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This article analyses the Stockholm Pride parade as an effective contemporary political stage, built on laughter and festivity. Taking its political point of departure in what is seen as being highly private and intimate, sexuality and the sexed body, the parade turns upside down one of the most central ideas of modernity: the dichotomy of public and private. Combining the theory of carnival laughter with queer theory, the article illustrates the way in which humour and politics work together in this contemporary blend of politics and popular culture.

Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of "conscience adherents" and "conscience constituents," first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, based on interviews with Pride parade organizers, we argue that mobilizations based on a more inclusive political strategy will attract more non-LGBT participants.

Similar to previous years, several Pride marches took place on the same day in June across the Balkans from Skopje to Sarajevo and Sofia.

In the wake of 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, right wing extremists portrayed the event as a threat to public morals, while liberals framed homophobia as a threat to democracy. While these moves managed to polarise and mobilize the public, the government didn't heed to their calls to adopt extraordinary measures. The Parade took place on October 10 and the extremists organised unchecked violent counter-demonstrations. By drawing on Securitisation Theory, we triangulate content and discourse analysis to understand why these securitising moves had a low success. Our analysis shows that although both moves followed the grammar of security, they were only partially embedded into the wider discursive context and were not enunciated by securitising actors with strong positional power.

Defence date: 4 November 2014 ; Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta EUI/Supervisor; Professor Didier Eribon, University of Amiens, External Supervisor; Professor Verta Taylor, University of California-Santa Barbara; Professor Olivier Roy, EUI. ; Queer festivals make up a part of the legacy of queer activism, as it has developed in North America and Europe from the late 80s onwards. Their political discourse is based on a confrontational style of address, while their content is largely inspired by poststructuralist views of identities as a tool through which power operates (Butler, 1990). However, the 'constant deconstruction of identities… undermine[s] the claims to strength and unity of their own rights movement' (Jasper et al., forthcoming: 29). The anti-identity paradox (Jasper et al., forthcoming; or the 'queer dilemma', Gamson, 1995) entails the failure to avoid the construction of a new identity, built precisely on the same discourse it attempts to deconstruct. Thus, the following puzzle emerges: If we assume that queer politics are based on this 'anti-identity' paradox, on which kind of identity, then, can they mobilize? In other words, given that the identity they attempt to build leads to their selfdestruction, how can queer politics, over time, strengthen and spread across Europe?

This essay concerns Leonide Massine's choreography for the Ballets Russes production of Parade (1917). The ballet was groundbreaking in its incorporation of Cubist and Futurist innovations and for its vanguard collaborators, which included Erik Satie, Jean Cocteau, and Pablo Picasso. Massine was only twenty-one at the time, and his choreography has often been dismissed as inconsequential. I argue that Massine not only made a major contribution to the collaboration, but that his working methods and approach to choreography owed more to Cubism's reformist tendencies than to Futurism's call for a radical remaking of art. In laying out a path close to Cubism, Massine set western ballet in the direction of the high modernism that would later be epitomized by George Balanchine.

In post-Yugoslav countries, national identity seems to be increasingly defined by the formulation of a traditional discourse on sexuality and gender, culminating in a growing interference of religious institutions with national debates and policies on lgbt-rights. In this paper we aim to gain more insight into the discursive effects of such sexual nationalist discourse by exploring responses of the Serbian Orthodox Church to the 2014 Belgrade Pride parade. Drawing from theories on religious and sexual nationalism and queer geography, we will argue that while the Serbian Orthodox discourse on homosexuality is becoming more secular, this secularization of public speech is compensated by a strategy of reclaiming the streets of Belgrade through politically charged public religious ritual. As the church is in this way making its anti-lgbt attitude physical and visible, Serbian citizens are increasingly requested to agree to Church teachings on sexuality and gender as a prerequisite for religious participation, resulting in an increasing divide between those "within" and "without" the community of Orthodox Serbs.

This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.

Frontmatter --Table of Contents --Acknowledgements --1. Introduction --2. The Origins of Queer Festivals in Europe --3. Organizing the Queer Space --4. What Is 'Queer' about Queer Festivals? --5. 'Not Yet Queer Enough' --6. Queering Transnationalism --7. Anti-identity, Politics and the State --Appendix 1: Methodology of the study --Appendix 2: Documentation of Queer Festivals --References --Interviews --Index