, hands-on. And I'll never forget, we had an interview at Phillips Andover Academy. And my dad was still, you know, he picked me up, he was still dressed in his work clothes. We went to Phillips, sitting in the admission's building. You know, there's old piano, old room, books, and a fireplace roaring. And it was really warm, and dad was just exhausted. And he just fell asleep. Officer was critiquing my [laughter]. And so, you know, that was kind of my recollection of that episode, which now I think is really funny and is really kind of -- but now I think about it, it's like, "Sure, he was tired. The guy was working really, really hard. He was exhausted." I mean, I dragged him out of the plant to come to this… I knew what was going on, you know, in those days. Not then, you know, they didn't know. They kind of got it from other people, it's the kind of deal was, you know, Philly, you know, that kind of thing. And I think in Deerfield they kind of started to get the idea, because Deerfield was the soul, it really still is. It's just, you know, [unintelligible - 00:49:12]. And don't forget, it was 1966. You know, [GI dye] shirts, long hair, the whole bit. Boom, Deerfield, you know? Coats and ties, suits, you know? You think they were kind of blown away by that. I think they thought to themselves, "This is the best thing that ever happened." You know? My mother tells me now that it broke her heart when I left. 21 LINDA ROSENLUND:What were parents' weekends like or parents'…? JOHN CLEMENTI: It was… it was fine. You have to realize, going back, in a way. And so, you know, I think that kind of went away. There's a kid growing up and that's why I see these Hispanic people working here a lot, and I really emphasize. I know what it's like. You know, they want the same things we want. We all want the same things. But Deerfield was… my parents, I think they're very proud of Deerfield. They… it's something I wish they had, gone to public schools, but quite frankly, I just… in this day and age I just never felt… I just didn't feel that public schools were living up to -- I went to Bancroft school in Worcester, and then they went to Deerfield. My girls went to Deerfield and my son is at Deer- -- I have a long Deerfield tradition. LINDA ROSENLUND:You keep the tradition? JOHN CLEMENTI: But I can get them to go elsewhere but they keep following me. So [unintelligible - 00:51:06] letters at Dartmouth. I have senior and freshmen, both of whom went to Deerfield. They've had wonderful careers. Now I have a son, Alex is a freshmen at Deerfield, and… yeah, I think when I went it was $3,700 a year. It really is. It's a… LINDA ROSENLUND:Follow up with you a little bit, then you decided to pursue a law degree? JOHN CLEMENTI: Yeah, I went to law school. You know, it's something I wanted to do from when I was in high school, really. And you know, it was… I went to Boston College Law School. But, you know, I had to decide what I wanted to do—did I want to go to a big city and, you know, could I come back here. I'd been interning here for this firm that I eventually joined. And they liked me and I liked them, and so when it came to, you know, the time to figure out what I wanted to do for a living, I'd lived in Boston at that time for three years. And that was great, but I -- there was a 22 chance to, you know, make an impact going back to my hometown and going to a small town all the time. You know, all the time. And, you know, I think it was just… have a guaranteed job in the city and all that stuff. I thought that that's what I wanted to do. So I joined the law firm and… I enjoyed it and had fun. I liked the people a lot and I liked the law a lot. And it was really a joy with people I met in the law. And at the time I was doing mostly litigation. I was mostly in court doing mostly criminal work. And… that was fun. But at a certain point I realized that's not what I really wanted to do for the rest of my life. And just about at the same time I came to that conclusion, this company, Plastican had been formed and had been a going concern for about… seven or eight years. And… we had a plant; you know, in Leominster, about 70,000 square foot plant, and there was potential to get it bigger and to do other things. But my dad, at that point the jobs and so forth became much more specific in a point became this, "Listen, there's a lot to do here. There's a lot of potential here, but I'm at the age where I'm not going to do it. I'm not going to go [unintelligible - 00:53:56] all over the United States to do what we need to do." And so, I thought about it and realized that it was exciting, it was a lot of upside potential, and so I left the law and joined the company, and in sort of a COO, beneath my father. And the first task at hand was to set up some sort of a operation in the west, and so I went out and scouted the west and decided upon Dallas. And we… at the warehouse operation there we built a plant, begin to manufacture product there, and established a plant in Dallas in Texas. That was in 1978. And off we went. And then, a few years later, we realized that we had a plant in the east, a plant in the west, but there was a lot of business in the southeast. Florida 23 was a growing state. Georgia, the Carolinas. We really needed a place, a plant there. And so I, you know, we did the same thing, and I went down to and scouted the Southeast and came upon Macon, Georgia after much research and lots of trips to Georgia. In the meantime we add it on to the plant in Dallas, and since add it on to the plant in Macon. And then three years ago we built, we purchased a plant in Phoenix, Arizona, and so now we have a plant in Arizona. As for the Plastican side, we have four plants, and we're selling people coast to coast, so to speak. LINDA ROSENLUND:Now, you get an experience with the plastic industry? JOHN CLEMENTI: Oh, yeah. You know, in high school was the summer job, you know, was… you know, before it was time to go to Italy, in June, July, we worked in the plant, and so… but it was all about in terms of how it works and what you do. I had experience with that. I was here all the time in the summer, so I knew everybody and I knew everything that was going on. Well, you know, that's interesting. Yes, because I did have a part time job after school working at a local accountant's kind of doing arithmet- that was sort of after school from, like, 2:30 to 5:00. So I guess the answer is yes. I don't know how that happened, but I did have a part-time job, yeah. I think it was just the winter, because I didn't play any sports in the winter. LINDA ROSENLUND:… that you were [soft]? JOHN CLEMENTI: No. To be honest with you, I don't remember. I think I probably wanted the money. You know, in high school you could use a little more money. Yeah, I played baseball. It's the sport I cared about most. And I played football too. And that was another reason actually that I went to Deerfield, because Deerfield had great baseball, got my hand at another level. And so that was another impetus. 24 I think they just assumed that that's what kids do. It's interesting because… my parents never saw me play. You know, my dad was always working and my mother, you know, didn't really care, which was fine with me. And… it's another story. My dad saw me play the last game I ever played on the parents' weekend, right before graduation. And it was interesting, because he… you know, he was sitting in the stands and so forth and so on. And… so, we played the game and that was at that. After the game he said to me, "You know, I was talking to this really nice man in the stands, and he said that he thought you were a pretty good player." "Well, that's nice," I said. He said, "Well, you know, it's interesting. His name was DiMaggio." Well, it wasn't Joe DiMaggio, and I don't know if he was related to him. As it turns out, it was Dom DiMaggio, who played for the Red Sox, played centerfield for the Red Sox, and his son Paul was in my class. And, you know, it was kind of funny that, you know, Dom DiMaggio tells my father that kid's pretty good. Who's that kid? And he says, "That's my kid." And it was the only game he ever saw me play. And to this day, I have this sort of… conflict, you know, when I see, you know, soccer moms and little league parents and so forth. I think myself, all the fun I had playing, my parents weren't there. And I'm thinking, "You know, maybe I had a lot of fun because they weren't there." And I didn't have to do anything for anybody, you know? You know, I played, and whatever would happen, happened. And inevitably I had fun, and that was at the end of it. You know, I didn't have any dad telling me what I should have done or mom screaming at me for doing something or -- you know, it was kind of -- I left it there. So when I talk to parents now about that whole thing, you know, who feel compelled to see every single game, the every single practice. And I personally don't feel that way; I just don't 25 feel that way. I go to watch my kid play football, but, you know, if I don't go I don't feel it as a big deal. I don't have to do it. You know, that's another story. And so, the Dom DiMaggio thing was really, was a fun thing, to this day. LINDA ROSENLUND:Did you ever feel like you could go beyond? JOHN CLEMENTI: As I got older I realized how far I was away from going on. At Deerfield I played with guys that went to the major leagues. And, you know, I realized what the difference is. There's a difference, you know? [Laughter] LINDA ROSENLUND:… like who? Who played in the major league? JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, there's a guy who's now the coach at Brandeis, a guy named Pete Varney who's a footnote in history because he was the fellow that caught the famous pass in the Harvard-Yale game, 29-29 tie with the… the headline in the school paper was: "Harvard defeats Yale: 29-29." They scored I think, 26 points in, like, three minutes to tie the game, and he caught the extra point that tied the game with no time left on the clock. So Pete Varney was a footnote in history. But he played for the Chicago Red Sox and, you know, he's a big, strapping guy that could really hit. And the, [Ralph Teiner], the announcer of the [unintelligible – 01:00:45] for the Giants was at Deerfield. You know, just the slew of kids. A kid named Willie Roberts who played for the Houston Oilers and footballer Gary Bonner who said, "All the Russian records are…" you know, you can tell. I mean, there's a difference. I wasn't a very good athlete. I was a good player because I really liked the game and I knew how to play it, but I didn't have the ability to become [laughter]. I wish I did, but I didn't. LINDA ROSENLUND:And getting back, we talked about this just a little bit before I turned the recorder on.26 JOHN CLEMENTI: Oh, well. I mean, I ask the same question you were asking me. Because their kids, you know, they were… people from our village, from Corfinio, that are living here in Leominster who gave their children Italian names—Sandro, Pulino, Vega, Rosana—I mean, real Italian names, which are lovely and I love -- you know, I love them. And I said, "You know what's this, John? Why not Giovanni?" And dad and mother both said, "No! We named you John on purpose so you wouldn't get stuck with one of those names." Kind of interesting that they were thinking that way. To me it was kind of surprising that they were thinking that, because, you know, I think about it now, my dad was 22 and my mom was 21. It took a little bit of thinking, you know? No, I was born… LINDA ROSENLUND:But coming in, I thought you were born in Italy. JOHN CLEMENTI: Well, that's kind of interesting the way life works too, because she is very similar to me in the sense that her parents immigrated at just about the same time. And they were born in Latvia and were displaced people because they were invaded by the Russians, and then by the Germans. And they were taken to war camps in Germany. And her parents met in the war camp in Germany. All of these people who were displaced people were given the option of returning to their homeland or [remain there]. And because Latvia had been occupied by the Soviet Union, by the Russians, the word had gotten out as to what life was like on the other side. They decided not to go back to Latvia, and I guess were able to immigrate to the United States through the auspices of a church group, essentially as refugees, but even more so. So my wife was born in Germany. They didn't emigrate until… they immigrated though. It's interesting, you know, marrying a Mediterranean, marrying a [unintelligible - 01:03:52], 27 essentially in Nordic culture. But I think the common bind, you know, bound, being bound together by the immigrant thing, we understand a lot of the same things. You know, the bit about all of that stuff. All of the things, the feeling awkward, the sharing understanding of those things. Grew up in New Jersey. And it's really funny, you know, I've… her dad was a very successful contractor. And… she and her siblings all went to private schools. She went to private school. It was sort of like the same thing. The same thing happened, you know. You think you're unique and you realize you're far from it. LINDA ROSENLUND:How did you meet her? JOHN CLEMENTI: Blind date. Blind date. It was the Feast of St. Anthony in the North End. And law school at the time and a friend of mine who was living in Boston who said, "J, you know, my girlfriend has a friend, you know, up from New Jersey," and, you know, "would you like to go out with her?" "Sure, why not?" In those days, and I guess still today, every week in the summer there's some feast or another, and I go up there. It was a bit of a happening, and so… we had a blind date, and that was that. LINDA ROSENLUND:[Unintelligible – 01:05:29] JOHN CLEMENTI: Yes, it's really… I think back now, and it really is. Because you know, immigration, from Western Europe was over for the most part, by then. You know, there were very few immigrants that came to this country, you know, much after, 1948, '49. I meant, from Western Europe. I mean, they came from other places, from South America and Asia, Africa, but not many from Western Europe. So, it was -- yeah, it was… I think so. Yeah, definitely. You know, I guess, of the heart, it doesn't work that way. [Laughter] LINDA ROSENLUND:And a different religion. 28 JOHN CLEMENTI: Yes, she's a Lutheran. Yeah, I think it… my parents were remarkably disciplined in bearing, in that regard. And so were hers. They were both smart enough to know that, you know, if this has been what's… you know, go along and let's respect the choices and… you know. You know, it's been fine. It's really interesting. They feel both. As I say, my oldest one speaks Italian. My middle one really looks Italian. And my little guy, you know, I think he's at that age where, you know, he doesn't really feel -- but, we went to Latvia last summer, visited Latvia for a week. And it was great because I wanted to go, I wanted to see one of these former Soviet countries and see what life is like there. But it was good for them to see where their grandparents came from and, you know, to really get -- when I say, you know, they've been to both places and I think it's fair to say they feel a real affinity for both places. It really was… the impression you come away with is that it's a country that's really trying hard. Very interesting. You see construction cranes everywhere in the capital city, which is Riga. And very interesting phenomenon there. The country is divided in half ethnically. Half of them are ethnic Russians and half of them are ethnic Latvians. Who are, the Latvians are basically Teutonic in what they are, you know? They're very Germanic. And the Russians are Russian. And there's a real split there. And there's a great deal of resentment left over from the Soviet occupation. And there's resentment both ways. And the leadership of the country is very interesting, because when the country was liberated, children of immigrants -- and immigrants could come back as citizens. And so the prime minister of Latvia is a Canadian woman. And all of the signs in Latvia are written in three languages: Latvian first, English second, and Russians are not too thrilled about that. But the Latvians understand that, 29 you know, English is the -- it's really interesting. I mean, it's just, watching the country develop. You know, the average income there is, like, $250 a month, you know? They email some in Latvia. They're fully aware of everything that's going on in our culture, movies, CNN. Kind of, like… community is in sort of a weak fog, everything that's happened in the last 20 years up an away, and kind of bringing the country into the modern period without having to go through all the baggage of what has gone before. So, it's a real eye opener because all of the vestiges of Soviet domination are still there. I mean, these horribly snotty apartment buildings that are so depressing. You know, it's depressing architecture. And on the other side, avant-garde, hard music. It's a country that is leaping, you know, just jumping right out of the '40s into the, you know, the 2000s without anything in between. And it's happening. LINDA ROSENLUND:Are you hoping to do business…? JOHN CLEMENTI: Honestly, we don't export much of our products, so I never really thought -- on a personal level, no. I think it's just the… it's interesting. You fly through Frankfurt, boom. You know? Connect to Riga. Yeah, it's only an hour. Then from Riga we went to Stockholm, Sweden, which is only an hour. And there's a flight to Estonia. LINDA ROSENLUND:From Stockholm? JOHN CLEMENTI: Mm-hmm. Probably. We were in Stockholm this summer ourselves, we were in June, been there in June. LINDA ROSENLUND:Is there actually, by Stockholm, it was the… JOHN CLEMENTI: Yes, I was surprised. I don't know why I was surprised, but Stockholm just impressed me massively. It's a really beautiful, beautiful city, very impressive. You know, they have that magnificent park across the bridge, really impressive to me. LINDA ROSENLUND:… all of a sudden they've been able to…30 JOHN CLEMENTI: Infiltrate [laughter]. You know, that's a funny kind of situation. By the time that I became a member of the club, I think there was no longer any need to infiltrate. I think that that had changed completely. I remember a very dear friend of mine who was a member at the time—I was a lot younger—asking me if I wanted to be a member. Really hadn't given it much thought, and I said no. And since I've spoken to Jewish people, it was a real thing there. You know, there was, there were clear notions of the time when a Jewish person couldn't be a member. And I think some of those people sort of said, "Well, you know, that was then. This is now." So, you know, to me, I kind of view it as a… doesn't have nearly as social significance it might have had 20 years ago, or 25 years ago, when it really [unintelligible - 01:12:13]. It's no longer relevant to me. I don't think it's any longer a symbol of anything. I don't think so. LINDA ROSENLUND:No? JOHN CLEMENTI: No, I really don't. No. I think those days are long gone, honestly. You know, they may exist somewhere, you know? In the South, or you know, New York. Maybe it's important what club do you belong, but I don't think it's important at all. SPEKAER 1: … product these days at Plastican? JOHN CLEMENTI: Five-gallon bucket is and always has been the most important product. It's the workhorse of the rigid packaging industry. You know, we package everything from swimming pool chlorine, driveway sealer, paint, driveway, drywall compound, detergents, industrial chemicals, you name it. And back then it's five-gallon buckets. So it's a staple item. Lots of them, but that's the good news. The bad news is there are lots of us doing it, and so it's a very competitive business. You know, technology has always been an important part of what we do, and so…we try to keep on the cutting edge in terms 31 of technology. And only can make them quickly but also to make them well, so that the quality of the product is consistent over time. Packaging products get transported vast distances, and so it's important that the seal is really good and that the product is real good. We purchase recycled resins, and so we manufacture product out of recycled plastic, reclaim containers from customers that want us to so that we can assist in closing the circle. We have a very interesting product, which is the curbside recycling bin, the blue boxes you see on the side of the road. We manufacture those as well, and we manufacture those for the state of Massachusetts. And what we do there is we use recycled resin to manufacture the recycling bins, and so it's kind of -- well, I don't know. The way we kind of divided the tasks in the end, I basically run the day-to-day operations. I'm [unintelligible - 01:14:42] marketing personnel, human resources, purchasing, for the most part, the day-to-day operations of things. My dad, on the other hand, is concerned with things like capital purchases, big machines, molds. And he purchases raw material, resins. You know, the raw material. That's kind of the way we divide things. So, you know, the day-in-day-out headaches are mine. And [unintelligible - 01:15:19] aspect is his. That way, you know, we're constantly talking, so it's… we're always engaged in a dialogue about how we should do this how we should do that. And when one of us is on vacation or away, obviously the other takes up the slack. You know, I think it will continue to be more competitive going forward, you know? With globalization and consolidation, there are fewer and fewer companies to sell to. And this is an issue, that more and more purchasing power. And so the only alternative is to become more and more competitive. So… you know, I will be focusing our efforts on ways in which 32 we can make the company more competitive and more user-friendly to the buyers. One of the things about consolidation is with the added mass these companies are adding, what they do is they expect their vendors to provide more and more by way of service. Whereas you might have had good quality and good price, I think going forward that might not be enough. We have some products for the swimming pool industry in particular that are really innovative. "How I get these darn things off?" And with consumers [unintelligible - 01:16:50] is that you have to make sure that they don't come off. And so if you run into a conflict -- but we think we designed some products that make it easier to take the lid off and put it back on while making sure that nothing leaks in the meantime. So that's where -- I think that's the most exciting item that we're introducing. For those who have a one-gallon paint can, that has revolutionized things as well. LINDA ROSENLUND:Packaging? I mean, do you do everything on…? JOHN CLEMENTI: R&D? Marketing, mostly. So yeah, I will do that here. So this is our latest baby. LINDA ROSENLUND:Is that on the market yet? JOHN CLEMENTI: No. Not yet. LINDA ROSENLUND:… revolution. I think the other… JOHN CLEMENTI: Maybe. [Laughter] LINDA ROSENLUND:Well, you never know… JOHN CLEMENTI: You never know. SPEKAER 1: Is security an issue here? JOHN CLEMENTI: In terms of intellectual property? Yeah, it's an issue everywhere. So far so good, though. I mean, our products have been patented. We spend a lot of time and effort. I think we're pretty secure, but who knows? Here, I think in Plastican we have about 300. I think companywide we -- I think we have a very good 33 track record. I mean, I'd bet that fact that four employees that are going to be celebrating 30 years with us in a couple of months. We have very little turnover management, almost none. As far as our shift employees are concerned, the day shifts are very stable. It's really the -- it goes with the nature of the beast. When you're running 24 hours a day, there are some people that would only work 11 to 7 and 11. And there are other people that would never do it. The toughest shift tends to be 3 to 11, because it's kind of in the middle of the day and… that shift. But other than that, we're pretty fortunate with turnover here. Yeah, I think it's safe to say that we're no different from any other manufacturers in the Commonwealth. We have a lot of people of Hispanic -- I think we have a cross section of the people who live here. LINDA ROSENLUND:Can you mention that again? JOHN CLEMENTI: Yeah. Well, we have a lot of Hispanic employees. I'd say it's probably the major ethnic group that we have. And we also have a lot of Asians—Koreans, Vietnamese, Hmong. And so it's pretty much the reflection of the people that live in our area. I would hope so. I'd like to think that we've give people opportunities to advance themselves, you know, professionally, economically. I too provide opportunities to people. As I said before, we've been fortunate in that our recruitment and retention, we've just been very successful people come here. But I think everybody wants to leave a legacy of fairness and opportunity, and I hope to do the same./AT/lj/es
Inhaltsangabe:Introduction: In the past two decades backpacker tourism has grown vastly throughout both developed and developing world. Particularly to south and Southeast Asian countries the phenomenon of backpacking is not new, so to India, where it dates back to the 60's and 70's hippy drifters, to which backpacking is often associated. It has been since the publication of the Lonely Planet's 'Yellow Bible' ('Southeast Asia on a Shoestring') in 1975 that backpacking has gradually emerged as a mass travel style. Today popular travel-yourself literature cover almost every corner of the globe, serving a steady demand for 'off the beaten path' travel. Thereby to backpackers the developmental background of a destination plays a lesser role than to the mainstream tourist, who is demanding certain infrastructural arrangements. As a result backpackers are found in utmost remote and low developed locations that other tourists never reach. Thus backpacker enclaves have emerged in many places throughout the world, and not without effects on their hosting environments. While social impacts often carry negative connotations, hosting communities do usually appreciate backpackers for their economic contributions. Objectives and Scope of this paper: In recent years backpacker tourism has profoundly been studied in developed contexts, particularly Australia and New Zealand are to be seen the pioneering regions of independent travel research, having undertaken strenuous efforts to study the same within the past two decades. As a consequence both destinations have recognized the economic value of low budget travel to their countries and established backpacker tourism as high yielding segments within their national tourism markets. In both countries backpacking has since undergone shift from de-marketing to a marketing label. Though in recent years international research has made numerous successful attempts to study backpacker tourism in less developed contexts, many tourism officials in third world destinations as yet refuse to accept the economic reach coming along with low-budget travel. Instead a majority of administrative instances promote upscale- and regulated forms of tourism to be the way forward, neglecting any concerns with regard to necessary infrastructure or initial investments. Though only a fraction of developing nations do actively restrict independent travel to their territories (e.g. Maldives, Bhutan), a majority at best tacitly ignores the phenomenon. Other cases have proven forceful discouragement from local authorities and government bodies. India is an example, though having a long tradition as a backpacker destination and as yet well reputing among international travellers, there are strong indications that tourism planners and authorities follow the common misbelieve that low budget equals low revenue tourism and begin displacing backpacker tourism, in particular from designated tourism priority zones. At this point the present paper starts to assume relevance. It aims at proving the economic significance of international backpacker tourism in a third world context, particularly the economic development impacts coming along with this form of travel. Beside setting up an explorative backpacker profile of independent travellers in India it examines the case of a remote Indian traveller enclave including the local and regional economic developments directly and indirectly resulting from budget travel. Basing on empirical research firstly a backpacker profile is being created, providing fundamental quantitative data on travellers in India and the study area itself. A second aim of this paper is to place the backpacker in India into an international context and identify similarities and differences to his counterpart in other regions of the world. Furthermore it follows the question of the existence of different types of backpackers in India. Hence, survey findings are being contrasted with data from other, international backpacker markets, as well as theoretic defining and distinction criteria. The identification of parallels farther allows an application of economic development criteria from other destinations onto the Indian context. The section therewith sheds light onto the demand side of India's contemporary budget travel market. A qualitative approach has been chosen to run down on backpacker economic development impacts on Havelock in the Andaman Islands, representing the study area of this paper. Substantiated by data from the backpacker profile this second section portrays the case of a remote islands enclave, and how backpacker tourism impacts on its local economy. Again findings are being contrasted with a number of theoretic criteria, in order to emphasize their significance to the region. Farther the evolutionary path of backpacker enclaves is being followed and the question whether or not independent travel spearheads organized forms of tourism. This section particularly approaches the supply side of independent travel in India and the area of focus. Finally the paper aims at identifying factors for success of backpacker travel in India and the Andaman Islands.