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AbstractThis article provides an analytical framework for understanding why and how many authoritarian regimes have recently adopted reforms that address gender equality. I illustrate and hone the framework by tracing three policy-making processes on domestic violence in Russia, an important and least-likely case for such reforms. While recent scholarship finds the importance of international leverage, strategic actions by women's groups, and regime interest in sidelining religious extremists, this study highlights other opportunities and agents and specifies authoritarian mechanisms such as intra-elite conflict, signaling between the autocrat and elites, and selective responsiveness. Drawing on the scholarship on authoritarian regime dynamics, policy making in Russia, and gender policy making, this study contributes to the literature on the relationship between gender and regime type by focusing on the micrologics of authoritarian policy making.

As the Republican Party has moved to the Right, conservative politicians have become more comfortable viewing policy as a means of demobilizing their political adversaries. In this article, I show how conservative activists within the Republican Party have leveraged cutbacks to union rights to weaken their political opponents. This case study thus reveals the role of policy feedback strategies in asymmetric partisan polarization. It also illustrates lessons about the conditions under which policy feedback can durably shift the distribution of power in America's fragmented polity. These insights underscore how the success of policy feedback effects depends not just on the initial passage of policies in one city or state, but on the ability of political actors to organize in multiple venues simultaneously. In particular, they highlight the importance of organizing at the cross-state level given the substantial political authority of states.

When Abdurrahman Wahid first came to power in Indonesia there was some alarm over the direction of Indonesia's foreign policy. However, the reality is that Abdurrahman's foreign policy has been more orthodox than some of his earlier rhetoric might have indicated. Indonesia needs the developed world as a source of funding to revive its economy. In terms of foreign diplomacy, Indonesia has successfully gained reassurances from the international community of its territorial integrity. ASEAN also remains central to Jakarta's foreign policy outlook. The issue of East Timor is still a crucial sticking point between Indonesia and a number of Western countries. The United States, in particular, is reluctant to push Indonesia too far as it is believed that the Abdurrahman presidency is the least desirable alternative in domestic and foreign policy terms. (ISEAS/DÜI)

Earlier studies involving the role of party in influencing environmental policies have argued that environmental policies are "'consensus issues," which transcend the partisan differences characteristic of most political issues. The present investigation examined the mediating effect of organizational structures on the relationship between Democratic partisanship and proenvironmental policy adoption within the fifty American states. As predicted, both Democratic partisanship and state organizational structures were positively related to the adoption of environmental control measures. However, withn "modernized" states (those with a professional legislature and a consolidated state environmental agency), partisanship was relatively unimportant in its effect on policy; in "fragmented" states (those with an unprofessional legislature and a decentralized state agency), Democratic partisanship was strongly related to environmental policy adoption. These findings suggest that the organizational structure may provide a stronger impetus for environmental policy adoption than transcient partisan politics.

This paper assesses the Korean government`s management of the recent economic crisis by focusing on time factors. The events that occurred from March 2008 to October 2009 and the government`s corrective actions are interpreted through a "time lens" that accounts for the temporal constraints in terms of objective time as well as perceptive time. These two time domains have significant effects on the management of public policies, especially economic policies that require government interventions that affect the complex interactions of economic factors from both the fiscal policy and market perspectives. In order to illustrate the importance of long-term strategy, this study reviews the evolution of the economic situation following the onset of the financial crisis. Our retrospective analysis does not find that the Lee Myung-Bak government deployed strategies relevant for the long term, but rather that President Lee`s authoritarian attitude itself may help him fuel the economy for a long time. Regardless of the causes, this case emphasizes the need for consistency in policy making, especially when the policy area`s particularities require it.

For decades, the European Union has been systematically creating mechanisms to strengthen its economic power and to give to the Member States tools and funding that allow them to develop, modernize and grow, not only in terms of economy but also socially.The programme, addressed as MFF, defined the European Union's development priorities for the period of 2014-2020. A total amount of €960billion was to be distributed between Member States in order to enable them to achieve common goals during that period.Portugal, like the other Member States, signed a Partnership Agreement, where amounts and objectives were predetermined. The total amount estimated to be distributed in Portugal was €25 billion. This amount was then distributed between the 7 Portuguese economic regions. The programme become to be addressed as PT2020. With the MFF reaching its ending, we understood that it was important to study its impact in the Country. We have been developing a longitudinal study by region. In this paper we present the results of the Azores region as 31st of March 2020.At the end of the study, we were able to conclude that this funding system had a positive impact in the region, where €1 of funding generated €1,34 of investment, thus contributing directly to value creation and value capture.

