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International law governing the settlement of disputes through law-based forums, such as courts, tribunals and arbitral tribunals, is fraught with limitations that are becoming especially apparent with respect to disputes that involve the protection of the environment. However despite the deficiencies of the law, international courts and tribunals have issued judgements in disputes involving the protection of the environment. At the global level the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) have handed down decisions in relevant cases. In addition other legal forums can also be called upon to decide cases involving international environmental law. Such forums include the Environmental Chamber of the ICJ and the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) under its general facilities and under the Environmental Facility that it is planning to establish. Similarly, special bodies, such as the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC), may decide on cases. Moreover, regional forums such as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Community (ECJ) have ruled on cases involving international environmental law. Despite these developments, calls for the establishment of an international environmental court at the global level persist. Several arguments have been advanced to justify the establishment of an international environmental court, for example the very many pressing environmental problems that exist today and the need for a bench consisting of experts in international environmental law to consider these problems, the need for individuals and groups to have access to environmental justice at the international level, the need to enable international organizations to be parties to disputes related to the protection of the environment and the need for dispute settlement procedures that enable the common interest in the environment to be addressed. Arguments against the establishment of an international environmental court have been advanced as well. These arguments include the following: the proliferation of international courts and tribunals would result in the fragmentation of international law, existing courts and tribunals are, or can be, well equipped to consider cases involving environmental issues and disputes involving international environmental law also involve other aspects of international law. This publication explores the arguments for and against the establishment of an international environmental court, examining topics such as the definition of an international environmental dispute and the concomitant expertise required on the bench, fragmentation and its root causes, access to justice and the representation of community interests. The author argues that the establishment of an international environmental court is not the most desirable option and she suggests that it might be more fruitful if we consider developments in environmental law, as well as in other relevant areas of international law, from a different perspective, namely, that of administrative law and reassess the relationship between international and national law. Such an approach, she argues is warranted if, inter alia , viable means for resolving environmental disputes that may arise are to be identified

The dynamics of inter-American relations throughout the whole twentieth century, seek a permanent influence of the United States in the internal affairs of the region's countries. Under the principle of Pan Americanism, the United States considered Latin America as a strategic region for the development of their personal interests. The Cold War (1947-1989) made inter-American relations even more complex and tense of what they already were. The period of time between the overthrow of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba (January 1959) and the missile crisis (October 1962) becomes a transcendental breaking point in the development of inter-American relations. Nothing, till the end of the Cold War would be like before in U.S.relations with Latin America, period that coincides with the change of administration in the White House, from the republican D. Eisenhower to the democrat J.F. Kennedy who would carry out a totally different vision of the problem. No one, before or after the Kennedy administration, would pay so much attention to the Latin-American region. This entire problematic is being analyzed in light of the concepts of crisis and security, which for this period of time (1959-1963) would have a particular connotation. ; La dinámica de las relaciones interamericanas durante todo el Siglo XX acusó una permanente influencia de los Estados Unidos en los asuntos internos de los países de la región. Bajo un principio de panamericanismo, los Estados Unidos consideraron a América Latina como una región estratégica para el desarrollo de sus intereses. La guerra fría (1947-1989) hizo aún más complejas y tensas estas relaciones. El periodo comprendido entre el golpe de Estado a Fulgencio Batista en Cuba (enero de 1959) y el desarrollo de la crisis de los misiles (octubre de 1962) se convierte en un espacio de ruptura trascendental para las dinámicas de las relaciones interamericanas. Nada, hasta el final de la guerra fría volvería a ser como antes en las relaciones de Estados Unidos con América Latina, periodo que coincide con el cambio de administración en la Casa Blanca, del republicano D. Eisenhower al demócrata J.F. Kennedy quien va a sostener una visión totalmente diferente del problema. Nadie, tampoco, ni antes ni después del gobierno Kennedy prestaría tanta atención a la región latinoamericana. Esta problemática se analiza a la luz de los conceptos de crisis y seguridad que para la época en cuestión (1959-1963) tendrán una connotación particular.

n last the two decades, Western scholars have pointed to East Asian achievements which seem to be a kind of economic 'miracle'. However, with the 1997 financial crisis, the conventional wisdom about economic dynamics in the region requires some rethinking. The Asian financial crisis is the first development‐related crisis caused by economic liberalisation and globalisation and reveals an institutional shortcoming of Asian capitalism. Developmental states in the region generally adopted mercantilist development policies and encouraged private businesses to over‐expand and over‐invest without considering the change of international market competition. Although political institutions effectively fostered economic development under state autonomy, their economic bureaucracies lacked the administrative capacities to regulate financial institutions and to exert financial allocations into productive industrial sectors. Most importantly, the developmental model has fundamentally undermined the risk management capability of bureaucracies dealing with financial turmoil. This paper argues that Asian countries should build a financial governance regime that can effectively control, regulate and manage capital formation mechanisms and, most importantly, lead domestic and foreign capital to competitive sectors rather than to speculative ones, particularly, when exposed to foreign capital.

"Russell A. Berman explains how the US withdrawal from the Middle East could have long-term consequences, as other forces come forward to fill the gap. He details how the retreat began and how the reduction of the US commitment has, in turn, set off a wave of repercussions. Berman analyzes what motivates such a retreat, how much it is a choice of the Obama administration, and how much it is rooted in US cultural leanings that could outlast the administration. In Retreat warns not only about changing evaluations about this specific corner of the globe but also about predispositions to retreat from politics altogether, from the burden of leadership, and from the advocacy for democracy."--Publisher's description

"International Organization and Ending Conflicts" published on by Oxford University Press.

With the current developments in the field of artificial intelligence, the process of digitalisation has reached a new stage. Artificial intelligence makes it possible to analyse the large amounts of data collected today in completely new ways. Companies and countries are spending considerable resources to take advantage of these analytical possibilities. However, artificial intelligence is also dependent on the quality of the underlying data; it is completely unsuited for many tasks and has, so far, largely escaped human control. Germany should therefore use its influence in international forums to regulate the use of artificial intelligence in politically sensitive areas. In addition, the Federal Government should carefully examine on what data basis, for what purposes, and under what conditions artificial intelligence can make a contribution to the planning of foreign policy strategy. (author's abstract)