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION1 1.1Objectives and Scope1 1.2Structure3 1.3Overall Methodology4 THEORETICAL CONTEXT 2.INTRODUCTION TO THE DESTINATION6 2.1Destination India6 2.1.1India's developmental situation6 2.1.2Geography and climate7 2.1.3Politics and economy7 2.1.4Tourism in India8 2.2Destination Andaman Islands13 2.2.1Geographic facts13 2.2.2Brief historical review14 2.2.3Population14 2.2.4Economy and industry14 2.2.5AN Islands tourism15 2.3Destination Havelock Island16 2.3.1Location16 2.3.2Population16 2.3.3Landscape and infrastructure16 3.BACKPACKER DEFINING CRITERIA TYPOLOGIES17 3.1Cohen's tourist typology17 3.1.1The Organized Mass Tourist17 3.1.2The Individual Mass Tourist18 3.1.3The Explorer18 3.1.4The Drifter18 3.2Riley's defining criteria of independent travellers (1988)19 3.3Defining criteria of contemporary backpackers20 3.3.1Pearce's defining criteria of backpackers (1990)20 3.3.2Ateljevic Doorne's defining criteria of backpackers (2000)22 3.3.3Contrasting Ateljevic Doorne's backpacker types with24 4.DEFINING CRITERIA WITH REGARD TO THE STUDY AREA25 4.1The backpacker enclave25 4.2Forms and types of backpacker enclaves26 4.2.3Urban and Rural Enclaves26 4.2.4Functional and Destinational Enclaves26 4.2.5Concentrated and Dispersed Enclaves26 4.3The evolutionary paths of backpacker enclaves27 4.3.1Butler's Tourist Area Life Cycle (TALC) Model27 4.3.2Papatheodorou's advanced evolutionary approach30 5.BACKPACKER TOURISM ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT CRITERIA31 5.1Scheyven's Economic Development Criteria of Budget Tourism32 STUDY RESULTS 6.THE QUANTITATIVE SURVEY – PROFILING THE BACKPACKER34 6.1Methodology of the quantitative survey34 6.1.1Conceptualisation of the survey34 6.1.2Survey execution37 6.1.3Evaluation of data39 6.2Survey findings and discussion42 6.2.1Socioeconomic aspects - who is travelling?44 6.2.2Travel company, itinerary and trip length50 6.2.3Travel motivations56 6.2.4Use of infrastructure61 6.2.5Budgeting and expenses69 6.2.6Organized activities on Havelock Island74 6.2.7Statements to rate regarding India as a destination76 6.3Summary of survey findings78 6.3.1Demographics78 6.3.2Travel company78 6.3.3Travel motives78 6.3.4Itinerary79 6.3.5Use of infrastructure80 6.3.6Spending81 6.4Contrasting study findings with defining criteria of Pearce, Ateljevic Doorne82 6.4.1Comparison of survey findings with defining criteria of Pearce82 6.4.2Comparison of survey findings with Ateljevic Doorne's advanced defining criteria84 7.THE QUALITATIVE SURVEY – ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IMPACTS ON HAVELOCK ISLAND86 7.1Methodology of qualitative interviews86 7.2Study findings and discussion87 7.2.1A temporal review of Havelock's budget tourism development88 7.2.2Economic development impacts on Havelock91 7.2.3The case of Shri Dhananjoy Mondal and family97 7.4Summary of local economic development impacts on Havelock99 7.5Contrasting Havelock's status with Scheyven's defining criteria101 8.DEFINING HAVELOCK'S CURRENT STATUS AS A BACKPACKER ENCLAVE104 8.1Classification of Havelock's status according to Cohen and Howard104 8.2Classification of Havelock's evolutionary status according to Butler Papatheodorou105 8.3Do backpackers spearhead mass tourism?108 9.SUCCEEDING FACTORS FOR BPT DEVELOPMENT110 9.1Resources beneficial to tourism development110 9.2Surrounding conditions beneficial to independent travel development113 9.3Success factors for backpacker travel development in brief118 10.CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDED COURSE OF ACTION119 11.REFERENCES123 12.ANNEX130Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 6.3.1, Demographics: The backpacker found to be travelling in India is young, commonly under the age of 30. Males and females are equally distributed and the majority originates a western background (Europe and North America). Remarkable are a very high percentage of young Israeli travellers, constituting the strongest source nation of the sample, was found to be travelling in Andaman Islands. Israeli travellers in particular are young, with a large majority under the age of 25. Age composition of backpackers matches findings from previous surveys. Independent travellers in India are very well educated, either already having a university degree, or still studying for one. Only a fraction of the sample is full time employed, a larger proportion was found to be in an undetermined status - e.g. between two major phases in life - hence 'travelling' best suited their current occupation. Again present findings coincide with findings from earlier studies, from other parts of the world. 6.3.2, Travel company: The minority of backpackers in India travel on their own, the majority seek company of partner, friend(s) or fellow travellers. The result opposes findings from developed destinations, where a majority is found to be travelling alone. The assumption was substantiated, that independent travellers in third world destinations strongly tend to seek travel company. Increased hardship of travel and strangeness of host culture were named to be the most reasonable explanations. 6.3.3, Travel motives: The traveller to India is attracted by a composition of motives, commonly aspects of exploration, excitement and relaxation. A basic drive for the backpacker is a thirst for experience of India's natural, historical and cultural assets. Farther, sun and beach ranks as a top pull drive, as well as India's low overall cost of living and travelling. Rather specific for India is the 'spiritual traveller' who visits holy places and partly participates in meditation or Yoga. A majority of 'spiritual' travellers is of Israeli origin, many of those are involved in drug consumption. The assumption was made that the low living expenses in India strongly promote it to backpackers as a travel destination. At the same time - though being value for money - India does not appeal as a country for shopping. Rather there are indications that India receives recognition as a country for temporary tertiary education. The survey uncovered 3 'study backpackers', a fairly recent phenomenon which had already been reported from Australia. When it comes to Andaman Islands the relaxational aspect of pull factors comes to the fore. Travellers to Andaman Islands seek both, to actively and/or passively relax from strains of travel while exploring tropical beaches. The backpacker to Andaman Islands often follows recommendations from previous visitors (friends, relatives other travellers) and seeks thrill in adventuresome eco-activities. Snorkelling and SCUBA-diving are the most popular ventures backpackers opt for. 6.3.4, Itinerary: Most backpackers visit India for the first time and travel the country as part of a longer trip. Popular countries (intended to be) visited apart from India are Nepal, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia. Multiple destination travellers are heading from west to east. The overall trip length averages little above 20 weeks whereof 13 weeks are spent in India. Israeli backpackers commonly travel longer than the average, as they do stay in India. Trip lengths drawn from comparative studies commonly vary. Assumptions were made that the ultimate duration of stay is country specific and strongly depending on framework conditions. Available types of Visa, cost of living and incidental work opportunities would account as such. The backpacker to the Andaman Islands is a first time visitor, substantiating the island's status as a virgin destination. The average sojourn time in the archipelago is three weeks, whereof two weeks are spent on Havelock Island. This supports Havelock's reputation as a backpacker enclave and destination of choice for backpackers. 6.3.5, Use of infrastructure: The backpacker to India commonly travels on budget public transport systems. When compared to other destinations, Indian railway outweighs road based transport (bus). This was said to be due to Indian trains' excelling comfort when compared to (rough) road bound modes, while being value for money at the same time. Remarkably the backpacker to India air travels within the boarders of India at least on occasion. On one hand this was found to be a result of the study's realization on a remote island archipelago, involving a vast majority of the surveyed' in some sort of aviation. On the other hand the existence of hub- and overland backpackers has been substantiated, as well as the triumph of India's low cost air carriers (LCC). Compared to developed destinations rented self drive is only popular in/around enclaves. Travellers on Havelock opt for bicycle and/or scooter. Purchased self drive (e.g. campervan) as common in Australia does hardly exist in India. This has been identified a result of legal obstacles as well as distinct traffic and road conditions. When travelling to Andaman Islands backpackers choose to fly. Again the overall preference for budget housing has been substantiated. Travellers in India tend to stay in private guesthouses, farther quality local hotels or beach shack-type/ bamboo hut housing. Israeli travellers tend to be more rigorous when it comes to accommodation, a large proportion chooses ultra budget staying over comfort where available. Backpacker hostels as found in other destinations do not exist in India, nor do camping facilities or youth hostels. Travellers in India share their counterparts disfavour for upscale housing, as comparison with other studies reveals. Backpackers on Havelock exclusively stay in bamboo huts. This is due to inexistent alternatives in the budget sector, and the prevalent nature of this traditional type of housing. The traveller in India commonly chooses 'authentic' facilities to eat. Of highest popularity are small local restaurants, offering host culture interaction. To buy food from local shops and markets appeals as an option to most travellers. Price consciousness plays an important role and commonly outweighs the setting of a place. Fastfood chains, though increasing in numbers are commonly disregarded. Upscale and A/C restaurants are only being frequented on occasion. Backpackers in India use guidebooks to draw travel information, as they rely on reports from fellow travellers. The assumption was made that third world backpackers rely on information from word of mouth far more often than their counterparts in developed destinations. This has been explained with lacking reliable alternatives. In contrast to other destinations the internet is not as popular, though still used at least on occasion. India's infant stage of web based, travel-related information platforms was identified a possible explanation. 6.3.6, Spending: Despite a low daily budget of only EUR 12,5 backpackers in India each spend a total of EUR 2300 in the country. This was found to be less than in Australia but far more than contributions of average tourists (cf. Section 2.1.4). The largest proportion of the backpacker's daily spending account for basic needs, namely food, beverages and accommodation. In contrast to travellers in Australia those in India clearly do not spend money on shopping and souvenirs. This is outbalanced by those enrolling in organized activities. The backpacker in Andaman Islands does spend a multiple of his average daily spending on exceptional eco- and adventuresome activities (SCUBA diving/ snorkelling excursions). Similar results have been found for Australia and New Zealand.
Verfügbarkeit an Ihrem Standort wird überprüft
Dieses Buch ist auch in Ihrer Bibliothek verfügbar:
Issue 34.5 of the Review for Religious, 1975. ; Revtew ]or Rehgtous ts edited by faculty members of the School of DIvlmty of St Louts University, the edttorlal ol~ces bemg located at 612 Humboldt Buddmg, 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copy-right (~) 1975 by Review [or Religious. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. S!ngle copies: $1.75. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year; $11.00 for two years; other countries, $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years (for airmail delivery, add $5.00 per year). Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to Review ]or Religious in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming .to represent Review ]or Religious. Change of address requests should include former ad~ciress. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Galicn, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor September 1975 Volume 34 Number 5 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to Review for Religious; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to Review for Religious; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. / ;" ~: :°~Vith these ,words Po o ~t only for Jesmts,~but-~f6r all~rehg~ous;~ )s wh6, .in ~varyingways, ~dentff, y:.o. 671 A Survey of the Thirty-second General Congregation John R. Sheets, S.J. Fr. Sheets, chairman of the theology department of Creighton University and director of its new Masters Degree in Christian Spirituality program, was an elected delegate of his province (Wisconsin) at the 32nd General Congregation. He resides at Creighton University; 2500 Califor-nia St.; Omaha, NB 68178. The Thirty-second General Congregation of the Society of Jesus began on December 2, 1974. It finished its work on March 7, 1975. The Holy See authorized the promulgation of its decrees on May 2, 1975. In this article I will attempt to set down in an intelligible way a description of what went on during those ninety-six days, especially for (hose who are not Jesuits but who are in-terested in the congregation. Having gone over once again both the official documents and the Acta of the congregation, and having tried to recapture.my own experience over those days, I feel keenly the limitations of what follows. In the first place, it is difficult to give a survey of the vast amount of material covered by the various commissions;-secondly, it is hard to detail my own ex-perience without writing an autobiography; thirdly, it would take someone with both a sense of historical detail and a journalistic flair to present the in-terplay that took place among the various identifiable groups within the con-gregation, and also what took place between the Vatican and the congregation. In spite of these reservations, I hope that the observations that follow might provide some insight into what happened, and at the same time provide a counterweight to impressions given to the public through the general press. For me personally the congregation was the peak experience of my life. I am still trying to sort out the reasons for this. There is the obvious fact of hav-ing been part of a decision-making body whose decrees could have momentous importance for the Societ), of Jesus and for the Church at a very critical mo- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 673 ment in history. Again there was the experience of being "companions in the Lord" with two hundred and thirty-six other Jesuits from all over the world, united in the same Ignatian vision, sharing a common purpose, praying and working together to formulate with the help of the Holy Spirit responses to what the Church and the world ask of the Society today. The "honeymoon experience" of the first days gave way, as the weeks went on, to the .experience of fatigue, the perplexities of the search for the proper wording, the experience of working on disparate problems at the same time, without any clear point of convergence. Added to these was the experience of the interaction between the Vatican and the congregation which brought with it great anguish. However, it was also perhaps the experience that changed the congregation from a group of planners relying much on our own wisdom into something approximating an instrument of the Holy Spirit. The whole experience of the congregation in many ways paralleled what a person goes through in making the Spiritual Exercises, where one is subject to the movement of different spirits. On the one hand, it was the occasion of the greatest consolation; on the other, 1 have never in my life experienced such heaviness of heart. There were moments when one could almost feel the presence of the Holy Spirit, particularly at the concelebrated liturgies where one was drawn into the mystery of the communio jesuitarum, both the living and the dead, ~hrough our sharing in the Eucharist. Certainly the con-celebrated Mass, celebrated on the opening day of the congregatiofi in the Gesu, a church hallowed by the memories of Ignatius, Xavier and the early history of the Society, with seven hundred Jesuits participating, was one such moving experience. But if there were consolations, there were also periods of desolation, the worst desolation I have ever experienced. These came from the pall of uncer-tainty cast over the congregation from the communications of the Holy Father through Cardinal Villot in reference to the way the congregation had proceeded on a particular point concerning the Fourth Vow in the Society. This was also the occasion for the Holy Father to remark with pain that he detected from the Acta of the congregation attitudes among the delegates which were at variance with the kind of disposition a Jesuit should have toward the Pope. To be frank, however, it was not so much the interventions of the Holy Father that depressed me. In fact, as events would show, he was under the im-pression that we had received a specific communication on the subject that he had given to one of the delegates to be transmitted to us. But because of a mis-understanding the delegate did not in fact communicate it, and the congrega-tion learned about it only after we had taken a step which seemed to con-travene directly the explicit instruction of the Holy Father. To me the tone of his and Cardinal Villot's letter, while severe, was comprehensible in the light of this misunderstanding on the communication of their earlier message. What was far more upsetting was the sudden change in the mental climate of the congregation. Somewhere Kierkegaard mentions that the sudden is the 1574 / Review for, Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 category of the demonic. In the course of only minutes, the demon of rumor, suspicion and recrimination was let loose. Suddenly it all fitted into a kind of master plot to discredit Fr. Arrupe, bring about his resignation, and bring to nothing the efforts of the congregation. No one knew who the enemies were, but some gave the impression that there was one hiding behind every column in the Vatican. Among the memories which will always be with me are the occasions when I used to walk in St. Peter's Square at night, when it was deserted, except for a police car and a few pa~sers-by. The majestic beauty of the facade of St. Peter's, bathed by the light of the moon, the beauty of the fountains flashing in the lights, the Vatican apartments with a light here and there, formed a setting of peace which seemed to overflow into me, particularly when events occurred which plunged the congregation into gloom. Looking back over those difficult periods I am certain that if it were not for the example and leadership of Fr. Arrupe we would have lost courage. He transmitted to us both by word and example a sense of the working of God's providence and the life-through-death process in which we were engaged. We were faced with the humbling and humiliating fact that we experts who were supposed to discern the signs of the times could not discern a sign that was much closer to us. In many ways the misunderstandings did not "have to be," when one looks at them from a human point of view. The reports from the press about con-frontation, maneuver and counter-maneuver were the product of journalistic imagination. The sad fact is that pain was caused by people who were trying their utmost to act with responsibility to the Holy Father and to the Society. But I have probably got ahead of myself. All I wanted to do in these in-troductory remarks was to point out that for me personally the experience of those three months led by the diverse paths of joy and anguish to a deeper ex-perience of the ways of God, that "If Yahweh does not build the house, in vain the masons toil." The Procedure Followed in the Business of the Congregation In preparation for this congregation there had been four years of highly organized participation on the level of the local communities and the provinces. The extent of this participation varied. In general, however, it had a beneficial result in creating the awareness that this congregation would grow out of the discernment that took place on the local level rather than work from the top down. Perhaps some might consider that this was a waste of time and money when we measure the results of those years of preparation, and the little impact that it had directly on the congregation. However, the minimal result of this preparation was that at least we did not come into the work of the congregation cold, but had some awareness of the problems that confront us, as there were seen by a large segment of the Society. For those who are not familiar with the structure of the Society of Jesus, a few words of explanation may be helpful. In the Society of Jesus the supreme A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 675 authority is vested in the General Congregation. It does not meet at regular in-tervals, but only on two occasions, either to elect a new superior general, or to face a particular state of affairs which can be handled only by the highest authority of the Society. Of the thirty-two congregations that have met in the four hundred and thirty-five years of the Society's history, all except seven have been called to elect a new superior general. When, therefore, in 1970 Fr. Arrupe decided to call a General Congregation to convene after appropriate preparation, he felt that the state of the Society needed to be reviewed. It was an opportune time, since ten years would have elapsed since Vatican II and our last congregation. Delegates to a General Congregation are basically of two kinds: the provincial superiors, who attend by right of office, who make up ap-proximately one-third of the membership of a congregation and the other two-thirds who are elected. The only delegates who were unable to attend the 32nd General Congregation were a few from behind the Iron Curtain. Their unoc-cupied desks remained an ever-present symbol to the assembly of the oppres-sion of the Church in various areas. In spite of these absences, there were two hundred thirty-six delegates present. In the Society of Jesus the agenda is made up after the congregation con-venes. It is based mainly on the postulates (requests) submitted either from in-dividual Jesuits or provinces. Contrary to what one might suspect, there is probably no more democratic legislative group than is to be found in the General Congregation. Any Jesuit can send in postulates either through his province or directly, as an individual to the General Congregation. All of these are considered on their merits independently of their source. Over one thousand postulates were submitted. After a preliminary analysis, it was seen that they could be organized according to ten categories. Ten commissions were set up roughly corresponding to these ten categories. Initially the commissions had a membership of about twenty-five each, com-posed of representatives from different parts of the Society. Later, for the sake of efficiency in composing the documents emerging from the commissions, the number was reduced to four or five. The amount of work that went into the final draft of the documents was enormous. The work of the commission would be submitted to the whole assembly, receive revisions (or even be re-jected), be returned to the commission; then again be submitted to the assembly, with a repetition of the same procedm:e, until the assembly was satisfied with it. The whole assembly convened in a large hall that had been especially renovated for the congregation. Electronic equipment was installed to provide simultaneous translation. Voting was done by means of a small switch at each desk. In the front of the hall in full view of all the delegates was a large elec-tronic board, with indicator lights arranged accordihg to the seating plan in the hail. This board registered the votes with a green light if affirmative or a red, if negative. At the top of the board was a place where the total affirmative and negative vote would register immediately after the vote was taken. All ~'~' ~ ~.~. 676;~ R~i~.w for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 voting~'~bhe exception," was public. The exception came at the request of the congregatiori ~hen it came to vote on the question of grades in the Society. Doubtless this pr0ce.dure was intended to provide the general with the oppor-tunity to vote in a way that would not compromise him in whatever future ac-tions he would have to take.as a result of the vote. The Main Themes Seventeen documents issued from the congregation, most of them originating from the ten commissions which had been established. Other documents came from special commissions appointed as the need arose. Though the documents differ in content, some common themes run throughout. Perhaps the main theme reflected in the documents is that of mission. Related to this is a reawakened awareness of the Society as a whole, of which the local communities are part. The Society, while it exists also for the sanc-tification of its members, takes its special meaning from its apostolic orienta-tion. This apostolic orientation is specified by its relationship to the Holy See, particularly through the Fourth Vow, and in its service to the Church through the promotion and defense of the faith. A characteristic of this apostolic orienta-tion is adaptability to the needs of particular times and places. In our day this involves an overriding concern to overcome the injustices which oppress so many millions of people. However, in all of its apostolic work, the goal and the means it uses are to be consistent with the tradition of the Society as set forth in its Formula of the Institute which sets forth its fundamental pontifical law. This ties in with the identity of the Society, a theme that is both the subject of one particular document and one that runs through all of the others as well. The Society is a priestly, apostolic body, bound to the Holy See in a special way for the defense and promotion of the faith. The sense of mission involves not only working with those who are op-pressed but it also involves becoming identified with them as far as this is possible. Our poverty, therefore, which has its juridical as well as evangelical aspects, takes on a particular experiential mode in so far as, by it, we can iden-tify with the poor. The decree that has to do with union of hearts and minds is also intimately related to the nature of the Society as an apostolic body. Ignatius clearly saw that the Society's apostolate depended first of all on the union of the members with God, and then derivatively on their union with one another. One theme which is conspicuous is that of repentence. The Society acknowledges that it has failed in recent years to live up to those characteristics which were suppose to distinguish it, such as obedience, loyalty to the Holy See, fidelity tO the principles of the religious life. The State of the Society One of the commissions set up early in the order of business was the one charged to examine the state of the Society. Its purpose was to form some A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 677 kind of an evaluation of the condition of the Jesuit order at this point in its history, assessing both its weaknesses and its strengths. To provide this com-mission with input, the delegates met in small groups over a period of several days. These small groups were of two kinds: what were called "assistancy groups" (for example, all of the American Jesuits belong to one "assistancy," the French to another, etc.), and "language groups," composed of people from different countries who had some facility in their own and other languages (German-English, French-English, Spanish-French, etc.) These groups dis-cussed the state of the Society in reference to key points such as formation of Jesuits, religious observance, the apostolate. These sessions broadened the practical knowledge each of us had of the Society and helped to create among us an awareness of community. They were also informative, first of all in bringing us to realize that many of the problems were common, with varying degrees of acuteness, while others were peculiar to a particular section of the Society. A criticism which many of us in the western world resonated with came from one of the German provincials in my group when he said that the image that the Society in Germany gives is that of B~rgerlichkeit, which in English connotes a comfortable, gentlemanly, middle-class existence. On the other hand, the situation of the Jesuits from behind the Iron Cur-tain, some of whom were also in my language group, has spared them some of the enervating effects of secularization. For one reason, their apostolate, where they are able to exercise it, is mostly pastoral work; secondly, their precarious existence serves to keep their faith at a high level of vitality. The delegates from the Third World countries brought other emphases. From the Spanish speaking countries there was a strong orientation toward social change, bringing with it problems of political involvement and the degree to which such involvement could subscribe to an ideology which often had Marxist overtones. In other regions, such as Africa, Indonesia and the Far East, one of the main problems is "inculturation," embodying the faith and the spirit of the Society in forms peculiar to their own cultures. As part of this evaluation on the state of the Society, Fr. General himself gave a picture of the way he sees the Society at the present, as a body which is very much alive, but with certain illnesses. He also gave a detailed description of his own relationship with the Holy See and the other officials in the Vatican, providing afterwards an opportunity for the delegates to question or discuss any of the points he had brought up. The document on the state of the Society which came out as a result of all this exchange is not one of the papers published to the Society. It was intended only for the delegates and their work in the congregation itself. However, the document is not in fact that useful. Its main value was in providing the oppor-tunity for the delegates to familiarize,themselves with the state of the Society through their live exchanges with one another. A document of this kind by its nature remains general, and gives little sense of the extent and import of either the positive or negative points. 