Einstellungen von Unternehmen zu den europäischen Rechtsvorschriften zu Unternehmen und Industrie.

"This book examines the introduction and ongoing development of public medical care insurance in contemporary China. Based on extensive field investigations, residents' surveys and analyses by local policy experts and practitioners it provides a comparative analysis of the marketization of public policy in China in contrast to those in other countries, such as the United Kingdom and Germany. The book highlights system-specific issues of the centrally planned economy (CPE) during economic reform, such as alienation of entitlements from funding and historically rooted obligations in the realm of public policy, and as such fills the gap in research on the Chinese government's public financial management. Public Policy and Health Care in China will appeal to students, academics and researchers interested in public policy and health care in China, as well as Chinese society and economics more broadly"--

The search for a relationship between central bank laws and monetary policy outcomes, which began three decades ago, is part of a larger enterprise to discover the monetary policy framework that delivers the best macroeconomic performance. A 'monetary policy framework' is a set of institutional arrangements under which monetary policy decisions are made and executed. It includes central bank law and the degree of independence it gives the central bank. It also includes other formal and informal arrangements between the central bank, government, and other institutions. And it includes the custom and practice of the economists and decision-makers in the central bank and government. The 'best macroeconomic performance' that monetary policy can deliver remains controversial but a dispassionate and research-supported view is that it cannot influence the average level of output or unemployment and the best contribution it can make is to deliver low inflation at a point on the Taylor curve - the efficiency frontier between the variability of inflation and the output gap - consistent with the preferences expressed through the political process. Points above the Taylor curve are inefficient and points below it are unattainable. Within this broad research agenda, what has been discovered about the effects of central bank laws on monetary policy outcomes? Do central bank laws influence monetary policy and the inflation rate? Do independent central banks do the best job? What other features of the monetary policy framework matter for achieving low inflation and low variability? Does inflation targeting beat central bank independence as a source of good macroeconomic performance? What follows is an attempt to answer these questions. Part I provides an overview of work that has measured central bank independence and looked for a (negative) relationship between independence and inflation or independence and other variables. Part II examines the main criticisms of this work and provides a new and expanded evaluation. Part III presents two natural experiments made possible by events over that past three decades that shed new light on the questions posed above. And Part IV offers some speculative thoughts about changing constraints on central banks that might challenge their independence and influence. By way of brief preview, I will argue that most of the search for a relationship between central bank independence and inflation has found only modest additions to what we knew thirty years ago. But two natural experiments suggest that more independent central banks lower the variability of inflation and might lower average inflation, with no change in the variability of output; and inflation-targeting central banks lower inflation and might lower the variability of both inflation and real GDP growth regardless of the independence of the central bank.

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has gained significant prominence in China in the period after the reforms and opening-up of the Chinese economy which ushered in the separation of corporate management and state administration as well as the integration of the Chinese economy with the global economy. Since then, the Chinese government and citizens have realized the need to hold enterprises responsible for the effects of their activities on society; and hence began to formulate CSR policies, and to integrate relevant laws, incentives, supervision and control mechanisms in corporate regulations. In 2001, China's accession to the WTO provided a platform for international reference and exchanges for the development of CSR policies. In 2006, CSR was recognized by the country's highest authority in legal form for the first time, which also meant that CSR became a national economic development strategy and policy. Unlike the private sector-led CSR in Europe and North America, this study shows that CSR in China is mainly a government-guided phenomenon and more popular among state-owned enterprises (SOE). In this light, we opine that the improvement of CSR policy and practice in China requires reforms designed with special consideration of the unique characteristics of the Chinese society to encourage stakeholder involvement in the policy formulation and participation in the implementation process.

This article begins with a review of the government's policy framework, together with some conceptual and analytical issues as they relate to SMEs. Next, the empirical evidence on SMEs is examined, referring both to aggregate, macro-level evidence and case studies, and including some of the emerging material on the impact of the recent crisis. The article then asks whether there is any special case for intervention in favor of SMEs and points to areas where government policy has and has not worked. Finally, it closes by highlighting gaps in the database and research material. Following much of the literature, the discussion focuses primarily on the industrial sector, although where relevant the net is cast more widely.

This article begins with a review of the government's policy framework, together with some conceptual and analytical issues as they relate to SMEs. Next, the empirical evidence on SMEs is examined, referring both to aggregate, macro-level evidence and case studies, and including some of the emerging material on the impact of the recent crisis. The article then asks whether there is any special case for intervention in favor of SMEs and points to areas where government policy has and has not worked. Finally, it closes by highlighting gaps in the database and research material. Following much of the literature, the discussion focuses primarily on the industrial sector, although where relevant the net is cast more widely.