Suchergebnisse

First Online: 15 December 2018 ; This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) ; Under what conditions do international governmental organizations (IGOs) cease to exist? Surprisingly, leading theories of international organization rarely address this question. Across the theoretical spectrum scholars assume that international organizations have a high degree of "staying power". Yet reality looks different. More than one-third of IGOs created since 1815 have since died. This article addresses the puzzle of why IGOs cease to exist. Using a combination of cross-sectional and survival analysis, I seek to identify factors associated with IGO termination. My analysis is based on a novel dataset coding detailed information on all IGO created since 1815, including their function, membership, and geographic span. Against prevailing theoretical expectations, my analysis demonstrates i) that overall mortality is high among IGOs, ii) that states often prefer to create new IGOs as opposed reforming existing ones, and iii) that having a large and heterogeneous membership is associated with greater organizational survivability. These findings indicate a need for refinement of existing theories of 'institutional robustness'.

Acquittal in international criminal law has long been disregarded by the governing bodies of international criminal courts. However, the acquittal exposes constitutive (and constituent) components of this very body of law. The authors draw conclusions from semi-directive interviews with (acquitted and condemned) people tried by the ad hoc tribunals. Their approach creates an opportunity to highlight and comprehend-from the perspective of the acquitted individual-the failures of the functioning of international criminal justice, which is focused on the idea of guilt. Moreover, this research shows how the position of tried individuals affects their perception and acceptance of international criminal law. ; SCOPUS: re.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Bachelor of Laws Degree at Strathmore University Law School ; In recent years, there has been a proliferation of non-state actors that have proven to be a credible threat to the survival of states and mankind. These non-state actors are strong not only in number and ammunition but also economically. In the event a sovereign state is attacked or threatened to be attacked, it is within its rights to defend itself and its people. Historically, the right of self-defence in international law could only be invoked as between states. The question as to whether the inherent right of self-defence arises in the case where the attacker is not a state under international law, has been seen to creep into numerous legal discussions recently, as a result of the emergence of these dangerous non-state actors all over the world, and subsequently, retaliatory actions by states in the façade of self-defence. This paper intends to analyse the provisions of international law to determine what the future holds, if at all the international community is to curb the threat posed by these non-state actors while still upholding the spirit and purpose of the United Nations Charter, by preventing the unilateral recourse to use of force by states. The paper finds that, self-defence against non-state actors should be permitted for states but with various limits in the law. The right should have stringent limits.

I suspect that many readers of this article will either dismiss the premise that colleges and universities in the United States will continue to lose international student market share or dispute the facts I list. Some may hope that the decline in international student enrollment in the United States for the fall 2017 semester was just a blip, a one‐off. Still others will blame the decline solely on the outcome of the 2016 election.

This paper uses an overlapping generations model with international labor mobility and a politically responsive fiscal policy to examine aging in developed and developing regions. Migrant workers change the political structure composed of young and elderly voters in both labor-receiving and labor-sending countries. Numerical simulations show that the developed region benefits more from international labor mobility through the contribution of migrant workers as laborers, savers, and voters. The developing region experiences significant growth in all specifications but benefit more under international capital mobility. Restricting political participation of migrant workers in the developed region produces inferior growth results.

This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada's political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities' international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada's approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada's economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada's approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada. ; Cet article se concentre sur les répercussions sur les universités canadiennes des tensions politiques récentes entre le Canada et la Chine et entre le Canada et l'Arabie saoudite. Il pose trois questions : (1) Quels sont les problèmes causés par ces tensions politiques pour les initiatives d'éducation internationale des universités canadiennes, et quels problèmes sont exclus? (2) Que suggèrent ces problèmes quant aux approches du Canada en ce qui concerne les initiatives d'éducation internationale à l'époque de la nouvelle géopolitique? (3) Quelles sont les implications sur les relations entre les universités canadiennes et le gouvernement du Canada dans le contexte de la nouvelle géopolitique? Puisque les médias jouent un rôle puissant dans les politiques éducatives, nous avons mené une étude systématique auprès de trois sources médiatiques et retenu 74 articles de journaux et communiqués de presse entre août 2018 et novembre 2019. Il en ressort trois thèmes principaux qui illustrent les liens étroits entre la politique mondiale, la politique étrangère du gouvernement et les initiatives d'éducation internationale au sein des universités canadiennes. Il y a deux narratifs concurrents : d'une part, celui selon lequel l'éducation internationale serait une menace pour la sécurité nationale canadienne et d'autre part, celui selon lequel l'éducation internationale contribuerait à la prospérité économique du Canada. Cependant, les médias n'abordent pas la question plus vaste de la manière dont le Canada devrait revoir ses objectifs et ses approches en matière d'éducation internationale à la lumière des grands changements géopolitiques. L'article utilise le cadre théorique du soft power pour discuter des limitations et du manque de vison de l'approche du Canada en ce qui concerne l'éducation internationale comme soft power à l'époque de la nouvelle géopolitique. La conclusion inclut trois recommandations pour le Canada.

AbstractAs countries negotiate a new climate agreement for the United Nations climate conference in December 2015, a groundswell of climate actions is emerging as cities, regions, businesses and civil society groups act on mitigation and adaptation, independently, with each other and with national governments and international organizations. The Paris conference provides a historic opportunity to establish a framework to catalyse, support, and steer these initiatives. Without such a framework, 'bottom‐up' climate governance runs the risk of failing to deliver meaningful results. Social science research highlights the need for a comprehensive approach that promotes ambition, experimentation and accountability, and avoids unnecessary overlaps. This article specifies functions and design principles for a new, comprehensive framework for sub‐ and nonstate climate actions that could provide effective coordination.

Purpose
This paper aims to explore the evolution of the notion of peremptory norms (Jus Cogens) in international law through the work of the International Law Commission on unilateral acts.


Design/methodology/approach
The study depended on analyzing the work of the International Law Commission on two topics: Unilateral Acts 2006 and Reservations to treaties 2011 to reveal the relation between jus cogens and unilateral acts.


Findings
Jus cogens restrict unilateral acts like treaties due to the recognition of the importance and necessity of the concept of Jus cogens in protecting the fundamental interests of the international community.


Practical implications
States must be compatible with jus cogens when making any reservation on a treaty and also when taking any unilateral act.


Originality/value
This paper reveals the importance of jus cogens in promoting the values of the international community and the need of such notion to protect the common interest of that community.

AbstractHow do states decide to extend or withhold international recognition in cases of contested sovereignty? We focus on how religion shapes the incentives of states in making this decision, both at the domestic level through religious institutions and at the international level through religious affinities. States with transnational religious ties to the contested territory are more likely to extend recognition. At the domestic level, states that heavily regulate religion are less likely to extend international recognition. We test these conjectures, and examine others in the literature, with two new data sets on the international recognition of both Palestine and Israel and voting on the United Nations resolution to admit Palestine as a non-member state observer, combined with global data on religious regulation and religious affinities. In cases of contested sovereignty, the results provide support for these two mechanisms through which religion shapes foreign policy decisions about international recognition.