671~ / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 The Work of the Commissions As was mentioned above, ten commissions were formed, more or less along the lines of the categories of material received in the postulates. While a few others later came into being and some of the original ones were changed, these ten commissions formed pretty much the working base of the Congrega-tion. Risking over-simplification, they could be divided into those which looked mainly inward, for example, about our "grades," the Fourth Vow, for-mation, final incorporation into the Society (final vows), central government, the constitution of provincial and general congregations; those which looked outward, namely, the mission of the Society today, inculturation, the service of the Society to the Church; and finally those which look both inward and outward, for example, on union of hearts, the Jesuit today. Some comments on a few of the documents might contribute to a better understanding of them. 1. The Mission of the Society Today The decree which took up the lion's share of the time, and which provided the platform for most of the rhetoric was the one that dealt with the mission of the Society today. The very nature of the topic explains why it took so long to come up with a satisfactory formulation. It involves an articulation that had to bring together the old and the new: fidelity to the essentials of the Society's apostolic nature, and coming to grips with the needs of today. While such a formulation has its own difficulties, the problem was exacer-bated by an initially one-sided approach and by the impression that some gave of using language more appropriate to political parties than to a religious group attempting to clarify its mission. The initial approach was largely horizontal, too much concentrated on the socio-economic aspects, with too lit-tle of the priestly. In the effort to make the congregation conscious of the urgency of these problems there was a tendency to absolutize what was in fact only one aspect of the Society's apostolate. One of the observations offered by Cardinal Villot in the letter in which he com-municated the Pope's authorization to promulgate the work of the congregation pertains to this decree. He stresses an important point, which is already present in the decree, but which deserves emphasis, namely, that the total work of evangelization has a comprehen-sion that cannot be reduced to working for social justice, and secondly that there is a priestly way of working for social justice that is distinct from the proper role of the laity. No one can judge from the final document how much work went into it. If one were tothink of a carpenter shop filled with shavings, and one tiny cabinet to show for the work, the comparison would be apt. The final decree, though somewhat diffuse, manages to relate the fundamental apostolic orientation of the Jesuit life as a priestly order to the promotion of faith which in the real-life situation is inseparable from the promotion of justice. 2. Poverty The. subject of poverty has continued to bedevil our recent congregations. A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation ] 679 As everyone knows, there are two main aspects to what is called religious poverty: the juridical and the evangelicalwor the personal appropriation of the values of evangelical poverty. The decree on poverty, probably the most im-portant document to come out of the congregation, has two parts, the first be-ing more inspirational and exhortatory, while the second is juridical, setting down a basic reform in the structures of our institutional practice of poverty. It is not possible to enter into the technicalities of the juridical part of the decree since it presupposes some knowledge of the structure of the Society. Suffice it to say that the decree formulates what is, to my mind, a creative way of realizing for our own times the Ignatian ideal of poverty, taking into con-sideration the different socio-economic conditions of the twentieth and six-teenth centuries. On the personal side, frugality, the sense of being part of the kenotic mystery of Christ, dependence on the community, and identification with the poor are stressed. in his letter, Cardinal Villot makes two points concerning this decree. After commenting on the fact that the Holy Father was aware of the immense amount of work that had gone into this decree, which attempts to relate the traditional practice of poverty in the Society to the needs of our times, he says that considering the newness of the approach, it would be better to promulgate the decree ad experimentum, to be reviewed in the next General Congregation. He also cautions that the decree should not jeopardize the Society's traditional approach to gratuity of ministries. 3. Grades and the Fourth Vow No other subject discussed by the congregation received as much attention from the press as that of our "grades" and the Fourth Vow. As I remarked above, the delegates had proceeded in a spirit of obedience to the Holy Father's wishes, but in the spirit of Ignatian obedience which allows represen-tation of one's case to the superior, with full openness, however, to the final decision of the superior. But, as I mentioned above, the delegates were not aware of an important communication from the Holy Father which he had given to one of the officials manifesting his mind clearly on the topic. We were made aware of this special communication only after we had proceeded in good faith to take up the question, and to give an "indicative" votewone that is not definitive, but from which it is possible to infer the mind of the delegates. The indicative vote was overwhelmingly in favor of abolishing grades. One can imagine the consternation of the Holy Father when he read of the results of this in the Acta, a copy of which he received regularly, especially when he learned that we had not been given his specific directive on this matter which had been communicated to one of the officials of the congregation. This unfortunate series of events precipitated a strong response from the Vatican. First there was a letter from Cardinal Villot in the name of the Holy Father expressing his consternation at the proceedings. Later there was a letter from the Holy Father himself, tin which he expressed his wonderment, pain, disappointment. What the delegates found particularly difficult to understand in Cardinal Viilot's letter was the strong language used about the failure of Fr. Arrupe to exercise the proper kind of leadership that could have headed off this series of unfortunate events. I~1~0 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 While the delegates were still reeling from this unexpected turn of events, they learned of the directive that had been given by Cardinal Villot to one of the officials to be given to the congregation. The official explained before the whole congregation that he had not understood that he was supposed to transmit this directive to the delegates in any official way. This was a costly mistake. Yet in some ways I think it was a felix culpa because of the benefits which came out of it, as I shall comment below. At this point I should say something about the meaning of the grades and the Fourth Vow for those unfamiliar with the Society's structure and legisla-tion. When the idea of the Society was evolving in the mind and experience of Ignatius, one of the features that emerged was a conception of having membership in the Society on different levels, or "grades." For those with their final vows, there were to be three levels or grades. First of all, there are the "solemnly professed," with solemn vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and a Fourth Vow of special obedience to the Holy Father in regard to mis-sions, that is, apostolic commissions. In the past one hundred years about 40% of Jesuit priests have belonged to this grade. In the mind of Ignatius the professed were supposed to exemplify to a special degree what he looked for in every Jesuit, proficiency in learning, a high degree of virtue, mobility, a life supported only by free-will offerings, exemplifying in their lives a similar relationship to the Vicar of Christ that the disciples showed toward Christ Himself. In addition, key positions in government were reserved to the professed, such as the office of provincial. Again, only the professed could take part in a General Congregation. In the second place, there were priests whose final vows were simple, not solemn. Without going into detail on the differences between solemn and sim-ple vows, it is sufficient to remark here that for one thing they differ accord-ing to the seriousness of the reasons needed for dispensation. This grade is that of "spiritual coadjutor." Members of this grade do not take the vow of special obedience to the Holy Father. In the third place, there are "temporal coadjutors" or brothers. Their final vows are also simple vows of poverty, chast.ity, and obedience. They have the same apostolic purpose as the priests, but have a different way of contributing to the realization of it. The grades are a feature that are peculiar to the Society. As one would sur-mise, the distinction has not been an unmixed blessing in the history of the Society. Though Ignatius never conceived of a Society which would have privileged and unprivileged castes, human nature being what it is, the results were predictable. Since human nature associates power with authority, the professed came to be considered as a kind of first-class type of Jesuit, and the non-professed as second-class. In recent years there has been much historical research on the origin of the ~grades. Also there has been considerable discussion whether the distinction of ~the grades was inextricably tied up with the vision of St. Ignatius, or whether it was something that with the change of times no longer served a purpose. The A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation Thirty-first General Congregation did not face the question head-on. It con-tented itself with broadening the norms by which a person could be admitted to profession. It also transmitted the final solution of the problem to the Thirty-second General Congregation. The intervention of the Holy Father did not directly concern grades. He limited himself to the question of the Fourth Vow, which he said could not be extended to non-priests. This intimates that the Holy Father was concerned not simply about a juridical division in the Society which could be changed by another law, but about a theological question concerning the relationship between the priestly identity of those who take the Fourth Vow and the mis-sions which are the direct object of the vow. Again (I am speculating) the intervention of the Holy Father might be a healthy reminder in this age of blurring all distinctions for the sake of dubious notions of equality, that differentiation in functions does not necessarily mean division. Reserving the Fourth Vow to priests helps to keep the priestly focus of the apostolic work of the Society which has characterized it from the begin-ning. This need not create first- and second-class citizens, but it could engender an awareness that there are different gifts within the same body by which the same goal is realized. 4. The Union of Hearts A commission without a name was set up as a kind of catchall to handle four topics that on the surface had little unity: the question of union and pluralism, communal discernment, religious life, and community life. Since I was a member of this commission from beginning to end, I feel more in touch with it than with the other commissions. It was a kind of a "Benjamin" com-mission compared with those set up to handle the "important" topics like mis-sion, grades, poverty, etc. Ironically, Benjamin was suddenly given an importance late in the con-gregation. The Holy Father in his intervention had commented on the fact that he had heard a lot about mission and justice, but little about renewal of the religious life, even though we had already been at it for two months. So all of a sudden the pressure was on to come up with something significant along those lines. The final document on union of hearts is a contemporary commentary, on Chapter One of Part VIII of our Constitutions, "Aids Toward the Uniori of Hearts." Under this heading the commission found a focus which could unite the various topics given to it. Much effort was spent in an attempt to formulate a clear statement on the subject of union and pluralism. Many of the postulates asked for such a state-ment, some of them stressing the harm coming from internal divisions, others emphasizing the need for a "healthy pluralism." Eventually the commission decided that a theoretical statement would not be helpful. Instead it for-mulated, along with principles on which union of hearts is based, certain prac-tical directives on prayer, community life, sacraments, and communal discern-ment. 682 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 The subject of communal discernment received a lot of discussion. Some wanted to turn it into a kind of Aladdin's lamp which could call forth some kind of a jinni. Others were more skeptical over the possibility of univer-salizing the practicableness of such a process. The final statement in the docu-ment attempts to locate communal discernment within the spectrum of various kinds of spiritual exchange within a community, not exaggerating its role, but on the other hand recognizing the value that it has when the right dispositions and circumstances are present. Incidentally about midway through the congregation, an ad hoc commis-sion was also established to see whether the congregation itself could not carry on its work through a method of communal discernment. After a couple of meetings, it dissolved, because it felt that proceeding according to a formal method of communal discernment was impractical for the congregation because of the large numbers involved and the wide range of subjects on the agenda. 5. The Jesuit Today In the light of the diversity that has appeared in Jesuit life over the past ten years, it was felt necessary to have a statement which would describe the meaning of being Jesuit today. The congregation was presented with five different papers, each of which approached the subject of Jesuit identity from different points of view. They opted for the one which now appears among the official decrees. The decree relates Jesuit identity today in a very simple way to our Igna-tian tradition, to our apostolic mission, and to the source, center, and goal of Jesuit life, which is the imitation of Christ. The Holy See and the General Congregation We have already commented on the intervention of the Holy See in regard to the subject of extending the Fourth Vow to non-priests. However, this is only an application of something which is much broader. The interest of the Holy See in this congregation is unparalleled in the whole history of the Society. Perhaps this comes from the fact that Pope Paul had a keen sense of its importance for the Society and for the Church itself. I have just finished once again going over the papal documents, beginning with the letter written to Fr. Arrupe on September 15, 1973, which the Holy Father wrote after Fr. General had announced the convening of the General Congregation, and concluding with the covering letter which was added to the approbation of the decrees. There is one theme running through all of these communications: the necessity of being faithful to the distinctive nature of the Society as it is expressed in the Formula of the Institute, a distinctiveness which has proved its fruitfulness over hundreds of years of experience. Specifically, the Society is described time and time again as a priestly apostolic order, with a special bond of obedience to the Holy See. There is, to be sure, a stress on the need to adapt to the needs of our times, but such adap- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation I 683 tation must always maintain the essentials as these are to be found in the For-mula. 1 Pope Paul wrote of his concern for the Society not only as the Vicar of Christ who has responsibility for the whole Church, but in terms which, unless I am mistaken, are unprecedented in the history of this relationship between the Society and the Holy See. He speaks of himself as the one who has the chief responsibility for the preservation of the Formula of the Institute, "supremus 'Formulae Instituti' fideiussor," and the chief protector and preserver of the Formula, "Formulae Instituti supremus tutor ac custos." It would not be true to say that all of the delegates responded with un-qualified enthusiasm to the interventions of the Holy Father. Though all recognized his right in abstracto to intervene, a~nd the corresponding attitude of obedience to which we were obliged and, which all gave without contesta-tion, nevertheless when the interventions came in this particular way, with these particular words and in this particular timing, there were signs of ruffled feelings. In case anyone needed reminding, we learned in the process that the delegates as a whole, while good and responsible men, are not yet ready for canonization. However, we did see in an exemplary way the incarnation of Jesuit obedience in at least one person, Fr. Arrupe. This was not something he did just "to give good example." His whole life has been so totalized by his faith that even his perceptions pick up the reality beneath the appearance. He senses the presence of the Vicar of Christ beneath the appearance of Pope Paul. The concern of the Holy Father shown in so many ways over the past few years and in a special way through his vigilance over the activities of the con-gregation are to my way of thinking a special grace for the Society. In a way that we never planned on, the interventions of the Holy Father brought us to a level of faith we would not have reached by ourselves. It also brought us to a realization that the Society is a servant of the Church. In some small way the history of this congregation parallels the description of Peter's death, about whom our Lord said, "You will stretch out your hands, and somebody else will put a belt round you and take you where you would rather not go" (Jn 21:18). Father Arrupe I have already mentioned that if it were not for Fr. Arrupe's example and leadership the congregation would have capsized under the difficulties it ran into. He constantly called us to a vision we needed in order to see what was happening from a supernatural point of view, and in order to avoid the traps of tNot many Jesuits are aware either of the content or the importance of the Formula of the Institute. Yet, even more than the Constitutions, it is the basic rule or fundamental code of legisla-tion in the Society. It contains the results of the deliberations of Ignatius and his companions in 1539 which provided the first sketch of the Institute of the Society of Jesus. It was first approved by Paul Iil in 1540, then again by Julius 111 in 1550 in a slightly revised form. 684 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 self-pity or recrimination that were only too present. Like one of th~ prophets, he reminded us to see what was happening as coming from the hand of God, and to use it for our own purification and conversion. In a talk given to the delegates on the second day of the congregation, he spoke of the answer that we had to give to the needs of our times. It should be the foolishness of the cross by which Christ redeemed the world, which is the wisdom of God. "In the absolute foolishness of the Cross, the emptying of all things, we find the key to the ultimate solution to the problems of today." In a way we did not foresee, those words were prophetic. Again, he exercised his leadership by leaving the congregation free to follow the paths where its deliberations would take it. In its authority, the General Congregation is superior to the general. Fr. Arrupe always acted with full awareness of this fact. On occasion he would let the delegates know how he felt about certain things, not to pressure them, but in order to make this part of the input of their deliberations. The congregation showed its appreciation of his leadership over the past ten year,s in many ways. There are few who have had to pilot a ship through such a stormy period. The burden has not been easy. But there is always evi-dent in him the same buoyancy and infectious joy that somehow puts him in touch with the Stillpoint that is beyond, above, beneath the storm. Yet, while realizing his outstanding qualities, the delegates did not apotheosize Fr. Arrupe. They realized that with all of his gifts there were also limitations. In fact, the decree which set up a council for the general was framed mainly to supply the kind of help which might balance out the one-sidedness of some of his gifts. Differences Between This Congregation and the Previous Ones The Thirty-second (2ongregati0n had many characteristics which made it very different from any preceding General Congregation. Some of the more important ones might be the following. As was mentioned above, there was a four-year period of preparation for this congregation which was unprecedented. Similarly a few months before the actual opening day a special preparatory commission met to organize the material. This was the first General Congregation where, from the start, traditional rules of secrecy were lifted, except for the prohibition against making public either the names of delegates who spoke on the different questions, or the tally of the votes. Five Jesuit journalists were given free access to the meetings. They published a report about every week that kept the Society informed of the progress of affairs. In this Congregation for the first time the voices of the Third World were not only heard in larger numbers, but they showed a vitality that added zest to the meetings. However, even among these voices there were different accents. All of them were keenly aware of the injustices which oppress their peoples by reason of the exploitation of the capitalistic countries. However, the Spanish- A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 685 speaking delegates tended to stress political and social involvement; the Africans continually reminded us of the need for the sense of the transcendent, the specifically God-and-Christ-centered nature of our apostolate; and those from the Far East, while keeping these same perspectives, also stressed the need for approaches that were directed both toward personal conversion and change of the structures. No other congregation has met at a period when there has been such a crisis in vocations. Over the past ten years, the Society has diminished from about 36,000 to 30,000 members. While in some places the number of novices has begun to pick up again, the overall picture remains dim. In 1965 there were 1902 novices compared to 705 in 1974. In the United States there are about 200 novices, showing a slight increase over the past few years. In some coun-tries, however, the picture is dismal. Spain, for example, had 269 novices in 1965. In 1974 it had only 30. Germany had 114 in 1965. At present it has about 30. Similar figures could be given for France, Belgium, Holland, Italy. When one compares the number of scholastics presently in their training with the number of priests engaged in apostolic work, there is only one scholastic for every five priests. This will seriously change the scope of our apostolic work over the next fifty years. Another unique factor was the everpresent concern of the Holy See in regard to the preparation for the congregation, the things taken up, and the final results, as I have mentioned above. The theme was repeated over and over again: be faithful to yourselves, especially to your identity as it is ex-pressed in your Formula of the Institute. The only specific feature which was singled out in the expressions of this concern was fidelity to the lgnatian idea of the Fourth Vow, both positively in the fact that it should be a vital factor in the life of the Society, and negatively in that it should not be extended to non-priests. Again, the fact of asking the congregation to submit its decrees to the Holy See for its approval before they were promulgated was unprecedented. The approbation was given with, in some instances, a few qualifications. Another characteristic which distinguishes this congregation from begin-ning to end and is evident in the decrees is thee theme of repentance. There is a mea culpa, mea maxima culpa evident in the Introductory Decree, the Decree on Mission, on The Jesuit Today, as well as in others. The Society is painfully conscious of its failings over the past ten years. Particularly in contrast to the Thirty-first Congregation, with its stress on freedom, subsidiarity and conscience, this one stressed the complementary features of the limits of pluralism, the need for norms that are applicable for Jesuit life as a whole, the responsibility of superiors for a greater firmness in governing, the importance of the manifestation of conscience both for the spiritual direction of the individual, and the good of the apostolate, the value of communal discernment when the proper conditions are realized. This congregation, unlike others, had a unifying theme throughout: the mission of the Society today. This did not happen because it was planned. There was a kind of unconscious dynamic at work which imperceptibly gave 686 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 this orientation to the various decrees. The consciousness of mission, if fully appropriated in all of its richness, could do much to revivify the Society, over-coming in the first place a great deal of individualism and self-will, and bring-ing about a greater sense of the living presence of Christ sending through His Church, and through superiors. In the actual procedure of the congregation there were unique features arising from the sharing that took place in smaller groups. One of the most im-portant parts of our daily life was the concelebrated Mass which was celebrated according to the different language groupings. Finally this congregation is probably distinctive in the fact that a little over half of the delegates were under forty-nine years old (122 out of the 236). Strengths and Weaknesses of the Congregation Like all meetings of this kind there are both strengths and weaknesses to be found. I could not resist the temptation to say that one of the strengths was un-doubtedly sheer psychological tenacity to "keep at it" for over three months when everyone was exhausted both from the work itself and the emotional strain. But the main strength of the congregation is the sense of solidarity manifest among the delegates and throughout the Society, a solidarity coming from a vision based on faith and brought into an Ignatian focus through the Spiritual Exercises and our Jesuit tradition. However, I think that there are also some deficiences evident in the work and structure of the congregation. Some way has to be found to expedite the carrying out of business. Though it was an attempt to get the input from the whole Society, on balance, the analysis of the postulates took up too much time. And questions of order consumed interminable hours. In regard to particular questions, in retrospect, it might have been a serious mistake not to have separated in some way the question of the Fourth Vow from that of grades. While they are related, they are distinct. And the interven-tion of the Holy See was concerned with the Fourth Vow, and not directly with grades. Again the expression given to the relationship of the Society to the Holy Father is "safe," but it creates the impression of one who is driving a car with one foot on the accelerator and the other on the brake. It does not seem to ex-press the 61an of Jesuit spirituality in its fullness. One reason for this inade-quacy stems from the fact that the congregation came to the topic only in the last few days before it ended, and the members did not have the mental energy or the time to do justice to it. Another difficulty is in the formulation itself. Attempts to combine both the unreserved expression of the spirit of loyalty and the juridical aspect of limits tend to cancel one another out. For example, there were numerous attempts, all sterile, to speak of "mission" in relationship to "doctrine," wherein loyalty would be unreserved in regard to mission, but conditioned in regard to doctrine. Consequently the resulting statement is bland, not nuanced. This will probably be one of the main topics that will have to be taken up at the next General Congregation. A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation Another deficiency is the fact that the congregation treated those problems which are more obvious because they have a certain shrillness--the problem, for example, of global injustice. Just as important, however, but without the volume being turned up, are questions touching man and technology, par-ticularly the genetic manipulation of man. Again, these questions will probably have to be faced by the next congregation. What to Hope For If the Society as a whole could translate what is set down in the decrees from formulation into fact, it would be renewed. In turn it would become a great force in renewing the Church and the world. What hope is there for such a renewal? The parable of the sower and the seed has its application to the Society as well as to the Church. There are those whose roots are not deep enough to withstand trials. There are others whose life of faith is choked by cares and riches. But then there are the many who do yield fruit, some, a hundredfold, some sixty, some thirty. Decrees, however excellent, are no substitute for the gospel-call to totality. To the degree that individuals open themselves to the radical call of the gospel will they also open themselves to the decrees, which after all are only a faltering attempt to express this radical call in a way that is both Ignatian and contemporary. There are many factors which will contribute to energizing this renewal. Many feel a need for a deeper life of prayer. The importance of spiritual direc-tion is expressing itself strongly. A fuller appropriation of the Spiritual Exercises ¯ through the directed retreat is a great blessing. Again, an important factor is the reinforcement and leadership given to the Society by other religious con-gregations which have already led the way in the renewal of religious life by bringing their lives more in conformity with gospel simplicity and single-mindedness. We can also hope that we will not repeat the mistakes of the past ten years. Considering the turmoil and confusion coming from "future shock," these mistakes are perhaps understandable. But no organization can exist in a state of continuous convulsion. Many of the delegates, in searching for answers to the problems which faced us "discovered" our Thirty-first Congregation, which someone described as the great congregation in the history of the Society. We found that in many cases we could not do better, in fact could hardly come up to the decrees of the Thirty-first. But we also felt like a traveler who had spent hours trying to find his way only to discover after much meandering that there was a map in his glove compartment. The documents of the Thirty-first General Congreg -tion were such a map. The logical question, then, is: why were not the decrees implemented? A still more haunting question is: will the same thing happen to the decrees of this congregation? This was a problem which preoccupied the delegates throughout the whole time. Meetings were held to discuss implementation. But as the saying goes, 61~! / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 there is many a slip,between the cup and the lip. How much will the Society be able to drink in from the decrees? One of the main sources of hope, in addition to those mentioned above, is a renewed sense of solidarity and confidence among the provincials, and a strong sense of support in Fr. General. In