Suchergebnisse

As the author sees it, the Persian Gulf crisis, which erupted with Iraq's 2nd August 1990 invasion of Kuwait and ended with Iraq's defeat in a war with U.S.-led forces, has to be understood within the context of the emergent world order following the end of the cold war. Likewise, a workable solution for regional peace in the Middle East must also be sought within the context of the new world conditions. He discusses how the whole Gulf crisis, from its inception to its ending on the battlefield, originated in the conditions attendant to the end of the cold war. (DÜI-Sen)

The author examines Hong Kong's legal and administrative relationship with the Central People's Government after Hong Kong's reversion to China in 1997. In doing so, he scrutinizes the Basic Law of the Hongkong Special Administrative Region (SAR), enacted by the National People's Congress in Beijing on 4 April 1990. (DÜI-Sen)

At least two specific lessons can be drawn from the Tienanmen upheavals of April-June 1989. First, there is undeniably widespread discontent with the way mainland China is run. The second lesson is that it would be unwise, or even dangerous, for Peking to backtrack on even the limited reforms that were begun in 1978. The author discusses the origin of the paradox of partial reform and anomalies of the partial reform. Various factors that were crucial for the Tienanmen unrest are analysed. (DÜI-Sen)

The Thirtheenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which met in late October 1987, set new directions for Peking's foreign policy. The paper explores these new foreign policy shifts. Peking's "independent foreign policy" reaffirmed. The long-standing campaign against "hegemonism" terminated. Recent advances in Peking-Moscow relations. (DÜI-Sen)

The 13th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) set new directions for China's foreign policy. The CCP reordered China's foreign policy in three important ways: it reaffirmed China's "independent foreign policy", it reformulated the five principles of "peaceful co-existence" as the guide for China's relations with all countries, including the USSR; and to put an end to the long-standing campaign against "hegemonism". After briefly commenting on these three tenets, the author explores Sino-Soviet detente and the directions of Chinese foreign policy. (DÜI-Sen)

As the author sees it, there was a logic to the twists and turns over the official status and function of Marxism in post-Mao China. The de-Maoization campaign had a natural tendency to downgrade the importance of ideology, which affected the sanctity of Marxism itself. He discusses the issues of arresting the decline in ideological confidence, reaffirming the legitimacy of Marxism-Leninism, updating Marxism and augmenting Marxist education in mainland China. (DÜI-Sen)

The author argues that the London-Peking accords in respect of Hongkong brings serious risks and disadvantages to Peking from the standpoint of its reunification scheme concerning Taiwan. He thinks that the doctrine of "one country, two systems" devised by Deng Xiaoping to justify Peking's tolerance of Hongkong's capitalistic system, co-existing alongside China's socialist system, is an offer directed ultimately at Taiwan. Both Taiwan and the PRC share dilemmas with respect to Hongkong. Peking's interest to keep Taiwan's presence in Hongkong. Differences between Taiwan and Hongkong. (DÜI-Sen)

Critical appraisal of President Reagan's China policy with particular emphasis on the Sino-U.S.-Soviet triad, Reagan's accommodation to Peking, reasons for China's new foreign policy stance since 1982 among other issues. The author advances the thesis that the improvement in Sino-Soviet relationship is not necessarily harmful to the USA. It should not overreact and be unduly alarmed by the Sino-Soviet dialogue. (DÜI-Sen)

Soviet relations with China in the first half of the 1980s witnessed a slow but steady course toward detente. The author opines that this detente course is not likely to be reversed. He explores why the Chinese and the Soviets are both interested in pursuing detente. Domestic political shifts and strategic concerns - main reasons for China's new stance in respect of the USSR. Fundamental doctrinal changes bearing on foreign policy made at the Twelfth Congress of the CPC (Chinese Communist Party) in 1982. Turning point in Soviet policy toward China in 1978. (DÜI-Sen)