the past ten years very often inaction resulted not from a failure of courage or faith, but because of a blurring of ideas concerning the fundamentals of religious life, often enough because of contradictory views bandied by theologians. The provincials obviously have not suddenly received some formula of universal application to solve all problems, but there is a greater sense of assurance and direction. The weight of implementation turns around the local superiors with the support of the provincials. There is hope here also, because the superiors themselves have a greater sense of their solidarity and of their role as spiritual leaders of the local communities. Ultimately the problem is always the same: conversion. It is something never accomplished once and for all, but continues to repeat its call. There are the perennial obstacles to conversion: inertia, self-love, self-will, the evil spirits that affect us all as individuals. However, it especially in the way that the collectivity reenforces the inertia in individuals that we find the main obstacle today. Group-think and group-feel, in large part created through the media, produce a kind of closedness that filters down from a collective level to in-dividuals, bringing about imperceptibly a closedness in the individual. Each one, young or old, is caught in some degree on this split level of collectivity and self, and suffers from the unfreedom of the collectivity. Jesuits already engaged in the apostolate have to discern how much this group-think affects their personal lives, impeding their personal conversion and the fruitfulness of their apostolate. Jesuits who are in formation have to do the same. The responsibility of those who are in charge of training the younger Jesuits is great. The importance of the congregation comes not from the written decrees but from the support that these decrees give to creating in the Society a different kind of group-think, a "group-feel" based upon the gospel. "My name is legion." Legions can be driven out only by legions. The demonic in collectivity can only be driven out by the embodiment of holiness in collec-tivity. The Society will rise or fall to the extent that the good will of the in-dividual is supported and sustained by a corporate realization of sanctity. No individual can abdicate the responsibility for his own conversion. But in a special way superiors have a responsibility for the whole group. Newman remarked somewhere that good is never done except at the expense of those who do it, and truth is never enforced except at the sacrifice of its propounders. Reformers and prophets have never been well received. Perhaps superiors are destined to enter into that role, not, however, with a martyr complex or heaviness of heart. We have a living example in Fr. Arrupe that it is a role that is compatible with a deep joy. Aiding and facilitating the work of the superiors are the communities A Survey of the Thirty-Second General Congregation / 689 themselves which are called upon, through community meetings and prayerful discernment, to face their own response to the gospel call to simplicity, and to bridge the gap between the radical response to which we have vowed our lives and the actual way in which we live them. When I asked one of the delegates who was in great part responsible for the formulation of the decree on poverty how optimistic he was about its im-plementation, he said: "When I think of human nature, I am not very op-timistic. But when I think of the power of the Spirit, 1 am hopeful. Everything depends on the Spirit. Legislation can support; it cannot convert. Of ourselves we are weak, but with the power of the Spirit we can overcome, overcome even ourselves." POSITION OPEN The Department of Theology in the School of Religious Studies of the Catholic University of America announces the opening, beginning January, 1976, for: Assistant, Associate or Full Professor in the field of Christian Spiritual Theology. Applications should be sent to:Chairperson Department of Theology Catholic University of America Washington, DC 20064 The Catholic University of America is an equal ol~portunity employer. The Recovery =of Religious Life Bro. Raymond L. Fitz, S.M. Bro. Lawrence J. Cada, S.M. Both authors belong to the Marianist Training Network. Brother Raymond Fitz is director of the Marianist Institute of Christian Renewal and associate professor of Engineering Management and Electrical Engineering at the University of Dayton. He lives at 410 Edgar Avenue; Dayton, Ohio 45410. Brother Lawrence Cada is chairman of the Department of Science and Mathematics at Borromeo College of Ohio and lives at 315 East 149 Street; Cleveland, Ohio 44110. I. Introduction~ How long will the turmoils now besetting religious life last? Are they almost over, and has the process of returning to a more normal situation begun? Or will things stay unsettled for some time to come? This article will argue for the likelihood of the latter alternative. On the basis of the models and analyses presented, the article will try to show that religious life in America is undergo-ing a profound transition, which will take another twenty to twenty-five years to run its full course. Moreover, the study will seek to demonstrate that social disintegration (loss of membership, lack of vocations, collapse of institutions, etc.) of religious communities in the Church will probably continue for at least the next ten to fifteen years. The most significant questions facing religious life in those ten to fifteen years will center on "death and dying." Many aspects of the life as it has been known will be passing away. Only after these questions are accepted and creatively answered can religious life be expected to be revitalized and renewed within the Church. This process will demand both a recovery of that deep dynamic impulse which first gave rise to religious life in the Church and a recovery from the malaise through which it is now passing: tThis is a draft of a work in progress. Feedback on the content and style of this paper would be ap-preciated. 690 The Recovery of Religious Life hence the title "The Recovery of Religious Life." Although much of this arti-cle argues for the plausibility of these assertions and their implications for the future of religious life, there will also be provided an explanation of how the data were collected and organized, and of what was called important or unim-portant. In this sense, these assertions represent a starting bias that informs the entire article. As such, this bias merits being stated at the outset. The approach taken in this article2 is to explore the questions about the future of religious life from a historical and sociological point of view. In the first two parts of the article, two models are developed: a historical model of the evolution of religious life as a movement in the Church and a sociological model dealing with the organizational life cycle of an individual religious com-munity. Then, in the final sections of the article, these two models will be used to address questions about the present condition of religious life and its future. Every model represents a simplification of reality, and the models in this arti-cle are no exception. To arrive at the questions posed in the final sections, the article will digest and condense large amounts of material drawn from a variety of sources that are partially indicated in the notes. It is hoped that this simplification is not a serious distortion of the facts and that it will arrange the historical and other data in such a way as to provide an overview from which some tentative generalizations can be made. II. The Evolution of Religious Life: A Historical Model Religious communities in the life of the church are not fixed and static en-tities. Taken together they make up a historical process unfolding over time, and religious life can be viewed as a significant social movement in the history of Western Culture. As parts of a movement, religious communities arose in response to dramatic social change in the Church and in the larger cultural and political arena of Western Civilization. They became a dynamic force in shap-ing and cha~ging the Church and secular culture. They have been both a cause and an effect of social change: the founding of religious communities has fre-quently been a response to major developments of society, and the evolution of the Church and Western Culture has been significantly influenced by the life and work of religious communities. As in all social movements, the role of myth, the emergence of belief systems, the fashioning of institutions and social structures, and the role of personal transformation and commitment are central to the evolution of religious life. The dynamic interplay of all these elements creates, sustains and limits the histo~'ical unfolding of religious communities. ~This article grew from a variety of experiences over an extended period of time with multiple presentations at workshops and reflections from many religious. Especially helpful were Fr. Norbert Brockman, S.M., Sr. Gertrude Foley, S.C., Bro. Thomas Giardino, S.M., and Sr. Carol Lichtenberg, S.N.D. The scheme of dividing the history of religious life into the five eras presented in the second part of this article was first suggested in a lecture given by Fr. David Fleming, S.M., at the University of Dayton in December, 1971. 692 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 A. Organizing Concepts One way to view the unfolding of religious life within the Church is to look at how the image of religious life has evolved over time and what implications this evolution has had for the functioning of individual religious communities.3 The term dominant image of religious life is used here to name a multifaceted reality that includes how religious view their life and its functions and role within the Church and the world during a given period. The term is also meant to indicate the sense of history which permeates religious life at a given time. How do people, both the religious and the members of society at large, picture the past of this way of life? What kind of future are religious supposed to be creating? The process by which the dominant image of religious life evolves in time can be characterized by a repeated sequence of identifiable phases of change: - Growth Phase. A relatively long period of elaboration and develop-ment of the dominant image of religious life and its implications. - Decline Phase. A period of crisis in which the dominant image of religious life comes under strong question. Religious communities seem no longer suited to the aspirations of the age. Religious com-munities lose their purpose, drift into laxity, and disintegrate. Transition Phase. A comparatively short period of revitalization in which variations of the dominant image of religious life emerge and one of these is gradually selected as the new dominant image. - Growth Phase under a New Image. A period of elaboration and development under the new dominant image of religious life. The supposition that religious life has passed through a succession of such phases of growth, decline, and transition is the basis of a model that can be used to organize and interpret the data of the history of religious life.4 The remainder of this section is devoted to illustrating a way this model might be constructed. 3Some sources used to clarify the notion of dominant image were Fred Polak, The hnage of the Future, translated and abridged by Elise Boulding (San Francisco: Jassey-Bass, 1973); Changing Images of Man, Policy Research Report No. 4, Center for the Study of Social Policy, Stanford Research Institute, May, 1974; and Kenneth E. Boulding, The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1961). *Some sources used to clarify the notion of social evolution were Stephen Toulmin, Human Understanding-I (Princeton: P. U. P., 1972); Anthony F. C. Wallace, "'Paradigmatic Processes in Cultural Change," American Anthropologist (Vol. 74, 1972), pp. 467-478; Donald T. Campbell, "'Variation and Selective Retention in Socio-Cultural Evolution," in H. R. Barringer, G. I. Blanksten, and R. W. Mack (¢ds.), Social Change in Developing Areas (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1965); Edgar S. Dunn, Economic and Social Development." A Process of Social Learn-ing (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U. P., 1971); and Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962). The Recovery of Religious Life / 693 The following questions have been used in fashioning the model. First, there are questions about variation that deal with searching and experiment-ing. Under what conditions do variations appear in the dominant image of religious life? If these variations lead in certain directions, what factors in culture, the Church, or religious life itself influenced the choice of those direc-tions? Second, there are questions about selection. What determines which variations in the dominant image of religious life are selected out to serve as essential elements of a new image of religious life? How do members of religious communities distinguish well-founded and properly justified variations from those which are precipitous, not well thought out, and hasty? ¯ Finally, there are questions about retention that deal with incorporating and establishing the new. How are selected variations incorporated into religious communities? What processes are needed? What set of factors distinguishes in-novations which endure from those which disappear quickly? B. Major Eras in the Evolution of Religious Life Using the concepts described above, the history of religious life can be divided into five main periods: the eras of the Desert Fathers, Monasticism, the Mendicant Orders, the Apostolic Orders, and the Teaching Congregations) The description of these eras given in this section constitutes the historical model that will be used in the final portion of this article. 1. Era of the Desert Fathers The first period was the Era of the Desert Fathers. Following the earliest manifestations of religious life in the mode of consecrated virgins and widows within the Christian communities of the persecuted Church, ther~ emerged the image of the religious as the ascetic holy person. The description of the her-mit's life given by Athanasius in his Life of Anthony crystallized an ideal which inspired both solitary anchorites and many communities of cenobites. The desert was seen as the domain of the demons to which they had retreated after being driven out of the cities by the triumph of the recently established Church. It was to this "desert" that generous men and women withdrew to 5Factual and historical data on the history of religious life were gathered from such standard sources as The Catholic Encyclopedia (1907), The New Catholic Encyclopedia (1967), the An-nuario Pontificio, The Official Catholic Directory, and The Catholic Almanac. Some of the other sources on this topic were Raymond Hostie, S.J., Vie et mort des ordres religieux (Paris: Descl~e de Brouwer, 1972); David Knowles, O.S.B., Christian Monasticism (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969); Humbert M. Vicaire, O.P., The Apostolic Life (Chicago: Priory Press, 1966); Derwas J. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964); Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: C. U. P., 1968); William Hinnebusch, O.P., "'How the Dominican Order Faced Its Crises," Review for Religious (Vol. 32, No. 6, November, 1973), pp. 1307-1321; William A. Hinnebusch, O.P., The History of the Dominican Order, 2 vols. (New York: Alba House, 1966, 1973); Teresa Ledochowska, O.S.U., Angela Merici and the Company of St. Ursula, 2 vols. (Rome: Ancora, 1969); William V. Bangert, S.J., A History of the Society of Jesus (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1972); and Adrien Dansette, Religious History of Modern France, 2 vols. (New York: Herder and Herder, 1961). 69t~ / Review for Religious, lZolume 34, 1975/5 carry on the Church's important work of doing battle with the devil in the wilderness as Christ had done long ago. In this way the desert came to be seen as a place of austere beauty, where the monk was trained in the ways of perfec-tion. He returned from time to time into the midst of his fellow Christians, who saw in him the power to do good--healing the sick, casting out demons, comforting the sorrowful with gentle words, reconciling the estranged, and above all urging everyone to put nothing in the world before the love of Christ. This image captured the imagination of the Christian world as news about the Desert Fathers spread from Egypt to all points of the Roman empire. Throughout the 4th century monasteries sprang up on all the shores of the Mediterranean. By the 5th century, the golden age had begun to fade. In the East, the monks had become embroiled in doctrinal controversy. In the West, TABLE 1: ERA OF THE DESERT FATHERS (200-500) Dominant Image of Religious Life. The ideal of religious life is the holy ascetic who seeks " the perfection of Christ as a solitary or in community with a group of monks. Disciples withdraw into the "desert" and place themselves under the care of a master ascetic who teaches them the ways of perfection. They live nearby as hermits or gather in cenobia or monasteries where the master is the superior. The monk prays, mortifies himself, does battle with the devil for the sake of the Church, and spends his life seeking union with Christ. 2nd and 3rd Centuries 251 Anthony horn Consecrated virgins and widows live a form of 271 Anthony withdraws into the desert RL within Christian communities of the early 292 Pachomius born Church during the persecution. 4th Century 313 Edict of Milan 325 Pachomius founds cenobium 356 Anthony ~lies 357 Athanasius writes Life of Anthony 360 Basil founds monastery in Cappadocia 363 Martin founds monastery in Gaul 376 Melania founds monastery on Mount of Olives 393 Augustine founds monastic group in Hip-po 399 Cassian, disciple of Evagrius, migrates from Egypt to West Hermits and cenobites flourish in the Egyptian desert. Various forms of solitary and com-munity RL spread around eastern rim of the Mediterranean (Palestine, Syria, Cappadocia). First monasteries are founded in the West. 5th Century 410 Alaric sacks Rome RL continues to expand in the East. Spread of 415 Cassian founds monastery in Marseille wandering monks and various kinds of 455 Vandals sack Rome monasteries in the West while the western half 459 Simon the Stylite dies of the Roman Empire crumbles. 476 End of western Roman Empire 1st TRANSITION: SPREAD OF BENEDICT'S RULE The Recovery of Religious Life / 69t~ the foundations of Roman civilization weakened under the onslaught of the barbarian tribes, and the ties between the eastern and western halves of the Empire began to break apart. The monasteries in Gaul and other parts of the moribund West became refugee cloisters, where the monks gathered the few treasures of civilization they could lay hold of. As dusk settled on the glories of imperial Rome, the stage was set for the rise of feudal Europe and with it the next period in the evolution of religious life. 2. Era of Monasticism The next period was the Era of Monasticism. In his attempt to regularize religious life as "a life with God in separation from the world," Benedict produced a new dominant image of religious life. This image was not only a correction of the abuses which had crept in during the 5th and 6th centuries, it also, and more importantly, turned out to be a successful adaptation of religious life to the feudal society of the Dark Ages and the early medieval period. Benedict's short and practical Rule furnished workable guidelines for all monastic activity and every age and class of monks. It combined an uncom-promising spirituality with physical moderation and flexibility. It emphasized the charity and harmony of a simple life in common under the guidance of a wise and holy abbot. By the 9th century, this new image had spread to virtually all the monasteries of Europe. The ideal of the Benedictine monk became the model for Christian spirituality and played a part in the stabilization and unification of society. Various modifications, such as the Cluniac, Carthusian, and Cister-cian Reforms, maintained and adapted the dominant image to the developments in European society. Cluny and the Cistercians devised methods of uniting monasteries into networks that became harbingers of the modern order. However, by the time the 'first stirrings of urbanization began at the end of the 12th century, the dominant image began to show its inadequacies and once again laxity in religious life was not uncommon. There was also a great debate between monks and canons about which form of religious life was a more authentic embodiment of the apostolic ideal. As the civilization of the high Middle Ages began to emerge, new possibilities were felt in society and with them came the opportunity for a transition in religious life. 3. Era of the Mendicant Orders When Francis and Dominic launched their communities, they ushered in the next period, the Era of the Mendicant Orders. As mendicant friaries sprang up in towns across Europe, they met with an initial hostility which could not fathom how this new style could be an authentic form of religious life. Gradually, though, the new image of religious life became acceptable, and it proved to be a much better adaptation of ~:eligious life to the needs of urban society than was possible for the monasteries in their rural settings. During the course of the 13th century, even the monastic orders established studia close 696 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 to the new universities, where the mendicants were flourishing. As Christen-dom was passing through its zenith, the image of a religious life unen-cumbered with landed wealth played a key role in the cultivation of the in-tellectual life by the Church within society and in the preaching of the Gospel for the Church. TABLE 2: ERA OF MONASTICISM (500-1200) Dominant Image of RL. Life in a monastery is the ideal of the religious. The daily round of liturgical prayer, work, and meditation provides a practical setting to pursue the lofty goals of praising God and union with Christ. Within the Church and society, the monks set an example of how deep spirituality can be combined with loving ministry to one's neighbor and dutiful fidelity to the concrete tasks of daily living. 6th Century 529 Benedict founds a monastery to live ac- Spread of monasteries throughout western cording to his Rule Europe (Gaul, Spain, Ireland, etc.). Various 540 Celtic monasticism takes root in Irela'nd formats. Excesses and laxity are common--as 590 Columbanus founds monastery in Lu~r are wandering monks. euil 7th and 8th Centuries 642 Arab conquest of Egypt Gradual spread of Benedict's Rule to.more and 700 Venerable Bede more monasteries of Europe. Missionary 746 Boniface founds monastery in Germany journeys of Celtic monks to evangelize 755 Canons of Chrodegang founded northern Europe. 9th Century 816 Regula Canonicorum of Aix-la-Chapelle Observance of Canons Regular is made uni- 817 Charlemagne's son decrees that form by the spread of the Rule of Aix. Con- Benedict's Rule is to be observed in all solidation of Benedict's Rule. Virtually all monasteries. This project coordinated by monasteries are "Benedictine." Benedict of Aniane. 910 Cluniac Reform 1084 Carthusian Reform 1098 Cistercian Reform 10th and llth Centuries Various reforms breathe new life into Benedict's ideal and introduce organizational variations. 1111 Bernard joins the Cistercians 1120 Premonstratensians founded 12th Century Canons Regular unite into orders which are a variation of the monastic networks of Cluny and Citeaux. Military orders attempt a new form of RL which is temporarily successful (Knights of Malta, Templars, Teutonic Knights, etc.). 2nd TRANSITION: RISE OF THE MENDICANTS After a rapid flowering, the mendicant orders were affected by the same changes which spread across the Church and European society in the 14th and 15th centuries. As the Renaissance presaged the new humanism, the secularization of European society, and the breakup of the unity of Christen-dom, there emerged the conditions for yet a new kind of religious life. The Recovery of Religious Life / 697 TABLE 3: ERA OF THE MENDICANT ORDERS (1200-1500) Dominant Image of RL. The simple friar who begs for his keep and follows in the footsteps of the Lord is the ideal of RL. He prays as he goes, steeping himself in the love of Christ. Unencumbered by landed wealth, the mendicants are free to travel on foot to any place they are needed by the Church. They hold themselves ready to preach, cultivate learning, serve the poor, and minister to the needs of society in the name of the Church. 1211 Franciscans founded 1216 Dominicans founded 1242 Carmelites founded 1256 Augustinians founded 13th Century Mendicant friaries spring up in medieval towns across Europe. These foundations lend themsel~,es to work in the new universities and the apostolate of preaching. Rapid expansion of the mendicant orders. Monastic orders make some attempts to take up the style of the mendicants. 1325 75,000 men in mendicant orders 1344 Brigittines founded 1349 Black Death 1400 47,000 men in mendicant orders 1415 Hus burned at the stake 1450 Gutenberg 1492 Columbus 1500 90,000 men in mendicant orders 14th Century ~tabilization and slow decline of the mendicant orders. Abuses in RL are prevalent. 15th Century Various reforms restore the mendicant ideal and produce a gradual increase in membership. First stirrings of the Renaissance introduce an uneasiness into the Church and RL. 3rd TRANSITION: THE COUNTER-REFORMATION 4. Era of the Apostolic Orders The transition to the next period in religious life, the era of the Apostolic Orders, happened with the Counter-Reformation. Not long after Luther sparked the Protestant Revolt, the new image of religious life appeared with the foundation of various orders of Clerics Regular, the chief of which were the Jesuits. The verve and style of this new foundation set the pace for religious life, The mendicant orders had taken up this ideal in part by joining in the mis-sionary conquests,of the Church in the newly discovered lands. The new image also spurred religious to come to terms with the secularizing trends of the scientific revolution, modern philosophy, and the rise of nationalism in Europe. Jesuits, for example, could be found in the royal courts of almost all of Europe's Catholic kingdoms, in the laboratories of the new scientists, and teaching the youthful Descartes at La Fl~che. As the proponents of the Enlightenment testily challenged the very ex-istence of the Church, a slow decline descended upon religious life. Large and nearly empty monasteries dotted the European countryside. Jansenist and Enlightened thought undermined the.rationale for religious life from opposite directions. The Bourbon kings succeededin persuading Rome to suppress the 69~! / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 Jesuits in 1773. On the eve of the French Revolution, worldwide membership in all the men's religious orders stood at about 300,000; by the time the Revolution and the secularization which followed had run their course, fewer than 70,000 remained. Many orders went out of existence. As the 19th century began, there was need of a thorough-going revival of religious life, which could realistically cope with the new consciousness of Europe. TABLE 4: ERA OF THE APOSTOLIC ORDERS (1500-1800) Dominant Image of RL. Religious are an elite of dedicated and militant servants of the Church with a high level of individual holiness, a readiness to defend the Church on any front, and the zeal to win new expansion for the Church to the very ends of the earth. 1517 Luther sparks the Reformation 1535 Ursulines founded 1540 Jesuits founded 1541 Francis Xavier sails for Far East 1545 Trent starts 1562 Discalced Carmelite Reform 16th Century RE virtually wiped out in Protestant Europe. Founding and expansion of a new kind of RL in the format of the Clerics Regular. These groups work at shoring up the Church's political power in Catholic Europe, reforming the Church, and spreading the Gospel in the foreign missions. 17th Century 1610 Visitation Nuns founded 1625 Vincentians founded 1633 Daughters of Charity founded 1650 St. Joseph Sisters founded 1662 Ranc6 launches Trappist Reform 1663 Paris Foreign Mission Society founded 1681 Christian Brothers founded 1700 213,000 men in mendicant orders Flowering of spirituality, especially in French School, leads to new foundations such as the various societies of priests and clerical con-gregations. Bulk of men religious still belong to mendicant orders. 1725 Passionists founded 1735 Redemptorists founded 1770 300,000 men in RL in world 1773 Jesuits suppressed by Rome 1789 French Revolution starts 18th Century A few clerical congregations emerge, but RL as a whole seems to be in decline due to the in-roads of Enlightenment thought, Jansenism, wealth, and laxity. Weakened RL is given the coup de gr?tce by the French Revolution, which sets off a wave of political suppression and defection in France and the rest of Catholic Europe. 4th TRANSITION: FRENCH REVOLUTION 5. Era of the Teaching Congregations The revival of religious life which occurred in the next period, the Era of the Teaching Congregations, set off in a new direction. There were about 600 foundations of new communities in the 19th century. They were, for the most part, dominated by the movement of educating the masses. For the first time The Recovery of Religious Life / 699 in European history, the idea of educating everyone had the possibility of be-ing concretely realized. The new congregations joined in this movement in hopes of planting the seeds of a hardy faith in the souls of the children they taught by the thousands. This zeal for the education of children was combined with a cleansed Jansenistic spirituality to form the new image of religious life. While the activity of religious spilled over into other apostolic works such as hospitals, teaching set the pace. Even the few pre-Revolution orders which were managing a slow recovery took on many of the trappings of the typical 19th century teaching congregation. For the first time in the history of religious life, recruitment of adult vocations was almost completely displaced by the acceptance of candidates just emerging from childhood. Through the end of the 19th century and on into the 20th the religious who gave themselves to this demanding work of teaching edified the Church and produced a brand of holiness which was most appropriate for a Catholicism which sought to strengthen a papacy denuded o.f worldly power and to care for the masses of the industrialized wor.ld in need of christianization. By the mid-1960's membership in religious communities reached the highest point in the history of the Church. In the last decade, this trend was reversed for the first time in more than a century. Crises have set in which some ascribe to a loss of identity TABLE 5: ERA OF THE TEACHING CONGREGATIONS (1800-present) Dominant Image of RL. Religious dedicate their lives to the salvation of their own souls and the salvation of others. The style of life of religious men and women blends in intense pursuit of personal holiness with a highly active apostolic service. Identity with the person of Christ unites this two-fold objective into a single purpose. 19th Century 1814 French Restoration; Jesuits restored by Rome 1825 Fewer than 70,000 men in RL in world 1831 Mercy Sisters founded 1850 83,000 men in RL in world 1859 Salesians founded 1870 Papal infallibility declared Revival of RL after widespread state sup-pressions. Numerous foundations of con-gregations dedicated to a return to authentic RL blended with service, principally in schools. Old orders, such as Jesuits and Dominicans, rejuvenated in the format of the teaching con-gregations. Church gradually centralizes around the papacy and isolates itself from secular trends of the modern world 20th Century 1950 275,000 men in RL in world 1962 Vatican II starts; 1,012,000 women in RL in world 1965 335,000 men in RL in world 1966 181,500 women in RL in U.S. 1972 879,000 women in RL in world 1973 143,000 women in RL in U.S. 1974 227,500 men in RL in world Expansion and solidification. In the sixties, crises set in from within RL due to loss of iden-tity and inroads of secularizing process. Numerous defections and decreasing numbers of new members. 5th TRANSITION: (?) 700 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 and the inroads of secularism. It seems that another transition in the long history of religious life has begun. Further considerations will be undertaken in the remainder of this article to better analyze the present situation. 11I. The Life Cycle of a Religious Community: A Sociological Model The previous section of this paper focused on a historical model for the evolution of religious life as such within the Church; in this section attention is turned toward the life of the individual religious community or institute. To this end, a sociological model for the life cycle of individual religious com-munities which organizes the important dimensions of each period in the life of the communities is developed.6 This model allows further probing of the questions concerning the plausibility of a revitalization of religious life, since revitalization of present religious communities is one way that religious life as a whole will be renewed. A. Organizing Concepts To date, only thirteen men's religious orders in the entire his.tory of the Church have ever surpassed a membership figure of 10,000 at some point of their existence. The membership pattern of three of these orders--the Dominicans, the Minims, and the Jesuits--is graphed in Figure 1 below. Although these three examples are taken from among the largest orders of the Church, they are representative of the membership pattern in most religious communities, large or small. Typically one finds one or more cycles of growth and decline in the number of members. These membership patterns suggest a dynamic of inner vitality that goes on in a religious community. Using such analogies as the human life cycle and other cycles of growth and decline, a sociological model has been devised which divides the life cycle of an active religious community into five periods: foundation, expansion, stabilization, breakdown and transition. The model is shown schematically in Figure 2. The shape of this curve is intended to repre-sent the over-all vitality of the community as it passes from one period to the next. In the following section salient events and characteristics which typify each of these periods are described. An attempt is also made to isolate the crises which occur during each period. ~Some sources used to clarify the notion of a life cycle were Hostie, Vie et mort; Wallace, "'Paradigmatic Processes"; Gordon L. Lippitt and Warren H. Schmidt, "Crisis in a Developing Organization," Harvard Business Review (Vol. 45, No. 6, November-December, 1967), pp. 102- 112; and Lawrence E. Greiner, "Evolution and Revolution as Organizations Grow," Harvard Business Review (Vol. 50, No. 4, July-August, 1972), pp. 37-46; Thomas F. O'Dea, The Sociology of Religion (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1966); Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine, People. Power and Change: Movements of Social Transformation (Indianapolis: Bobbs- Merrill, 1970). The Recovery of Religious Life / 701 _z 20 LLI ~ lO 30 1200 1300 ! \/ , st 1400 1500 1600 1700 I t I t I I I II ! I ! 1800 1900 2000 Figure 1: Membership of Dominicans, Minims, and Jesuits IFOUNDATIONIEXPANSION ISTABILIZATION BREAKDOWN TRANSITION Figure 2: Life Cycle of a Religious Community B. The Periods of the Life Cycle 1. The Foundation Period The first period in the life of a religious community centers around a found-ing person and his or her vision. The founder or foundress undergoes a radically transformi,ng experience, which can usually be pinpointed to an event or series of events, and .which is perceived as an abrupt shift in the founding 702 / Review for Religious, I/olume 34, 1975/5 person's identity and a timeless moment in which a vision or dream is received. Contained in the transforming experience is a new appreciation of the message of Jesus which leads to innovative insight on how the condition of the Church or society could be dramatically improved or how a totally new kind of future could be launched. A new impetus to live the religious life in all the totality of its demands is felt, and a new theory emerges that is at once a critique of the present, an appropriation of the past, a compelling image of the future, and a basis for novel strategies. The founding person's transforming experience is followed by the initial emergence of the community. A fortuitous encounter takes place between the founder or foundress and some contemporary men or women in which the founding experience, the innovative insight, the emerging theory, and the call to holiness are shared. The group unites under the guidance of the founding person to search for and invent new arrangements for living the Gospel together and working toward the realization of the Kingdom of God. The foundation period may last ten to twenty years or longer and fre-quently coincides with the last part of the founding person's lifetime. Integra-tion and cohesion center on the founding person and still more deeply on the person of Christ. The structural identity of the community appears in seminal form, and authority in the community springs from the wisdom of the found-ing person. Founding events of religious communities have a uniqueness about them which has caused them to be especially treasured as significant moments in the Church's past. Examples of founding persons and their visions readily come to mind: Angela Merici's dream of a new kind of religious life for women that centered on an active apostolate; the hopes of Robert of Molesme to restore fervor through the primitive observance of Benedict's Rule in the wilderness of C~teaux; Don Bosco's contagious vision of loving Christ and joyfully serving the poor. The more striking cases of founding persons receiving their in-spirations have become part of the common heritage of all religious: Anthony hearing in a Sunday Gospel the words which were the key to his life's aim; Ignatius retiring to Manresa to receive his visions. For the most part the foundation period is a time of grace and charism for a new religious community. But there are also crises that must be faced. The crisis of direction forces the community to decide which undertakings are im-portant and which must be sacrificed. The crisis of leadership confronts the community with the problem of finding out how it will live beyond the time of its founding person. The crisis of legitimization engulfs the nascent community in the question of whether or not the Church will approve it as an authentic form of religious life. The Waldensians, for example, showed some signs of becoming a new religious order on the pattern of the mendicants, but they never overcame the crisis of iegitimization. Instead of becoming a religious community, they ended up as renegades who had to hide out in the woods of medieval Europe. The Recovery of Religious Life / 70a 2. The Expansion Period When the community has emerged from the foundation period, it un-dergoes a fairly long period of expansion, during which the founding charism is institutionalized in a variety of ways. A community cult and belief system solidifies, a community polity is fashioned, and community norms and customs take hold. As members of the community's second generation mature and grow older, they recount stories of the foundation, which they have heard from the pioneers or have themselves experienced in their youth. These stories enshrine decisive events which set the community's direction or establish its characteristic traits. Gradually, rituals and symbols which express and com-memorate the most treasured facets of the foundation are fused with the.iore of the older members into a sort of sacred memory and cult that begins to be passed on from generation to generation as the community's "founding myth." Attempts are made at thinking through the founding myth and expressing it in terms of contemporary thought patterns. Eventually these efforts result in theories, interpretations, and social models which coalesce into a belief system and give a rational structure to the more intuitive thrust of the founding myth. Simultaneously, procedures are devised for community decision making and communication, and bit by bit the community's polity.takes shape. Norms are set down and customs emerge which cover all aspects of the community's life, such as membership criteria, leadership standards, and apostolic priorities. The members of the young community experience an excitement about the growth and success which characterizes the expansion period. Large numbers join the community, and new works are rapidly taken on which enhance the possibility of a still broader recruitment. Major interpreters of the founding vi-sion are recognized. Patterns of spiritual practice are determined, and the community's spirituality is made concrete in manuals of direction or other written documents. With expansion come certain organizational crises. How is authority to be delegated? What means will be used to integrate and tie together the rapidly expanding network of establishments and the burgeoning membership. When Bernard joined the Cistercians thirteen years after their foundation, he led the community through this kind of organizational crisis. In the process, a new en-tity, the general chapter, was invented to cope with the situation, and this in-novation is still a standard feature.of most religious orders today. Another crisis of this period centers on maintaining the pristine vigor of the founding vision. As rival interpretations arise, which will be discarded? A classic exam-ple of this kind of crisis occurred in the great debates about poverty among the early Franciscans just after Francis died. 3. The Stabilization Period After a fairly long expansion, which may last two to three generations or "/04 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 longer, there ensues a period of stabilization. Numerical increase in membership may continue, but geographical expansion usually slows down. The stabilization period may last a century or more, but it is sometimes as brief as fifty years or so. A feeling of success pervades the community during the stabilization period. Members experience a high degree of personal satisfaction from simply being in the community. The prevailing image of religious life is clear and accepted. It provides a basis for describing unambiguous social roles for religious. The community is accomplishing its purpose and this purpose is self-evident. The need to improve is not seen as a need to change things but simply to do better what is already being done. Gradually, as stabilization sets in, more and more of the community assumes that religious life has always been the way it is now and that it will always remain so in the future. There is little need to elaborate the understanding of the founding vision or penetrate into it more deeply. It is simply accepted and repeated to new members who join. No one is left in the community who knew the founding person or the first dis-ciples personally. Memory of the founding events takes on the cast of past his(ory that is separate from the present moment. Formation of new members emphasizes their conformity to standard patterns of external behavior that are seen as the best means of cultivating interior commitment. The over-all feeling of success which is so typical of the stabilization period is not illusory. There is in fact a job that is being done and done well by the many generous religious who devote themselves to its accomplishment. The kinds of crises that Crop up during the stabilization period are linked to the other characteristics of the period. The crisis of activism occurs. Members become so absorbed in work that they lose sight of its spiritual and apostolic underpinning. They allow the satisfactions of accomplishment to dis-place a centeredness in Christ. Loss of intensity is another crisis of the stabilization period. Is it possible to maintain the intensity of vision and com-mitment among members, now that the community has become so highly in-stitutionalized? They can often be simply carried along by the sheer inertia of the community's activity and held in place by the pressure of social expecta-tion placed on their role as religious from people in the Church. Another danger stems from the crisis of adaptation. In the midst of success the com-munity is seldom open to adaptation, and any changes that have to be made are fraught with difficulty. Quite often, even the most legitimate changes are rejected, and their proponents are righteously and intolerantly silenced. The failure of later Jesuit missionaries to implement the ideas of Matteo Ricci con-cerning Confucian practices among Chinese Catholics is perhaps a good ex-ample of the sort of resistance to adaptation that can be found during the stabilization period. 4. The Breakdown Period Eventually the seeming immutabilities of the stabilization period start to give, and the religious community enters the breakdown period. The The Recovery of Religious Life / 705 breakdown may be gradual and last a half a century or more, or it may be rapid and run its course in a few decades. In either case, what happens is a dis-mantling of the institutional structures and belief systems that arose in the ex-pansion period and served the community so well during the stabilization period. This collective decline gives rise, in turn, to stress and doubt in the in-dividual members. Initially .a number of persons become dissatisfied with the current state of the community. Perhaps they are simply struck by what they judge to be the silliness of some of the community's customs or procedures. Or they may come to see that the community's life and work are not equipped to handle im-portant new challenges. Unanswered questions about the function and purpose of the community begin to accumulate and start to raise doubts. Levels of in-dividual stress increase slowly at the beginning, but then rise rapidly as doubt spreads to more and more levels of the community's social structure. To handle the growing problems, standard remedies are tied. All that is needed, it seems, is to get back to doing well what has always been done and to renew commitment to the community's mission. However, the usual problem-solving techniques become increasingly ineffective. A sense of crisis grows as community authority and decision-making structures become confused. The community's belief system begins to appear archaic and bound in by the trap-pings and articulations of a bygone age. The founding experience and myth, which had been internalized by the community's early generations, is no longer felt by the members. As the community loses its sense of identity and purpose, service to the Church becomes haphazard and lacks direction. Moral norms in the com-munity are relaxed and some members perhaps distract themselves with sex and a misuse of wealth. There is a net loss of membership through increased withdrawals and decreased recruitment of new members. The crises that arise during the breakdown period center on the various phenomena of decline in the community. The crisis of polarization can become acute when those who have faith in the community as it was align themselves against those who in varying degrees reject the community as it is. The crisis of collapsing institutions sets in as the community is forced to stop doing "business as usual" and abandon long-established works. The resulting demoralization leads to the crisis of the community's impending death. What is to be done as the chilling awareness grows in the community that it is inex-orably listing into disintegration on all sides? 5. The Transition Period The breakdown is followed by a period of transition. Three outcomes are possible for religious communities during this period: extinction, minimal sur-vival, or revitalization. Extinction, the first of these outcomes, occurs when all the members of a community either withdraw or die and it simply passes out of existence. This happened, for example, to 76% of all men's religious orders founded before 706 / Review for Religious, l/olume 34, 1975/5 1500 and to 64% of those founded before 1800. From a historical perspective, then, a reasonable expectation would seem to be that most religious com-munities in the Church today will eventually become extinct. A religious community which does not die out may go into a long period of low-level or minimal survival. If the membership pattern of presently existing religious orders founded before the French Revolution is examined, one finds that most of them enter into a period lasting across several centuries in which the number of members is very low. In fact, only 5% of all men's orders founded before 1500 and only 11% of the orders founded before 1800 have a current membership which is larger than 2,000. The Minims (Figure 1) are typical of the orders which once were quite large and now have a small membership. This type of outcome should not be interpreted as a dis-appearance of vitality in every case. The Carthusians, for example, follow this membership pattern. Yet they seem to be living UP to their reputation of never having relaxed their observance--never reformed and never needing reform. To this day the order's spiritual impact appears greater than its numerical strength. There is also a small percentage of religious communities which survive the breakdown period a~d enter into a period of revitalization. At least three characteristics can be singled out in all communities which have been revitalized in this way: a transforming response to the signs of the times; a reappropriation of the founding charism; and a profound renewal of the life of prayer, faith, and centeredness in Christ. The time in history fn which revitalization occurs seems to make a difference. If the revitalization occurs during one of the shifts in the dominant image of religious life singled out in the historical model above, the com-munity takes on many of the characteristics of the emerging image, and the transforming response to the signs of the times seems central to the revitaliza-tion. If the revitalization occurs midway during one of the major eras in the history of religious life identified earlier in this article, the revitalization takes on the characteristics of a reform with the reappropriation of the founding charism playing a central role. In either case the community experiences the revitalization as a second foundation. Personal transformation or conversion is central to revitalization. With personal transformation comes innovative insight and a new centering in the person of Christ. The innovative insight allows the transformed individuals within the community to develop critical awareness of the assumptions un-derlying the traditional meaning of the community and functioning of that community within the Church and the world. This innovative insight brings with it a focusing of energies through a new positive vision of what the com-munity should be in the future. The vision allows the emergence of a new theory which gives meaning to the experiences of individuals and the shared events lived within the community and spurs the community to building and creating its future. Such a new theory guides the community in the search for The Recovery of Religious Life / 707 and the invention of new models ~of living together as a community bound by. the evangelical conditions of discipleship in the service of the Church. A more complete sketch of the human dynamics of revitalization will be given in the last section of this article. The essential components of this dynamic, namely, insight and vision, and new theory and new models, are mentioned at this point to complete the picture of the life cycle of a religious community. Some limitations of this sociological model and the historical model of the previous section are given in the next section together with some generalizations that can be drawn from the models. IV. Some Limitations and Generalizations A. Limitations of the Models Before proceeding, some concluding and cautionary remarks must be made. Evidently the rapid overview of the history of religious life given in the first portion of this article should not be taken as anything more than a demonstration of how the evolution of religious life can be interpreted so as to fit the model of the five main eras that are being postulated in the proposed historical model. The account is far too compressed and over-simplified to provide an adequate and proi~erly nuanced telling of the story of religious life. For example, little attention was given to the Canons Regular, who constituted a significant portion of men religious from the Middle Ages to the French Revolution. There was no discussion of the medieval military orders nor of Orthodox monasticism. A still more gaping lacuna is the almost complete absence of any analysis of the way women's religious life differed from or followed the same pattern as that of the men. It may be that the sources used in this study were not sensitive to the distinctive role women actually played in the evolution of religious life. On the other hand, it may be that up to the present time the trends of women's religious life have been very parallel to those in the men's orders. The models proposed for the evolution of religious life and for the life-cycle of a religious community are also both simplifications. Some might validly question, for example, whether there were just five major eras in the history of religious life and whether the transitions between the eras occurred as clearly as the historical model suggests. The description of the dominant image of religious life for each era is a simplification of what was in every case a rather complex phenomenon. Hopefully, the liberties that have been taken are justified by the intention of trying to synopsize the history of religious life in such a way as to make some tentative insights more easily accessible to someone who is not a professional historian. Similarly, the breaks between the successive periods in the life cycle of a religious community are nowhere near as clear-cut as the proposed sociological model suggests. In .history, breakdowns sometimes occur within one order in different geographical locales at different times. Revitalizations often occur in some places for an order, while it decays elsewhere. At times 708 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 there are orders in which the role of the founding person is rather minor and does not have the decisiveness described in the model. Some communities have been founded in rather modest historical circumstances that were not accom-panied by the profound inspiration described in the model. These and similar qualifications must be kept in mind when the sociological model is used to in-terpret the life cycle of any particular community. B. Generalizations The models presented in the previous sections suggest some generalized conclusions. These conclusions can be helpful in exploring the present crisis of religious life. The historical evidence suggests that there have been significant shifts in the dominant image of religious life across the centuries. These shifts seem to occur when there are major societal changes astir and when the Church is un-dergoing major changes. The first transition happened as the Roman Empire fell in the West and feudal Europe was beginning; at the same time the rift between western and eastern Christianity was starting. The second transition occurred as feudal Europe was giving way to medieval urbanization and as the Church was gathering all of Europe into the unity of Christendom. The third transition took place at the start of the modern period of Western Civilization as the Church underwent the shock of the Reformation. The fourth transition resulted from a direct attack of society on the Church as a whole and on religious life in particular. Admittedly each of these changes in the culture and the Church differed from one another in many respects. However, the pattern seems clear enough at least to permit one to ask whether perhaps another shift in the dominant image of religious life would happen if major changes in society and the Church should come to pass. Although religious communities have been founded in almost every cen-tury of Christian history, it seems that each major shift in the dominant image of religious life is heralded by some significantly new foundations which em-body a new image in an especially striking way. This could be said of the earliest Benedictine monasteries for the first transition, of the Franciscans and Dominicans for the second transition, of the Jesuits for the third transition, and of the plethora of 19th century foundations for the fourth transition. It also seems to be the case that many communities go out of existence at each transition. Those that survive either continue in a diminished form or somehow blend the new dominant image with the charism of their own foun-dation to get another lease on life. The mendicant orders, for example, grew numerically stronger during the Era of Apostolic Orders as they adapted their own special gifts to the new style of religious life. The culture of the high Mid-dle Ages was rapidly and irretrievably passing away, but the mendicants adapted and flourished. One might ask, then, if the Church would witness the death of many religious communities and the foundation of new and different ones if a shift in the dominant image of religious life were to occur. The remainder of this article will explore the plausibility of maintaining that The Recovery of Religious Life / 709 another major transition has in fact begun in the history of religious life. Should this hypothesis be true, it would be appropriate to pose questions about h6w religious life is dying and how a recovery and revitalization might happen. Another observation that suggests itself from this brief survey concerns the continuity that underlies the shifts of the dominant image of religious life. As the image evolves it continues to hold up the impelling ideal of a radical following of the conditions set forth by Christ for an evangelical discipleship embedded in a life of prayer and deep faith. While the contemporary religious would probably not feel called to take on the externals of the life of the Desert Fathers, he or she will surely understand and be drawn to the stark beauty of the life of radical discipleship that moved Anthony to withdraw into the desert. Similar remarks could probably be made about the ultimate aims of the first Franciscans and the first rugged band of Jesuits. Through all the twists and turns in the make up and style of religious life, there is a deep core of seeking union with Christ in a special and total way that endures century after century. A great deal of historical precedent would have to be explained away by anyone who would wish to maintain that religious life is about to disappear as a separate and distinguishable way of life in the Church. The historical pattern seems to be one of repeated recovery. The present moment is indeed a time of trouble for religious communities, but religious life as a whole will doubtlessly survive. Turning to the sociological model, some further generalizations can be made. In the evolution of a religious community the non-rational elements of transforming experience, vision, and myth play a central role. This is es-pecially true during the periods of foundation and revitalization. Although necessary for each period in the life-cycle of a community, the techniques of rationality (long-range planning, leadership training, etc.) will never be suf-ficient to found a religious community or to revitalize one. The renewed vitality that comes to some religious communities during the time of transition finds its source in plumbing the depths of.the mythic and non-rational and in-tegrating them with the more rational dimensions of human life. A central insight of the myth of original sin is that humankind is not capable of sustained development; breakdown and disintegration are ever-recurring manifestations of the human condition. Since religious men and women exist within the human condition, it should not be surprising that, from time to time, all religious communities experience an extensive period of significant breakdown and disintegration. These bleak realities should be em-braced with humble acceptance of th~ human condition and a faith-filled hope that the Lord will in time resurrect life-giving initiatives from the death-dealing processes of breakdown. V. Where Does Religious Life Stand Today? In the previous sections of this article, the history of the religious-life movement in the Church and of particular religious communities was ex-amined to determine the major factors within culture, the Church, and 710 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/5 religious communities themselves that significantly influence the evolution of this movement. Generalizations from the proposed models indicate that major. transitions are likely to occur in religious life when secular culture is in the midst of a major crisis, and when religious life has experienced a period of major breakdown. The factors can serve as a useful matrix for answering the question, "Where does religious life stand today?" As was mentioned in the in-troduction, the answer proposed in this article is that religious life is undergo-ing a pervasive transition that will last for the next twenty to twenty-five years and which will significantly change the style of life and service of religious communities. The plausibility of this assertion is developed in this section. A. Signs of Transition in Secular Culture Many writers have noted that contemporary culture is in the midst of a societal transition. Some compare the present time to the Renaissance. Others claim that the present multifaceted change is equal to if not greater in magnitude than the agricultural and industrial revolutions. Many strands of societal transition have been pointed out. Spiritual, intellectual, philosophical, psychological, political, economic, and many other crises in society have been described by writers from a wide range of disciplines. For the purposes of this article, a cluster of these difficulties, which might be broadly termed the socio-economic crisis, will be summarized below as a sample of the sort of comment on contemporary society being made today. Catastrophic events and critical trends are continually reported by the news media. These reports range from widespread famine in the Sahel and South Asia to the continued downward spiral of the national economy. Careful analysts and writers have noted that these events and trends are a manifestation of the parallel growth of a set of interrelated critical issues which they have designated as the "world problematique.''7 A list of the critical issues that make up the "world problematique" would include: Energy Problems: Runaway growth in domestic and worldwide use of energy; shortages and scarcity of energy; insufficient capital resources to develop new energy sources. Food Problems: Food supply unable to meet the demand for food; worsening of weather conditions through pollution; increasing food prices due to food scarcity and increasing cost and consumption of energy; deterioration of arable land through increased urbaniza-tion and ecological undermining; actual widespread famine; potential long term problems of hunger and famine. Pollution Problems: Rise of pollution-induced illness; exponential increhse in the pollu-tion of the air and seas; denuding of natural environment through strip mining. 7.Some sources used to examine the "world problematique" were Kenneth E. F. Watt, The Titanic Effect: Planning for the Unthinkable (Stanford, Conn.: Sinauer Associates, Inc.); Donella H. Meadows, et al., The Limits to Growth (Washington: Potomac Associates, 1972); Mihajlo Mesarovic and Eduard Pestel, Mankind at the Turning Point (New York: Reader's Digest Press, 1974); Lester R. Brown, In the Human Interest (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974); and Lester R. Brown with Eric P. Eckholm, By Bread Alone (New York: Praeger, 1974). The Recovery of Religious Life / 711 Economic Problems: Growing world inflation; market saturation (e.g. airplanes, elec-tronic equipment, automobiles); instability and manipulation of monetary system, lack of alternatives to growth economics; increasing gap between the "have's" and the "have not's." Work Problems: Increasing unemployment and underemployment; saturation of the labor market; decreased productivity; increasing alienation and dissatisfaction with work; depersonalization of work environments. Problems of Urban Areas: Deterioration of urban areas; increasing crime rates; in-creasing cost of essential urban services. Problems of International Order." Hazards of international competition and war; com-petitive economic policies. What makes the "world problematique" different from problems en-countered in previous eras is its complexity and the pervasive interrelationship of its elements. Hence, the "world problematique" is not amenable to normal methods of problem solving. Attempts to address such critical issues in a singular or joint fashion introduce fundamental dilemmas that do not appear resolvable within conventional modes of thought. Among such dilemmas which seem to be plaguing the contemporary politico-economic situation, four might be singled out: the dilemmas of growth, guidance, global justice, and social roles.8 These dilemmas are delineated more fully in Table 6. One may ask if these problems and dilemmas have not been present during most of the Industrial Era. Are not the problems of the 20's and 30's very much the same as those of the 70's and 80's? What makes the above mentioned problems and dilemmas different is that they have not been ameliorated through the use of conventional wisdom and standard problem-solving ap-proaches. In fact, one may argue that application of these approaches has led to many unanticipated and undesirable consequences. Resolution of the problems and dilemmas is dependent upon a thorough-going shift in social perceptions, involving restructuring of beliefs, images, and human aspirations at a fundamental level. B. Crisis in the Church and the Breakdown in Religious Life The Catholic Church in America has been profoundly influenced by con-temporary change. For at least fifteen years the Church has been experiencing a transition of its life. The Second Vatican Council (1962-1964) was a result of the early stages of this transition and a triggering event for its later stages. The Church began to open itself to a world which was undergoing a dramatic secularization. This opening up or aggiornamento had significant impact on all dimensions of Church life. Parish life and parochial education are no longer the only shapers of the values and beliefs of American Catholics. The once-clear norms and social roles ~vithin the Church no longer seem to serve their original purpose. For example, the Vatican's official position on birth 8The schematization presented in Table 6 is based on the work of Bill Harmon, Director of the Center for the Study of Social Policy, Stanford Research Institute. 712 / Review for Religious, I~'olume 34, 1975/5 TABLE 6: SOME DILEMMAS OF CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY Growth The fundamental "new scarcity" of fossil fuels, minerals, fresh water, arable land, habitable surface area, waste-absorbing capacity of the natural environment, fresh air, and food come from approaching the finite limits of the earth. These limits demand a radical slow down or leveling off in material.growth and energy-use curves of the past.' Yet, the present economic and political system is built around a growth hypothesis. The economic and political consequences of limiting growth appear unbearable. Guidance Dilemma Ecological considerations along with awesome power of modern technology to change any and all aspects of the human environment establish a mandate for greater guidance of technological and social innovation. Yet, the political price of such guidance is very high. Such guidance is perceived as con-trary to man's fundamental right to freedom and as an inhibition to economic growth. Global Justice Dilemma Further advances by the industrialized nations make the rich nations richer and the poor nations relatively poorer. The impressive ac-complishments of the industrial economy are largely built on a base of cleverness plus cheap energy, the latter from the world's limited stockpile of fossil fuels. Yet, the costs of not redressing these inequities may be serious political and economic world instabilities as well as widespread famine and inhuman suffering in the poorer nations. Social Roles Dilemma Present economic system is failing to provide Yet, the absence of satisfying and personally an adequate number of satisfying social roles meaningful roles for women, youth, the especially for women and minorities. The aged, and minorities along with worker employment market is saturated; there is a dissatisfaction in general results in in-need to keep youth and the aged out of the creased I~ersonal alienation and erodes labor market, the morale of the nation. control is considered unacceptableto an increasingly large number of Catholics. Difficulties are arising in the functioning of such Church structures as the priesthood and the traditional role of the laity and of such Church institutions as parishes, schoo|s, and hospitals. Their once-unquestioned role within the Church no longer seems to satisfy the needs of an increasingly large number of church members. This crisis and transition within the Church has had a dramatic effect on religious communities of women and men. Religious communities have begun to experience all of the signs of entering into the breakdown and disintegration period described earlier in this article. There has been a sharp decline in membership due to increased withdrawals and a decrease in new recruits. Re- The Recovery of Religious Life / 713 cent literature9 gives a statistical picture of this breakdown in the United States. - A recent National Opinion Research Center study indicated there is a larger relative number of resignees among those already established in church careers than in any other equivalent period of time since the French Revolution. - For the years between 1965 and 1972 66% of the yearly decrease in communities of religious women was due to dispensation or termination of vows. In communities of religious women the average annual net increase over these years was approximately 768 members, the average annual net decrease was 3841, with only one-third of that loss caused by deaths. - The total number of Sisters in 1974 had declined 17% from 1960 and 23% since their peak membership year in 1966. - The total number of religious Brothers in 1974 had decreased 12% since 1960 and 26.5% since their peak membership year in 1966. The purposes of religious communities which were once clear and widely understood have become vague and meaningless to some in the midst of the modern church crisis. The structures of authority and process of communica-tion and decision making within religious communities seem no longer to fit the needs of the individuals within the community or suit the evolving work of the communities. The processes of formation to religious community have sometimes become disorganized and seem to lack purpose. These and other signs indicate that the last fifteen to twenty years have been a time when most religious com-munities have begun to experience breakdown. This cluster of the signs of breakdown in virtually all communities seems to indicate that we are ap-proaching the end of another major era in the history of religious life. C. Restatement of the Bias This review of the transitions in secular culture as well as the current crisis of the Church allows us to use the historical and sociological models of the evolution of religious life and religious communities outlined in the previous sections to answer the question "Where does religious life stand today?" In the introduction of this article, an answer was given in what was called the fun-damental bias of the article, namely, that religious life in America is undergo-ing a profound transition, which will take another twenty or twenty-five years to run its full course. The arguments leading up to this bias can be set forth as follows: 1. The dominant image of religious life has undergone several major tran-sitions as religious life has evolved as a movement within the Church. 2. The occurrence of these major transitions is associated with a number 9Carroll W. Trageson and Pat Holden, "Existence and Analysis of the 'Vocation Crisis' in Religious Careers," (pp. 1-3) in Carroll W. Trageson, John P. Koval, and Willis E. Bartlett (eds.), Report on Study of Church Vo
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
The remotely triggered bombings in Lebanon using rigged pagers and walkie-talkies are a more clandestine version of what Israel has been doing with deadly force for some time and especially during the past year. One feature of Israel's lethal campaigns is low regard for the lives of innocent civilians. Putting explosives in thousands of innocuous looking communication devices was certain, when detonated, to maim many people throughout Lebanon who never have fought against Israel, including people who are not even members of Hezbollah.The pager bombings, besides killing a dozen people, overwhelmed health care facilities with 2,800 wounded, many of whom lost eyes or fingers or suffered other grievous wounds. Among the dead were an 8-year-old girl, and 11-year-old boy, and four health care workers. Exploding walkie-talkies the next day killed an additional 20 people and wounded 450.The indiscriminate nature of the suffering mirrors what Israel has done in the Gaza Strip during the past 11 months, where it so far has killed more than 40,000 residents, including more than 11,000 children, and wounded nearly 100,000 more, in addition to turning into rubble most infrastructure needed for daily living.Another feature of the Israeli use of deadly force is that it has represented most of the escalation that has occurred between Israel and its adversaries. This obviously has been true in the Gaza Strip, where the death and destruction Israel has inflicted vastly exceed the Hamas attack last October, to which the Israeli assault is ostensibly a response. It has been true of accelerated Israeli military operations in the occupied West Bank, where the casualties Israel has inflicted during the past year, including on children and other innocent civilians, are many times greater than what Palestinians there have done to Israelis.Along the Israeli-Lebanese frontier that has seen exchanges of fire between Israel and Hezbollah during the past year, Israel has carried out five times as many attacks as Hezbollah has attempted in the other direction, causing 10 times as many casualties, including civilian casualties.Now the exploding communication devices, given the magnitude and geographic extent of the resulting casualties, represent yet another major Israeli escalation. As if that were not enough, the day after the walkie-talkies exploded, Israel conducted its deadliest airstrike against Beirut since the current round of fighting began last October.The pager attacks have stimulated a flurry of instant analysis centered on how the attacks fit into Israeli strategy, what the Israelis hoped to accomplish, and specifically the question of "why now." It is analytically hazardous to try to make sense of the attacks in these terms, because — like much other Israeli use of lethal violence during the past year — they are not driven mainly by careful calculation of what is in Israel's long-term interests.One of the main drivers has instead been the personal motivations of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who sees continued and even escalated warfare as his only ticket to holding his far-right coalition together, thus staying in power as well as putting off the day he has to confront fully the corruption charges against him.Another driver is emotional rather than strategic and involves a widespread Israeli hatred of Arabs that was made even more intense and indiscriminate amid the understandable anger over the Hamas attack last October.The nature of the operation involving explosive-laden communication devices constitutes in effect another driver. An operation this large and sophisticated, involving infiltration of supply lines and probably the creation of shell companies, had to have been planned and begun long ago. It is thus pointless to try to answer the question "why now" by speculating about what was going through the minds of the creators of the operation years earlier.Once begun, the operation acquired an inexorable momentum of its own. It is the kind of operation that, while entailing much effort and expense, could quickly be rendered useless if compromised. If one of those thousands of pagers had prematurely detonated, or if Hezbollah leaders had otherwise gotten wind of the operation, the devices would all have been promptly discarded.Perhaps the Israelis were given reason to believe that Hezbollah was close to discovering the operation. It was at least as likely that the mere possibility of compromise made the whole caper a "use it or lose it" affair in which Israeli leaders decided they had to execute the plan soon after the preparations were in place if they were ever to execute it at all.The situation has shades of the situation involving European powers before World War I, when railroad timetables and their role in mobilizing mass armies had an inexorable momentum of their own. Once begun, a preparation for war made it difficult to stop the slide into war itself.None of what Israel has been doing to Hezbollah lately, including the operation involving the pagers and walkie-talkies, advances even immediate Israeli security objectives, let alone long-term ones. Currently the principal declared Israeli objective regarding the Lebanese frontier and the confrontation with Hezbollah is to enable Israeli residents who have been evacuated from northern Israel to return to their homes. Ramping up the violence and tensions along the border does not make that objective more obtainable, and further escalation to full-scale war would not either.The pager and walkie-talkie attacks may have been an effort to strike a significant blow against Hezbollah without resorting to full-scale war, including a ground invasion of Lebanon. Alternatively, it may have been preparation for such an invasion by weakening Hezbollah's ability to defend itself.Either way, Hezbollah feels under heavy pressure to respond. It retains the capability to do so despite any weakening from the pager attacks. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah has publicly vowed to retaliate at times and places of Hezbollah's choosing. Hezbollah has good reasons to continue to try to avoid all-out war, but the recent Israeli actions are too offensive to go unanswered.Hezbollah's ally Iran also wants to avoid wider war in the Middle East and certainly one that would involve Iran itself. The Iranian regime has so far shown remarkable restraint in the face of Israeli escalation, including not responding as yet to Israel's assassination in July of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh at a government guest house in Tehran. But one must wonder what the limits are to Iranian patience in the face of continued Israeli offenses.In Washington, a key question is what the limits of U.S. patience are in the face of the same Israeli offences. The techno-terrorism in Lebanon comes on top of repeated Israeli pokes in the eye of the United States, whether it is Netanyahu's succession of excuses for blocking a ceasefire in Gaza or Israel's escalation of its conflict with Hezbollah at the very time a U.S. envoy was in the region attempting to de-escalate the conflict.Besides the broader political and diplomatic costs that the United States suffers from its close association with Israel, the obvious double standards involved weaken U.S. credibility in criticizing the misconduct of other regimes. For example, U.S. criticism of what Russia is doing in Ukraine — including military occupation of someone else's territory and infliction of many civilian casualties — and of other countries' material support to the Russian war effort is made less credible by continued U.S. material support to what Israel is doing in Gaza.Now the episode with the pagers and walkie-talkies draws attention to the glaring double standard in the U.S. approach to terrorism, thus weakening further the credibility of declared U.S. opposition to terrorism. Imagine if, say, Iran — which has considerable capability to harm others through manipulation of electronic devices — were to conduct an operation exactly like the one Israel just did in Lebanon, aimed at the Israeli military and with the same assortment of civilian casualties. There would be, of course, a mighty uproar from the White House and Congress, denouncing this horrific act of terrorism from the "world's number one state sponsor of terrorism" and calling for some sort of retribution.In contrast, the Biden administration has not mustered a peep of public criticism of what Israel just did in Lebanon. When forced in press briefings to address the subject, spokespersons for the White House and State Department refused even to say whether what took place was terrorism and whether it represented a legitimate form of warfare. White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre only said something about how children and other people being harmed is "not something that we want to see." State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said "we do believe it's a legitimate practice for any country to defend itself by fighting terrorist organizations," apparently confusing who in this instance was the terrorist and who was the target of the terrorism.The proper U.S. response would be not only to recognize terrorism for what it is and to oppose it no matter who does it, but also to protect its own interests by moving away from close association with what has increasingly become a rogue state. Those with genuine sympathy for Israelis and their security — including self-declared Zionist Joe Biden — should bear in mind that it hurts rather than helps Israelis' own long-term interests to use technical prowess not to make the desert bloom in cooperation with others who live there but instead to set in motion ever more violence and conflict with the other people in the region.The same was true of the nations whose leaders set the mobilization trains in motion in 1914.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
It's a well‐known fact in the nation's capital that politicians' rhetoric gets progressively detached from reality as a November election approaches. During a race's final few months, inconvenient things like "facts" and "logic" tend to get thrown out the window as candidates get desperate for votes. On trade, at least, it seems President Biden has kicked off the 2024 "silly season" more than a year early. In particular, Biden's recent proclamation announcing World Trade Week 2023 (and implicitly justifying his tariff‐ and subsidy‐heavy "worker‐centric" trade policy) stated that, "For decades, the middle class and thriving towns across America were hollowed out as good‐paying jobs moved overseas and factories at home closed down." Were this claim in the middle of an early‐autumn stump speech—from Biden or former President Trump—we may have given it a pass. But since the claim comes in the middle of a World Trade Week proclamation from the sitting president of the United States, we feel compelled to correct the record. First, the only "hollowing out" of the American middle class over the last few decades has been due to U.S. households moving up the income ladder, not down. For example, Census Bureau data show that between 1990 and 2019—the era of "peak globalization"—the share of middle‐ and low‐income U.S. households (adjusted for inflation) have both declined, while the share of U.S. households annually earning $100,000 has increased (see Figure 1). Research on individuals' wages shows much of the same thing.
Wage and income gains have been solid for lower‐income Americans over this same period. The Congressional Budget Office, for example, finds a 55 percent increase in the inflation‐adjusted incomes of U.S. households in the bottom 20 percent. These improvements would be even larger after accounting for taxes and transfers. (As noted in the introduction of the new Cato Institute book, Empowering the New American Worker, household income gains are likely not owed to a substantial increase in two‐earner families since 1990.) According to the most recent calculations from economist Michael Strain, moreover, inflation‐adjusted wages increased between 1990 and 2022 by 50, 48, 38, and 39 percent at the 10th, 20th, 30th, and 50th (median) percentiles, respectively (see Figure 2).
Second, while it is undeniably true that the United States has fewer manufacturing workers today than in the 1970s or 1980s and that most jobs (even male‐dominated, blue‐collar ones) are in services, American industrial jobs have not all been "shipped overseas." As explained in a 2022 Cato paper, globalization undoubtedly eliminated some U.S. manufacturing jobs, especially labor‐intensive, low‐wage industries like textiles/apparel and furniture, but the main, long‐term drivers of U.S. manufacturing job‐losses are productivity gains and a shift in U.S. consumption from goods to services. Thus, countries around the world—including ones with large and persistent trade surpluses and active industrial and labor policies—have experienced their own, if not larger, declines in manufacturing jobs, and recent increases in U.S. manufacturing jobs have been accompanied by stagnating U.S. manufacturing productivity. Furthermore, as explained in Empowering, there are still manufacturing jobs available in the United States—for those who want and can qualify for them: Contrary to the conventional wisdom…, the current U.S. manufacturing job situation is not due to a lack of demand for these workers (caused by globalization or automation, for example): in the first quarter of 2022, there were around 850,000 unfilled manufacturing job openings, and new research from Deloitte and the Manufacturing Institute estimates that this figure could hit 2.1 million by 2030.
A year later, even after a significant cooling of the U.S. manufacturing sector, job openings there are historically elevated. At the same time, the Census Bureau reports that very few prime‐age American workers are out of work because they can't find a job (Figure 3).
Third, President Biden ignores, as we explained in a 2022 paper, the tens of millions of American jobs in services and in manufacturing that are today dependent on trade and globalization: [A] 2020 report found that trade—imports and exports—directly or indirectly supported approximately 40.6 million jobs in both goods‐producing industries (agriculture, construction, manufacturing, etc.) or services‐producing industries (wholesale/retail trade, transportation, professional services, etc.). Imports alone support an estimated 17.3 million American jobs in transportation, logistics, wholesale and retail trade, and other services industries, which comprise more than 10 percent of total employment in the sector. And almost half of all dollars spent on imported goods go to American workers rather than to the foreigners producing the goods. Thus, new research finds that, while only 6 percent of U.S. firms in manufacturing and services are goods traders, these firms account for half of economy‐wide employment today and supported 60 percent of all new net jobs created after 2008, primarily through the establishment of new businesses. [See Figure 4.] Meanwhile, foreign direct investment supported approximately 8 million jobs in 2019. By contrast, these same American workers are harmed by protectionism: higher input costs, for example, typically mean reduced wages or unemployment in the consuming company or industry at issue.
Surely, not every American worker has come out ahead since the United States became more integrated into the global economy, but—even leaving aside the important consumption benefits that globalization has provided all Americans (even ones who lost jobs from import competition)—the narrative of broad, trade‐driven declines in middle class jobs and lifestyles is simply false. As the Financial Times' Martin Wolf put it in April (citing the latest academic research), "contrary to the widespread view, it is untrue that liberal trade is a dominant or even significant cause of the woes of the working classes of western societies." Indeed. Finally, similar conclusions may be drawn regarding American communities—including ones once dependent on manufacturing. For example, a 2018 Brookings Institution report found that 115 of the 185 counties that had a disproportionate share (20 percent or more) of manufacturing jobs in 1970 had successfully transitioned away from manufacturing by 2016. Of the remaining 70 "older industrial cities", 40 had exhibited "strong" or "emerging" (above‐average) economic performance over the same period. Thus, by 2016 almost 85 percent of American communities once dependent on manufacturing—and thus potentially "hollowed out" by new import competition—had moved or were moving beyond their industrial past. That a handful of U.S. "mill towns" hadn't adjusted in more than four decades reveals other (and deeper) problems than simply exposure to the modern global economy. For example:
"Labor Market Conflict and the Decline of the Rust Belt" https://t.co/WN5RINmBF1"Rising foreign competition plays a more modest role quantitatively, and its effects are concentrated in the 1980s and 1990s, after most of the Rust Belt's decline had already occurred." 👀 pic.twitter.com/4c9xWaWgud— Scott Lincicome (@scottlincicome) May 12, 2023
Anecdotal evidence supports these conclusions. Former textile town Greenville, South Carolina is (along with its next door neighbor Spartanburg) today a bustling metro area with a diverse economy—including several multinational manufacturers. Just up the interstate, Hickory, North Carolina—a former textile and furniture hub that was the poster‐child for the persistent ravages of the so‐called "China Shock"—has just been named by U.S. News and World Report as the "best affordable place to live in the United States" for 2023–24. (Speaking of the China Shock, the authors of those influential studies have since acknowledged that, once you consider the substantial consumer gains from China trade, just 82 of 722 U.S. commuting zones, representing 6.3 percent of the U.S. population, would experience net welfare losses. Other scholars, of course, challenge the China Shock approach and conclusions more broadly.) For Hickory, the USNWR highlights that manufacturing continues to account for most of the area's jobs, yet "the industry is [now] diversified, with plastics, biotechnology and pharmaceuticals playing a bigger role." Moreover, Google and Apple have established data centers in the area, and service‐sector businesses are growing. Recognizing the area's potential, Appalachian State University will open a Hickory‐based campus this August. Coming in second on the same USNWR list is former steel town Youngstown, Ohio, which is "in the midst of a cultural and economic renaissance" driven mainly by service‐sector businesses. So much for being "hollowed out." None of this means, of course, that certain American communities and workers don't face real challenges in today's globalized world. But alleging that trade caused these ills not only ignores the gains that the vast majority of Americans have experienced since the United States opened to the world decades ago, but also distracts from—as Empowering details—"the panoply of federal, state, and local policies that distort markets and thereby raise the cost of health care, childcare, housing, and other necessities; lower workers' total compensation; inhibit their employment, personal improvement, and mobility; and deny them the lives and careers that they actually want (as opposed to the ones DC policymakers think they should want)." Blaming trade for these and other policies' failures might make for a good campaign soundbite, but that doesn't make it any less silly—especially during World Trade Week.
Throughout the history of contemporary feminism, women's presence in the public sphere has been a perennial issue, demanding all sorts of strategies to promote women's inclusion in the economic and political arenas. Starting in the 1980s, feminist scholars in International Relations have questioned the absence of women in the international arena, alongside the pervasive gender hierarchies of the international system. Not only was it that women had been systematically excluded from politics, but the scholarship in IR had largely ignored feminist claims about the gendering of international politics. Largely animated by feminist movements and the nascent feminist debates in IR, the World Conferences on Women (1975, 1980, 1985, and 1995) stressed the paramount need for taking women's demands seriously. Such demands encompassed social, economic, and political domains, echoing decades of feminist struggles in the first, second and third worlds. The United Nations played a crucial role in fostering an agenda of gender equality and women's rights as human rights, which have been a quintessential part of the Millennium Development Goals and, more recently, the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, gender-oriented policies have been promoted in myriad UN agencies and international organisations, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Despite all these efforts purporting to raise awareness about gender equality and women's rights, as well as about the need for more inclusive policies for women in the international arena, women's presence in international fora as leaders has been remarkably low. As for the United Nations, until now no woman has been elected to the organisation's highest post, that of secretary general, and only recently the International Monetary Fund and World Bank have had female managing directors. These sobering results show a different picture of international organisations that promote gender equality as their political and social commitment, whilst failing to comply with the very same discourse when it comes to women's leadership in their formal structures. In this context, the present article aims to assess quantitatively and qualitatively women's presence in leadership roles at the United Nations and international economic organisations (namely, the IMF, WB and World Trade Organisation). It departs from the following research question: What is the current state of affairs of women's participation in the highest posts of the United Nations and the international organizations of the global economic system? Methodologically, we resort to descriptive statistical data of women's presence at various agencies of the United Nations and the aforementioned economic institutions from 1990-2018. Of greatest concern will be those occupying the posts of presidency and vice-presidency. Counting women is a traditional approach in feminist studies in IR, and it is a paramount step in making women count. The second goal of our paper, thus, derives directly from the data: by mapping the few women occupying positions of leadership in international organisations, we can assess the gender structures operating to the disadvantage of women. In order to do so, we resort to feminist theories as developed in political science and IR, for they provide the conceptual tools to provide data with meaning. We focus primarily on how gendered institutions confine women to specific gendered roles that emanate from the private sphere of domesticity. This means that women suffer from various exclusionary dynamics: firstly, they are excluded from leadership roles for the fact of being women; secondly, the few who manage to break through the glass ceiling of a masculine international arena are assigned positions that mimic the elements of the private sphere. Frequently, female leaders are responsible for social issues, childhood, food security, education, and culture, all of which are labeled as soft issues, or belonging to the domain of low politics. Feminist IR scholars have extensively denounced these gendered structures as part of how men preserve their privileges under the framework of hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, we draw on the work of several IR feminists who are concerned with the theoretical questioning and empirical unravelling of such gender hierarchies to interpret our data beyond the mere counting of women. We contend that women in leadership roles in the United Nations and international economic organisations more frequently occupy portfolios that are seen as soft issues or low politics. Likewise, these roles are often associated with the care for others, which reinforces gender roles and hierarchies. Women are more likely to occupy the presidencies and vice-presidencies of agencies such as UNICEF, UNESCO, WFP, and OHCHR, all of which deal with issues associated with childhood, education, culture, food security and human rights. We conclude that an apparent glass ceiling – the invisible barrier that prevents women from reaching higher and more prestigious posts in their professional careers – still remains in international institutions, limiting the participation of women in decision-making fora. The few female leaders who manage to reach the highest posts in the international arena are more likely to be exceptions of a pervasive phenomenon of gender inequality and lack of representativeness. The discourses embraced by the United Nations and international economic organisations fail to meet the minimal criteria for gender parity within these organizations' structures, and even where women have been assigned leadership roles, gender stereotypes still prevail. Further evidence revealed in our research refers to the regional representativeness of the few female leaders in these international organisations: about 55% of them come from Western Europe and North America. Latin American and African women are strongly underrepresented in the United Nations system, as well as in the Bretton Woods institutions, which is itself problematic because the particular perspectives of women from the Global South are also excluded from debates in these international fora. Therefore, international organisations also face the challenge of fostering the diversity of feminist perspectives by developing strategies to include Global South women in their formal structure, ideally as leaders. In this sense, our paper draws attention to the importance of pluralism not only in terms of gender parity, but also of a feminist worldview. In order to make women count in the international arena, the United Nations and international economic organisations have to fully commit themselves to concrete policies for women's inclusion, not only as heads of the institutions, but also in lower hierarchies where policies are designed. Only by acknowledging that women's perspectives matter, can we achieve the goals of gender equality. ; Aunque el debate sobre la presencia femenina en los espacios políticos haya empezado antes de los años setenta del siglo veinte, el contexto de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer profundizó las demandas de las mujeres en distintos dominios, entre ellos la participación en las esferas políticas y de decisión. Las Naciones Unidas han fomentado discursos sobre el empoderamiento de las mujeres y su participación activa en roles políticos, reconociendo que la paridad de género en la política es un objetivo esencial para alcanzar la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la propia organización no cumple su discurso: hasta el presente momento, no hay registros de mujeres que hayan ocupado el cargo de secretaria general y pocas ocupan otros cargos en la organización. Un escenario semejante se observa en las demás organizaciones internacionales, nombradamente las que se ocupan de temas económicos, considerados de alto prestigio en la arena internacional. En este artículo, nuestro objetivo consiste en investigar la presencia femenina en los órganos de Naciones Unidas y organizaciones económicas internacionales. Tal investigación se centra en dos enfoques: por un lado, contabilizamos la presencia feminina en distintos organismos a lo largo de tres décadas, siguiendo un abordaje tradicional de los estudios de género: counting women to make women count; por otro lado, utilizamos los datos recolectados para evaluar cómo las estructuras de género en los organismos internacionales operan en detrimento de las mujeres. Para esto, iniciamos con la siguiente cuestión: ¿Cuál es el actual estado de participación de las mujeres en los más altos cargos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas y de los organismos del sistema económico global? Para responder a esta pregunta, estructuramos en artículo en cuatro secciones. Primeramente, presentamos el contexto de la presencia feminina en las organizaciones internacionales y de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer. Enseguida discutimos los ejes teóricos que informan nuestras interpretaciones. Adoptamos una perspectiva teórica feminista que dialoga con los principales ejes conceptuales manifestados en las disciplinas de Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Política. En la tercera sección, discutimos nuestro diseño metodológico de investigación. En la cuarta sección, presentamos datos estadísticos del sistema de Naciones Unidas y de instituciones económicas internacionales entre 1990-2018 acerca de la participación de las mujeres en los cargos de presidencia y vicepresidencia de órganos y organismos especializados, argumentando que la presencia de mujeres en dichos espacios sigue baja. Las teorías feministas nos permiten evaluar la presencia más allá de los datos cuantitativos, ofreciendo una lectura acerca de los roles esperados de las (pocas) mujeres que ocupan espacios de liderazgo en las organizaciones internacionales. Verificamos que las mujeres suelen ocupar cargos asociados a temas de la baja política y el cuidado, como los asuntos sociales, de infancia y alimentos, lo que refuerza roles y jerarquías de género. Además, los datos demuestran que las pocas mujeres que ocupan estos cargos provienen principalmente de América del Norte y Europa Occidental, lo que per se limita las perspectivas feministas que acceden a las agendas internacionales.
ABSTRAKPenelitian ini mempunyai tujuan untuk mengetahui dampak dari pengungkapan secara dimensi individu laporan Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility (ICSR) terhadap profitabilitas dalam bank umum syariah. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengan metode regresi data panel serta dengan bantuan alat statistik yaitu Eviews 9. Terdapat 10 bank umum syariah di Indonesia pada periode 2016-2020 yang dijadikan sebagai sampel dalam penelitian ini. Pengukuran pengungkapan ICSR dilakukan dengan teknik konten analisis berdasarkan item-item yang mendeskripsikan nilai-nilai Islam pada laporan tahunan bank sehingga menghasilkan indeks pengungkapan Index Social Reporting (ISR). Hasil dari pengujian hipotesis menunjukkan bahwa secara simultan pengungkapan ICSR berpengaruh positif signifikan terhadap profitabilitas bank umum syariah. Secara parsial, pengungkapan dimensi per individu ICSR tidak mempunyai hubungan yang signifikan secara statistik antara dimensi individu ICSR terhadap profitabilitas, kecuali untuk 'komitmen terhadap karyawan', 'komitmen terhadap debitur', dan 'komitmen terhadap komunitas'.Kata Kunci: Pengungkapan, Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility, Profitabilitas, Bank Umum Syariah. ABSTRACTThis study aims to determine the impact of the disclosure of individual dimensions of Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility (ICSR) reports on profitability in Islamic commercial banks. In this study, a quantitative approach was used with the panel data regression method and with the help of a statistical tool, namely Eviews 9. There were 10 Islamic commercial banks in Indonesia in the 2016-2020 period which were used as samples in this study. The measurement of ICSR disclosure is carried out using content analysis techniques based on items that describe Islamic values in the bank's annual report so as to produce a disclosure index of the Index Social Reporting (ISR). The results of hypothesis testing indicate that simultaneously the disclosure of ICSR has a significant positive effect on the profitability of Islamic commercial banks. Partially, the disclosure of individual dimensions of ICSR does not have a statistically significant relationship between individual dimensions of ICSR on profitability, except for 'commitment to employees', 'commitment to debtors', and 'commitment to community'.Keywords: Disclosure, Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility, Profitability, Islamic Commercial Banks.DAFTAR PUSTAKAChariri, A., & Ghozali, I. (2007). Teori akuntansi. Semarang: Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.Ahmad, N. N. N., & Sulaiman, M. (2004). Environment Disclosures in Malaysian Annual Reports: A Legitimacy Theory Perspective. International Journal of Commerce and Management, 14(1), 44-58. https://doi.org/10.1108/10569210480000173Aribi, Z. A., & Arun, T. (2015). Corporate social responsibility and Islamic financial institutions (IFIs): Management perceptions from IFIs in Bahrain. Journal of Business Ethics, 129(4), 785–794.Aribi, Z. A., & Gao, S. S. (2012). Narrative disclosure of corporate social responsibility on Islamic financial institutions. Managerial Auditing Journal, 27(2), 199–222.Arshad, R., Othman, S., & Othman, R. (2012). Islamic corporate social responsibility, corporate reputation and performance. World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology, 64, 1070–1074.Asutay, M. (2007). Conceptualisation of the secondbest solution in overcoming the social failure of Islamic banking and finance: Examining the overpowering of homoislamicus by homoeco- nomicus. IIUM Journal of Economics and Management, 15(2), 167–195.Athanasoglou, P. P., Brissimis, S. N., & Delis, M. D. (2008). Bank- specific, industry-specific and macroeconomic determinants of bank profitability. Journal of International Financial Markets, Institutions and Money, 18, 121–136.Barnett, M. L., & Salomon, R. M. (2012). Does it pay to be really good? Addressing the shape of the relationship between social and financial performance. Strategic Management Journal, 33, 1304–1320.Baydoun, N., & Willet, R. (1997). Islam and accounting: Ethical issues in the presentation of financial information, accounting, commerce and finance. The Islamic Perspective, 1(1), 1-25.Beerli, et al. (2004). A model of customer loyalty in the retail banking market. European Journal of Marketing, vol. 38.Buckingham, G., Gregory, A., & Whittaker, J. (2011). Do markets value corporate social responsibility in the United Kingdom? Retrieved July 17, 2013 from http://business-school.exeter.ac.uk/ documents/papers/finance/2011/1107.pdf.Burke, L. and Logsdon, J. M. (1996). How Corporate Social Responsibility Pays Off. Long Range Planning, 29(4), 495-502. https://doi.org/10.1016/0024-6301(96)00041-6Bourke, P. (1999). Concentration and other determinants of bank profitability in Europe, North America and Australia. Journal of Banking & Finance, 13, 65–79.Chambers, C.L., & Day, R. (2009). The Banking sector and CSR: An unholy alliance. Financial Regulation International, 12(9), 1-7.Chronopoulos, D. K., Liu, H., McMillan, F. J., & Wilson, J. O. S. (2013). The dynamics of US bank profitability. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract=1972835.Demirguc-Kunt, A., & Huizinga, H. (2000). Financial structure and bank profitability. Policy Research Working Paper Series 2430. The World Bank.Donaldson, T., & Preston, L. E. (1995). The stakeholder theory of the corporation: Concepts, evidence, and implications. The Academy of Management Review, 20(1), 65–91.Evangelinos, K.I., Skouloudis, A., Nikolaou, I.E., & Filho, W. L. (2009). An analysis of corporate social responsibility (CSR) and sustainability reporting assessment in the Greek banking sector. In S.O. Idowu & W. L. Filho (Eds.), Professionals' perspectives of corporate social responsibility (pp. 157-177). London, New York: Springer.Farag, H., Mallin C., & Ow-Yong K. (2014). Corporate social responsibility and financial performance in Islamic banks. Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 103(July 2014), S21-S38. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2014.03.001.Fishman, R., Heal, G., & Nair, V. (2005). Corporate social responsibility: Doing well by doing good? Working Paper. University of Pennsylvania.Fitria, Soraya., & Hartanti. (2010). Islam dan tanggung jawab sosial: Studi perbandingan pengungkapan berdasarkan global reporting initiative indeks dan Islamic social reporting indeks. Simposium Nasional Akuntansi XIII, Purwokerto.Gao, L., & Zhang, J. (2013). Firms' earnings smoothing, corporate social responsibilities, and valuation. Journal of Corporate Finance, 32(June 2015), 108-127Ghozali, I. (2007). Manajemen risiko perbankan. Semarang: Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.Gray, et al. (1995). Accounting and accountability: Changes and challenges in corporate social and environment reporting. London: Prentice Hall Europe.Haniffa, R., & Hudaib, M. (2007). Exploring the ethical identity of Islamic banks. Journal of Business Ethics, 76, 97–116.Hassan, M. K., Rashid, M., Imran, Md Y, & Shahid, A. I. (2010). Ethical gaps and market value in the Islamic banks of Bangladesh. Review of Islamic Economics, 14(1), 49–75.Hillman, A. J., & Keim, G. D. (2001). Shareholder value, stakeholder management, and social issues: What's the bottom line? Strategic Management Journal, 22, 125–139.Juliansyah, N. (2011). Metode penelitian kualitatif. Jakarta: Kencana Prenada Media Group.Kapopoulos, P., & Lazaretou, S. (2007). Corporate ownership structure and firm performance: Evidence from Greek firms. Corporate Governance: An International Review, 15(2), 144–158.Kementrian Agama Republik Indonesia. (2021). Al Qur'an dan terjemahannya. Jakarta: Kemenag RI.Kosmidou, K. (2008). The determinants of banks' profits in Greece during the period of EU financial integration. Managerial Finance, 34(3), 146–159.Kuncoro, M. (2011). Metode kuantitatif. Yogyakarta: Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Manajemen YKPN.Maali, B., Casson, P., and Napier, C. (2013). Social reporting by Islamic banks. Abacus, 42(2): 266-289.Mahoney, L., & Roberts, R. W. (2007). Corporate social performance, financial performance and institutional ownership in Canadian firms. Accounting Forum, 31, 233–253.Mahoney, L., & Thorne, L. (2005). Corporate social responsibility and long-term compensation: Evidence from Canada. Journal of Business Ethics, 57(3), 241–253.Makni, R., Francoeur, C., & Bellavance, F. (2009). Causality between corporate social performance and financial performance: Evidence from Canadian firms. Journal of Business Ethics, 89, 409–422.Mallin, C., Farag, H., & Ow-Yong, K. (2014). Corporate social responsibility and financial performance in Islamic banks. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 103, S21–S38.Sulaiman, Maliah. (2010). Tessting A Model of Islamic Corporate financial Reports: Some Experimental Evidence. The International Islamic University Malaysia. IIUM Journal of Economics and Management, 9(2), 115-39.Marom, I. Y. (2006). Toward a unified theory of the CSP–CFP link. Journal of Business Ethics, 67, 191–200.McGuire, J. B., Sundgren, A., & Schneeweis, T. (2008). Corporate social responsibility and firm financial performance. Academy of Management Journal, 21, 854–872.Meutia, Inten. (2010). Shariah enterprise theory sebagai dasar pengungkapan tanggung jawab sosial untuk bank syariah. Disertasi tidak diterbitkan. Malang: Universitas Brawijaya.Platonova, E., Asutay M., Dixon R., & Mohammad S. (2018). The impact of corporate social responsibility disclosure on financial performance: Evidence from the GCC Islamic banking sector. Journal Business Ethics, 151, 451-471. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-016- 3229-0.Prabowo, R. (2015). Analisis beban kerja untuk menentukan jumlah karyawan optimal (Studi kasus: PT. Sanjayatama Lestari Surabaya). Skripsi tidak diterbitkan. Surabaya: ITATS.Preston, L. E., & O'Bannon, D. P. (1995). The corporate social financial performance relationship: A typology and analysis. Business Society, 36, 419–429.Purwanto, A. (2011). Pengaruh tipe industri, ukuran perusahaan, profitabilitas, terhadap corporate social responsibility. Jurnal Akuntansi & Auditing, 8(1), 1-94.Roberts, R. W. (2012). Determinants of corporate social responsibility disclosure: An application of stakeholder theory. Accounting, Organisations and Society, 17(6), 595-612.Scholtens, B. (2009). Corporate social responsibility in the international banking industry. Journal of Business Ethics, 86, 159-175.Simpson, W. G., & Kohers, T. (2002). The link between corporate social and financial performance: Evidence from the banking industry. Journal of Business Ethics, 35, 97–109.Short, B. K. (1999). The relation between commercial bank profit rates and banking concentration in Canada, Western Europe and Japan. Journal of Banking and Finance, 3, 209–219.Steers, R., & Porter, L. W. (2011). Motivation and work behavior, New. York: Academic Press.Untung, H. B. (2008). Corporate social responsibility. Jakarta: Sinar Grafika.Waddock, S. A., & Graves, S. B. (1997). The corporate social performance—financial performance link. Strategic Management Journal, 18(4), 303–319.
The issue of minority rights protection has been actively implemented in international legal practice at the United Nations and the Council of Europe levels since the 1990s. The problem of political representation of minority interests began regulating at the level of Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe with the establishment of the High Commissioner on National Minorities office. At the level of this institution with international experts participation were developed the next documents: the Lund Recommendations on the Effective Participation of National Minorities in Political Life (1999), the Warsaw Guidelines to Assist National Minority Participation in the Electoral Process (2001), the Bolzano/Bozen Recommendations on National Minorities in Inter-State Relations (2008), the Ljubljana Guidelines on Integration of Diverse Societies (2012), the Graz Recommendations on Access to Justice and National Minorities (2017), etc.The purpose of article is to highlight the international legal framework for ensuring the effective political representation of minority ethnic groups and the practice of their implementation in European countries. The author has analyzed three levels of political representation of minority ethnic groups: 1) central (nationwide); 2) regional and local (self-government); 3) advisory (consultative).During the XX – early XXI centuries the institution of ethnic party became established from the multi-ethnic areas of Western Europe to the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe. The electoral system should facilitate minority representation and influence. Where minorities are concentrated territorially, single-member districts may provide sufficient minority representation (Italy, Albania, etc.). Proportional representation systems, where a political party's share in the national vote is reflected in its share of the legislative seats, may assist in the representation of minorities (Finland, Slovakia, etc.). Some forms of preference voting, where voters rank candidates in order of choice, may facilitate minority representation and promote inter-communal cooperation (Bosnia and Herzegovina). Lower numerical thresholds for representation in the legislature may enhance the inclusion of national minorities in governance (Poland, Serbia, etc.). A number of European countries (Croatia, Slovenia, Romania, Hungary, etc.) use a reserved number of seats in one or both chambers of parliament or in parliamentary committees. Ethnic minority representation at the government level is realized through the establishment of specialized central executive bodies, which are usually represented in the structure of culture and education ministries. Representatives of ethnic minorities are involved in these government institutions. The Republic of Croatia has a positive experience of ethnic minority representation in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies.Effective ethnic minority participation is realized through the functional system of local self-governments, which are formed on territorial and non-territorial levels. A number of European ethnic communities have the territorial autonomies (Italy, Spain, France, Denmark, Finland, Moldova) owing to the processes of regionalization and decentralization. The corporative model of minority non-territorial autonomy is represented by so-called Sámi Parliaments in northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. The personal model of minority non-territorial autonomy is the most common in the world. It is provided through non-governmental organizations. Advisory (consultative) bodies functionate as a channel for dialogue between government and ethnic communities for protection of education, linguistic and cultural rights. They are formed at the Government (Austria) and President (Ukraine) levels as well.Given the European states experience, the following aspects of minority representation should be improved: 1) re-establishment Hungarian and Romanian single-member districts; 2) review of legislative norms regarding the principles of ethnic party institutionalization; 3) application of open-list proportional representation for minority parties in the regions of Ukraine with a multi-ethnic population. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення. ; Починаючи з 1990-х років питання захисту прав етнічних, мовних і релігійних меншин активно впроваджується в міжнародно-правову практику на рівні ООН та Ради Європи. Однією з важливих постала проблема політичного представництва інтересів меншин, яка починає регулюватися на рівні ОБСЄ з запровадженням посади Верховного Комісара у справах національних меншин. На рівні цієї інституції за участі міжнародних експертів вироблені Лундські рекомендації про ефективну участь національних меншин у суспільно-політичному житті (1999), Варшавські рекомендації щодо сприяння участі національних меншин у виборчому процесі (2001), Больцанські/Боценські рекомендації щодо національних меншин у міждержавних відносинах (2008), Люблянські рекомендації щодо інтеграції різноманітних суспільств (2012), Грацькі рекомендації щодо доступу до правосуддя і національних меншин (2017) та ін.Метою статті є висвітлення міжнародно-правового формату забезпечення ефективного політичного представництва інтересів етнічних меншин та практики їх застосування в європейських країнах. Автор розглядає три рівні політичного представництва міноритарних етнічних груп: 1) центральний (загальнодержавний); 2) регіональний та локальний (самоврядування); 3) дорадчий (консультативний).У контексті аналізу політичного представництва етнічних меншин важливу роль займає інститут етнополітичної партії. Впродовж XX – початку XXI ст. він розширив свій ареал із поліетнічних регіонів Західної Європи до країн Центральної та Південо-Східної Європи. Справедливому представництву етнічних меншин у органах влади сприяє створення одномандатних округів (Італія, Албанія та ін.), пропорційна виборча система (Фінляндія, Словаччина та ін.), преференційне голосування (Австралія), зниження відсоткового бар'єру для проходження до парламенту етнополітичних партій (Польща, Сербія та ін.). Ряд країн Європи (Боснія і Герцеговина, Косово, Хорватія, Словенія, Румунія, Угорщина) застосовують практику резервування місць у парламенті для організацій етнічних громад. Представництво меншин на рівні уряду реалізується шляхом створення спеціальних органів центральної виконавчої влади, які зазвичай представлені в структурі міністерств культури та освіти. До роботи в цих урядових інституціях залучаються представники етнічних груп. Позитивний досвід репрезентації етнічних меншин у судових і правоохоронних органах має Республіка Хорватія.Ефективна політична участь та представництво у владі етнічних меншин реалізується через функціональну систему місцевого самоврядування, яка створюється на екстериторіальній та територіальній основі. Корпоративна модель екстериторіальної автономії меншин представлена так званими саамськими парламентами на півночі Норвегії, Швеції, Фінляндії та Росії. Найбільш розповсюджна у світі персональна модель екстериторіальної автономії етнічних меншин забезпечується шляхом створення неурядових організацій. Завдяки процесам регіоналізації та децентралізації ряд етнічних громад Європи мають статус національно-територіальних автономій (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Данія, Фінляндія, Молдова). Дорадчі (консультативні) органи слугують каналами для діалогу між державною владою та етнічними громадами в питаннях використання земельних ресурсів, житла, захисту освітніх, мовних і культурних прав. Вони формуються як на рівні уряду (Австрія), так на рівні президентської влади (Україна).Враховуючи досвід цих держав, потребують вдосконалення наступні аспекти політичної репрезентації етнічних меншин: 1) відновлення адміністративних меж угорськомовного та румунськомовного виборчих одномандатних округів; 2) перегляд законодавчої норми щодо принципів інституціоналізації етнополітичних партій; 3) застосування на регіональному та локальному рівнях пропорційної системи відкритих списків із можливістю репрезентації партій меншин у регіонах України з поліетнічним складом населення.
According to the goals and objectives of the Global Strategy for Plant Conservation for 2011–2020 studying and monitoring the rare component of regional floras is highly relevant. This article presents the results of a nature conservation study of the flora of the Desna Plateau (Кrolevets' and Hlukhiv geobotanic region), situated in the northeast part of Ukraine at the border line of two geomorphological regions (the Central Russian Upland and the Polesia-Dnipro lowland) and of two physical-geographical zones (Novhorod-Sivers`ke Polesia and the Sums`ky forest-steppe. In the orographic aspect, the territory is made up of the western spurs of the Central Russian Upland with the dissectioned forms of the relief. The studied area consists of about 4000 km2. Field route studies aimed at compiling floral lists, geobotanical description and herbarizing were conducted in the period 2002–2016. Separate sites of nature conservation interest were re-examined in different seasonal periods. The basis of the annotated summary of the rare species of vascular plant flora is made up by the materials of original research, as well as herbarium (KW) and literary reviews. The complex floristic analysis of the rare component of the regional flora was carried out in cameral conditions, which made it possible to identify the systematic, geographical, ecological, phytocenological and nature conservation structures of the rare species of vascular plant flora in the investigated area. According to the data received, the total number of species of vascular plants endangered by anthropogenic impact is composed of 85 species belonging to 32 families, 54 genera. Among the families, the following predominate: Orchidaceae (14 genera), Asteraceae, Ranunculaceae (8 genera in each), Iridaceae (5), Aspidiaceae, Cyperaceae (4 genera in each). Among the genera, the following predominate – Carex (4 species); Dryopteris, Orchis, Iris, Jurinea – 3 species in each. It was concluded that among the rare species there are plant species of different physical and geographical zones and this corresponds to the ecotone location of the region. Among species at the edge of their range, 14 are on the extreme northern border of their typical range (Linum flavum L., Carex rhizina Blytt ex Lindb., Centaurea ruthenica Lam., Trinia multicaulis Schishk, Aster amellus L., Galatella linosyris (L.) Rchb. f., Stipa tirsa Steven), 7 species are found on the southern border of their range (Cypripedium calceolus L., Pedicularis sceptrum-carolinum L., Parnassia palustris L., Lycopodium annotinum L., 4 species (Anemone nemorosa L., Salix myrsinifolia Salisb., Galanthus nivalis L., Gladiolus imbricatus L. are found on the eastern border of their distribution. The nature conservation structure includes 4 species from the Bern Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill s.l., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess) Bess); 3species from the supplement to the CITES Convention (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27species from the Red Book of Ukraine (Lilium martagon L., Allium ursinum L., Neottia nidus-avis (L.) Rich, Stipa pennata L.), 49 species from Sumy region rare species list (Clematis recta L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Eremogone saxatilis (L.) Ikonn., Drosera rotundifolia L., Pedicularis kaufmannii Pinzg., Carex limosa L., C.umbrosa Host.). In addition, we suggest including into this list Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T.minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. It was found that among the rare species of the region mesophytes predominate and they are confined to meadow and forest habitats. To a lesser extent, xeromesophytes and xerophytes of meadow-steppe, as well as hygrophytes and hydrophytes of shoreline and water habitats are represented. The nature reserve fund of the region was analyzed according to the methodology of assessing the nature reserves by botanical value priority criteria. To optimize the region's nature reserve fund, a rationale for creating a landscape reserve of local significance "Zvenyhorods'ky" with a total area of 2,000 hectares was compiled, giving it the status of a regional biodiversity centre. ; 37 Придеснянське плато розташоване у північно-східній частині України на межі двох геоморфологічних районів (Середньоруської височини та Полісько-Дніпровської низовини), а також двох фізико-географічних зон (Новгород-Сіверського Полісся та Сумського підвищеного Лісостепу). Екотонне розташування регіону зумовлює досить строкату картину природних умов, ґрунтів, флористичних комплексів, типів рослинності, що становить значний інтерес у плані вивчення та збереження фіторізноманіття. За геоботанічним районуванням територія регіону дослідження площею 4000 км2 належить до Кролевецько-Глухівського геоботанічного району мішаних лісів дубово-ліщинових. Заадміністративним районуванням включає Кролевецький, Глухівський, Путивльський райони Сумської області. Проведені у період 2002–2006 рр. польові маршрутні дослідження зі складанням флористичних списків, геоботанічних описів, гербаризацією рослин дозволили встановити флористичний склад території, виявити найцінніші у фітосозологічному плані ділянки. У період 2006–2016 років проведено моніторингові дослідження раритетної компоненти флори в різні сезонні періоди. На території регіону зростають 85 рідкісних видів судинних рослин із 54 родів 32 родин. У результаті географічного аналізу виявлено 14 примежово-ареальних видів рослин, що цілком відповідає екотонному розташуванню регіону. За екологічною та еколого-фітоценологічною структурою у флорі рідкісних видів переважають мезофіти лучних та лісових місцезростань. Вагома частка ксеромезофітів і ксерофітів, приурочених до лучно-степових ділянок у місцях близького залягання до денної поверхні крейдяних відкладів. У созологічній структурі флори представлено чотири види з переліку таксонів Бернської конвенції про охорону дикої флори та фауни та природних середовищ існування в Європі (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess.) Bess.), три види з Додатка Конвенції CITES (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27 видів із переліку Червоної книги України, 49 видів із списку охорони рослин Сумської області. Проведено аналіз природно-заповідної мережі території Придеснянського плато за пріоритетними критеріями ботанічної цінності відповідно до методики оцінювання мереж природно-заповідних територій. Найнижчі показники ландшафтної репрезентативності має територія Глухівського району, де частка природно-заповідних територій у загальній площі району складає 3,5%. Запропоновано охороняти на цій території Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T. minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. Підготовлено обґрунтування для створення ландшафтного заказника місцевого значення «Звенигородський» (2000 га). Заказник розташований у межах долини р. Клевень, яка межує з прилеглими територіями Росії та у перспективі може увійти до складу транскордонних природно-заповідних територій. ; 37 Придеснянське плато розташоване у північно-східній частині України на межі двох геоморфологічних районів (Середньоруської височини та Полісько-Дніпровської низовини), а також двох фізико-географічних зон (Новгород-Сіверського Полісся та Сумського підвищеного Лісостепу). Екотонне розташування регіону зумовлює досить строкату картину природних умов, ґрунтів, флористичних комплексів, типів рослинності, що становить значний інтерес у плані вивчення та збереження фіторізноманіття. За геоботанічним районуванням територія регіону дослідження площею 4000 км2 належить до Кролевецько-Глухівського геоботанічного району мішаних лісів дубово-ліщинових. Заадміністративним районуванням включає Кролевецький, Глухівський, Путивльський райони Сумської області. Проведені у період 2002–2006 рр. польові маршрутні дослідження зі складанням флористичних списків, геоботанічних описів, гербаризацією рослин дозволили встановити флористичний склад території, виявити найцінніші у фітосозологічному плані ділянки. У період 2006–2016 років проведено моніторингові дослідження раритетної компоненти флори в різні сезонні періоди. На території регіону зростають 85 рідкісних видів судинних рослин із 54 родів 32 родин. У результаті географічного аналізу виявлено 14 примежово-ареальних видів рослин, що цілком відповідає екотонному розташуванню регіону. За екологічною та еколого-фітоценологічною структурою у флорі рідкісних видів переважають мезофіти лучних та лісових місцезростань. Вагома частка ксеромезофітів і ксерофітів, приурочених до лучно-степових ділянок у місцях близького залягання до денної поверхні крейдяних відкладів. У созологічній структурі флори представлено чотири види з переліку таксонів Бернської конвенції про охорону дикої флори та фауни та природних середовищ існування в Європі (Dracocephalum ruyschiana L., Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill., Salvinia natans L., Ostericum palustre (Bess.) Bess.), три види з Додатка Конвенції CITES (Adonis vernalis L., Cypripedium calceolus L., Orchis militaris L.), 27 видів із переліку Червоної книги України, 49 видів із списку охорони рослин Сумської області. Проведено аналіз природно-заповідної мережі території Придеснянського плато за пріоритетними критеріями ботанічної цінності відповідно до методики оцінювання мереж природно-заповідних територій. Найнижчі показники ландшафтної репрезентативності має територія Глухівського району, де частка природно-заповідних територій у загальній площі району складає 3,5%. Запропоновано охороняти на цій території Sanquisorba officinalis L., Briza media L., Beckmania eruciformis (L.) Host., Melica nutans L., Coronilla varia L., Salvia nutans L., Scilla siberica Haw., Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv., Valeriana officinalis L., Vincetoxicum hirundinaria Medic., Menyanthes trifoliata L., Hesperis matronalis L., Naumburgia thyrsiflora (L.) Rchb., Thalictrum aquilegifolium L., T. minus L., Verbascum nigrum L., Polygonatum multiflorum (L.) All. Підготовлено обґрунтування для створення ландшафтного заказника місцевого значення «Звенигородський» (2000 га). Заказник розташований у межах долини р. Клевень, яка межує з прилеглими територіями Росії та у перспективі може увійти до складу транскордонних природно-заповідних територій.
What is the difference between a library and a company? This question has given rise to a heated debate, with numerous points of view.However, it is indisputable that while the former moves within the ambit of culture and the limbo of the public body, the latter is subject to the laws of the market. If we then add the legitimate, admirable aspiration of local libraries to continue to promote society's cultural democratisation, these two positions appear irreconcilable. These are the considerations underlying the present project vision of the Consorzio Sistema bibliotecario nord-ovest (North-west Library System Consortium).The consortium, which is based at Novate Milanese and was established in 1997 on the ashes of the CBS (Library Services Centre, 1983-1986), and Intersistema bibliotecario (Library Intersystem, 1986-1996), is taking its first steps in the increasing turbulent and varied panorama of public libraries and of Italy's public administration. In this climate of great legislative, technical and scientific innovation, the member administrations chose to create not a services consortium, but rather a special company with economic, entrepreneurial importance. Combined with the climate of great change found in public bodies for some years now, this allows the Consortium to take a fresh view of the world of libraries, experimenting innovative solutions which in some cases infuriate the librarian community but whose final objective is the conscious and, as far as feasible, financially autonomous management of the services. There is in fact a consensus that value means freedom, independence and autonomy from third parties in one's own choices.The concepts the consortium seeks to develop have been "borrowed" from corporate economics and management and re-worked for the reality of the local libraries. How-ever, the intent is not to deny the role and primary function of the public and local libraries, as defined in the Unesco Manifesto and by professional laws and literature, but instead to ascertain if the public local library can now also occupy new, still to be experimented ambits.The consortium has sought to think differently, to establish the possibility of passing from theory inspired by economic and managerial logics to practical realisation. At times, it was solely an exercise, i.e., of learning to think of the library as a company which is therefore subject to all the laws, often harsh, which determine its survival on the market. Considerable importance has therefore been given to the economic concept of innovation, i.e., to the fact that, even when scarce, resources can be used with techniques and methodologies that multiply their usefulness. The underlying philosophy is that the Consortium no longer belongs to the ambit of the public body, understood as a secure place where it is difficult even to realise that the wrong strategy has been followed, because of the absence of checks: those who make mistakes do not pay for them.The "exercise" was not an end in itself, because sooner or later, above all in situations of economic crisis, it is perhaps necessary to actually conclude the metamorphosis from public body to private company.The paper first illustrates the "progress" of the Consortium's activities and continues with a series of hypothetical reasonings and points for further discussion vis-à-vis the various innovative possibilities espied. Some diagrams which describe the Consortium's data, history and institutional set-up are also included to facilitate comprehension. ; Che differenza c'è tra una biblioteca pubblica e un'azienda? La domanda è causa di un dibattito appassionato, dai molteplici risvolti e punti di vista. Un elemento che però è sembrato indiscutibile al Consorzio Sistema bibliotecario nord-ovest è che nel primo caso ci si muove nell'ambito dell'ente pubblico, mentre nel secondo, se si vuole esistere, si deve sottostare alle leggi del mercato. Il Consorzio, con sede a Novate Milanese, si è sviluppato su un progetto di cooperazione tra biblioteche a partire dal 1983 ed è approdato all'attuale forma istituzionale nel 1997. La scelta delle amministrazioni aderenti non è stata quella di creare un consorzio di servizi, ma un'azienda speciale con rilevanza economico-imprenditoriale. L'obiettivo finale è la gestione consapevole e, per quanto possibile, autonoma in senso finanziario, dei servizi, basata sulla convinzione che economicità significhi libertà, autonomia, e non dipendere da terzi nelle proprie scelte.I concetti utilizzati sono stati "presi in prestito" dall'economia aziendale e dal management di impresa e rielaborati rispetto alla realtà delle biblioteche di base. Non si è inteso però in alcun modo negare il ruolo e la funzione primaria della biblioteca pubblica di base, come definito dal Manifesto Unesco, dalle leggi e dalla letteratura professionale: si è inteso invece verificare se la biblioteca pubblica di base può ora occupare anche nuovi ambiti, non ancora sperimentati.Si è trattato a volte anche solo di un esercizio, cioè di imparare a pensare alla biblioteca come a un'azienda, che debba quindi sottostare a tutte le leggi, spesso feroci, che determinano la sua sopravvivenza sul mercato.Grande importanza si è data quindi al concetto economico di innovazione, cioè al fatto che le risorse, anche quando scarse, possono essere usate con tecniche e metodologie che ne moltiplicano l'utilità. L'"esercizio" non è stato fine a se stesso, poiché prima o poi, soprattutto in situazioni di crisi economica, forse ci si troverà costretti a concludere davvero la metamorfosi da ente pubblico ad azienda privata.L'attuale livello di attività del Consorzio si innesta sull'importanza della massa critica raggiunta, costituita dall'ampiezza del territorio interessato (288 Kmq), dal numero di abitanti coinvolti (681.000) e dal notevole numero di biblioteche aderenti (37). Il numero degli abitanti non è il solo elemento importante per poter pensare a nuove strategie. Ciò che fa la differenza è probabilmente la forma giuridica innovativa del Consorzio, cioè lo statuto di azienda speciale, che coniuga partecipazione e flessibilità: le regole sono diverse da quelle in vigore nella pubblica amministrazione.Per quanto concerne gli acquisti, la direzione del Consorzio si sta orientando verso il coordinamento degli acquisti, che si ispiri a due concetti ritenuti fondamentali: l'investimento produttivo e l'acquisto consapevole. Ci si sta domandando quando l'acquisto di un libro, o meglio di un documento, può essere ritenuto un investimento produttivo. Non si può più in alcun modo prescindere dalla doverosa preoccupazione di gestire le risorse in modo economico e funzionale agli interessi del proprio cliente, cioè l'utenza sia reale che potenziale. L'azienda/consorzio, pensando come in un'impresa privata, è consapevole dell'importanza del principio di razionalità economica, prioritario per la sua sopravvivenza: è quindi d'importanza vitale un uso ottimale delle risorse, evitando nel modo più assoluto forme di spreco. Si è così orientata la riflessione dall'acquisto coordinato all'acquisto consapevole, progettando a questo proposito strumenti adatti ad aiutare nella decisione. La scelta ritenuta più opportuna è la progettazione e lo sviluppo di strumenti software, che si richiamino ai "sistemi esperti", intesi come strumenti informatici di ausilio all'assunzione di decisioni. Sarebbero centralizzate solo alcune attività "stupide" rispetto agli acquisti, quali alcune procedure amministrative, il trattamento del libro, la produzione di etichette, cioè la parte meno professionale del lavoro.Per quanto concerne la catalogazione, si ritiene che i tempi siano maturi per la nascita di un'agenzia anche privata, che effettui la catalogazione delle novità, in collaborazione con distributori librari. Per tutti i documenti che sono in commercio e non sono novità, la rete SBN e altre reti possono supplire al servizio di catalogazione in proprio. Si è inoltre convinti che occorra effettuare una profonda riflessione sull'ambito della catalogazione semantica, rispetto alla produzione di abstracts, all'indicizzazione e alle possibilità innovative che in questi ambiti può offrire l'informatica.Per quanto concerne la gestione del patrimonio e la sua messa a disposizione, si sta riflettendo sull'applicazione del modello tedesco della biblioteca a tre livelli al territorio del Consorzio e si stanno analizzando le possibilità di distribuzione dei documenti offerti dalla tecnologie. Si sta pensando di far ricorso a strumenti di valutazione che facciano riferimento alla valutazione in itinere.Per quanto concerne invece i nuovi ambiti in cui il Consorzio sta pensando di sperimentarsi, essi riguardano tre differenti aree:A) Servizi tipici - core business B) Canale avente una duplice articolazione: a) pubblicitario b) di vendita di prodotti e serviziC) Economie di scala e di servizi. Nell'ambito dei servizi tipici (core business) si sta affrontando il tema del reference evoluto, quello della business information e il dibattito sui servizi a pagamento.Un altro aspetto che si sta prendendo in considerazione è quello della vendita della capacità del Consorzio di organizzare l'informazione ad altri soggetti economici, quali librerie, videoteche, negozi di musica: il Consorzio sta teorizzando di utilizzare le biblioteche aderenti nella loro potenzialità di canale. Si stanno cercando per questo soluzioni amministrative e giuridiche adatte. Quello che può cambiare il grado di interesse dei potenziali collaboratori è la notevole dimensione territoriale assunta dal Consorzio. In questo senso, in continuità con quanto illustrato precedentemente, le biblioteche possono aspirare a raggiungere una dimensione tale da renderle massa critica rilevante ai fini degli investimenti pubblicitari. Che in strutture culturali possano convivere con reciproco vantaggio aspetti "intellettuali" e aspetti "commerciali" è comunque già dimostrato dalla felice esperienza degli shops nei musei e nelle gallerie d'arte.
PMCID: PMC3319317.-- et al. ; [Background]: Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) identified variants at 19p13.1 and ZNF365 (10q21.2) as risk factors for breast cancer among BRCA1 and BRCA2 mutation carriers, respectively. We explored associations with ovarian cancer and with breast cancer by tumor histopathology for these variants in mutation carriers from the Consortium of Investigators of Modifiers of BRCA1/2 (CIMBA). [Methods]: Genotyping data for 12,599 BRCA1 and 7,132 BRCA2 mutation carriers from 40 studies were combined. [Results]: We confirmed associations between rs8170 at 19p13.1 and breast cancer risk for BRCA1 mutation carriers [HR, 1.17; 95% confidence interval (CI), 1.07-1.27; P = 7.42 × 10(-4)] and between rs16917302 at ZNF365 (HR, 0.84; 95% CI, 0.73-0.97; P = 0.017) but not rs311499 at 20q13.3 (HR, 1.11; 95% CI, 0.94-1.31; P = 0.22) and breast cancer risk for BRCA2 mutation carriers. Analyses based on tumor histopathology showed that 19p13 variants were predominantly associated with estrogen receptor (ER)-negative breast cancer for both BRCA1 and BRCA2 mutation carriers, whereas rs16917302 at ZNF365 was mainly associated with ER-positive breast cancer for both BRCA1 and BRCA2 mutation carriers. We also found for the first time that rs67397200 at 19p13.1 was associated with an increased risk of ovarian cancer for BRCA1 (HR, 1.16; 95% CI, 1.05-1.29; P = 3.8 × 10(-4)) and BRCA2 mutation carriers (HR, 1.30; 95% CI, 1.10-1.52; P = 1.8 × 10(-3)). [Conclusions]: 19p13.1 and ZNF365 are susceptibility loci for ovarian cancer and ER subtypes of breast cancer among BRCA1 and BRCA2 mutation carriers. [Impact]: These findings can lead to an improved understanding of tumor development and may prove useful for breast and ovarian cancer risk prediction for BRCA1 and BRCA2 mutation carriers. ; This research was supported by NIH grant CA128978, an NCI Specialized Program of Research Excellence (SPORE) in Breast Cancer (CA116201), a U.S. Department of Defence Ovarian Cancer Idea award (W81XWH-10-1-0341), and grants from the Breast Cancer Research Foundation and the Komen Foundation for the Cure. This work was also supported by Cancer Research UK (CR-UK) grants C12292/A11174 and C1287/A10118. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement no. 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175). Support was also provided by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research for the "CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer" program and by the Canadian Breast Cancer Research Alliance-grant #019511. ; A.C. Antoniou is a CR-UK Senior Cancer Research Fellow. D.F. Easton is CR-UK Principal Research Fellow. G. Chenevix-Trench6 is a NHMRC Senior Principal Research Fellow. BFBOCC was supported by the Research Council of Lithuania grant LIG-19/2010 to R. Janavicius. BMBSA was supported by grants from the Cancer Association of South Africa (CANSA) to E.J. van Rensburg. BCFR was supported by the National Cancer Institute, NIH under RFA-CA-06-503 and through cooperative agreements with members of the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR) and Principal Investigators, including Cancer Care Ontario (U01 CA69467), Columbia University (U01 CA69398), Fox Chase Cancer Center (U01 CA69631), Huntsman Cancer Institute (U01 CA69446), Cancer Prevention Institute of California (formerly the Northern California Cancer Center; U01 CA69417), University of Melbourne (U01 CA69638), and Research Triangle Institute Informatics Support Center (RFP No. N02PC45022-46). CBCS was supported by The Neye Foundation. CNIO was partially supported by Fundación Mutua Madrileña, Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FIS PI08 1120), and the Basque Foundation for Health Innovation and Research (BIOEF): BIO07/CA/006. CONSIT TEAM was supported by grants from Ministero della Salute (Extraordinary National Cancer Program 2006 "Alleanza contro il Cancro" to L. Varesco and P. Radice, and "Progetto Tumori Femminili" to P. Radice), Ministero dell'Universita' e Ricerca (RBLAO3-BETH to P. Radice), Fondazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro (Special Project "Hereditary tumors" to P. Radice), Associazione Italiana per la Ricerca sul Cancro (4017 to P. Pujol), and by funds from Italian citizens who allocated the 5 × 1,000 share of their tax payment in support of the Fondazione IRCCS Istituto Nazionale Tumori, according to Italian laws (INT-Institutional strategic projects "5 × 1000"). ; The DKFZ study was supported by funds from the DKFZ. EMBRACE was supported by CR-UK Grants C1287/A10118 and C1287/A11990. D.G. Evans and Fiona Lalloo were supported by an NIHR grant to the Biomedical Research Centre, Manchester, UK. The Investigators at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust were supported by an NIHR grant to the Biomedical Research Centre at The Institute of Cancer Research and The Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust. R.A. Eeles, Elizabeth Bancroft, and Lucia D'Mello were supported by CR-UK Grant C5047/A8385. GC-HBOC was supported by a grant of the German Cancer Aid (grant 109076) and by the Centre of Molecular Medicine Cologne (CMMC). The GEMO study was supported by the Ligue National Contre le Cancer; Association for International Cancer Research Grant (AICR-07-0454); and the Association "Le cancer du sein, parlons-en!" Award. The Georgetown study was supported by the Familial Cancer Registry at Georgetown University (NIH/NCI grant P30-CA051008), the Cancer Genetics Network (HHSN261200744000C), and Swing Fore the Cure. GOG was supported through funding provided by both intramural (Clinical Genetics Branch, DCEG) and extramural (Community Oncology and Prevention Trials Program—COPTRG) NCI programs. K. Phillips is the Cancer Council Victoria, Colebatch Clinical Research Fellow. HEBCS was supported by the Helsinki University Central Hospital Research Fund, Academy of Finland (132473), the Finnish Cancer Society, and the Sigrid Juselius Foundation. The HEBON study was supported by the Dutch Cancer Society grants NKI1998-1854, NKI2004-3088, NKI2007-3756, and the ZonMW grant 91109024. HUNBOCS was supported by the Hungarian Research Grant KTIA-OTKA CK-80745. ICO was supported by Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer, Spanish Health Research Fund; Carlos III Health Institute; Catalan Health Institute and Autonomous Government of Catalonia; contract grant numbers ISCIIIRETIC RD06/0020/1051, PI10/01422, PI10/31488, and 2009SGR290. IHCC was supported by a Polish Foundation of Science award to K. Jaworska, a fellow of International PhD program, Postgraduate School of Molecular Medicine, Warsaw Medical University. ILUH was supported by the Icelandic Association "Walking for Breast Cancer Research" and by the Landspitali University Hospital Research Fund. ; INHERIT was supported with J. Simard, Chairholder of the Canada Research Chair in Oncogenetics. IOVHBOCS was supported by Ministero dell'Istruzione, dell'Università e della Ricerca (MIUR), and "Ministero della Salute" ("Progetto Tumori Femminili and grant numbers RFPS 2006-5-341353, ACC2/R6.9"). kConFab was supported by grants from the National Breast Cancer Foundation, the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), and by the Queensland Cancer Fund, the Cancer Councils of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia, and the Cancer Foundation of Western Australia. The kConFab Clinical Follow-Up Study was funded by the NHMRC [145684, 288704, 454508]. A.-B. Skytte is supported by a NHMRC Senior Research Fellowship. A.K. Godwin was funded by U01CA69631, 5U01CA113916, and the Eileen Stein Jacoby Fund while at FCCC. The author acknowledges support from The University of Kansas Cancer Center and the Kansas Bioscience Authority Eminent Scholar Program. A.K. Godwin is the Chancellors Distinguished Chair in Biomedical Sciences endowed Professor. The McGill study was supported by the Jewish General Hospital Weekend to End Breast Cancer. M. Thomassen holds a Fonds de la Recherche en Santé du Québec clinician-scientist award. The MSKCC study was supported by the Starr Cancer Consortium, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, the Norman and Carol Stone Cancer Research Initiative, the Kate and Robert Niehaus Clinical Cancer Research Initiative, the Lymphoma Foundation, and the Sabin Family Research Initiative. The NCI study was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the U.S. National Cancer Institute and by support services contracts NO2-CP-11019-50 and N02-CP-65504 with Westat, Inc. NNPIO was supported by the Russian Federation for Basic Research (grants 10-04-92601, 10-04-92110, 11-04-00227) and the Federal Agency for Science and Innovations (contract 16.512.11.2237). ; OCGN was supported by Cancer Care Ontario and the U.S. National Cancer Institute, NIH under RFA # CA-06-503 and through cooperative agreements with members of the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR) and Principal Investigators. OSU-CCG was supported by the Ohio State University Comprehensive Cancer Center. PBCS was supported by an Instituto Toscano Tumori grant to M.A. Caligo. SEABASS was supported by CARIF and University Malaya. The UCSF study was supported by the Helen Diller Family Comprehensive Cancer Center at UCSF, the Avon Foundation, and the Center for Translational and Policy Research in Personalized Medicine (TRANSPERS), NIH/NCI P01 CA130818-02A1. UKFOCR was supported by a project grant from CRUK to P.P.D. Pharoah. The UPENN study was supported Komen Foundation for the Cure to S.M. Domchek, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation to K.L. Nathanson, and NIH grants R01-CA083855 and R01-CA102776 to T.R. Rebbeck. WCRI was supported by the American Cancer Society Clinical Research Professorship #SIOP-06-258-06-COUN. ; Peer Reviewed
