"Moments of mass mobilization astound us. As a sea of protesters fills the streets, observers scramble to understand this extraordinary political act by 'ordinary' citizens. This study presents a paired comparison of two 'moments' of mass mobilization, in Ukraine and Argentina. The two cases are compared and analyzed on a cross-temporal and an inter-regional basis, thereby offering two critical cases in response to assumptions that the processes and patterns of mobilization, and democratization politics more broadly, are region specific. This study challenges political science's focus on elites and structural factors in the study of political participation during democratization"--
"Moments of mass mobilization astound us. As a sea of protesters fills the streets, observers scramble to understand this extraordinary political act by 'ordinary' citizens. This study presents a paired comparison of two 'moments' of mass mobilization, in Ukraine and Argentina. The two cases are compared and analyzed on a cross-temporal and an inter-regional basis, thereby offering two critical cases in response to assumptions that the processes and patterns of mobilization, and democratization politics more broadly, are region specific. This study challenges political science's focus on elites and structural factors in the study of political participation during democratization"--
AbstractIs there evidence of significant ethno‐linguistic/ethno‐national rallying around the nation in Ukraine—as social science would have us expect in times of conflict? And, if so, might we expect this ethno‐linguistic/ethno‐national identity to rise with the prolongation of war? Or instead, is Ukrainian "civic‐ness" the primary rally call that shaped and shapes collective identity in Ukraine? And if this collective identity is not ethno‐linguistic in orientation then what values and political dispositions are bringing Ukrainians together in a time of crisis and war? Whilst political science might suggest that violence and extended periods of war can produce rallying to ethno‐linguistic/ethno‐national identity—original panel survey data collected among the Ukrainian population in March/April 2019, January/February 2021, and 2 December 2021/16 February 2022 coupled with a cross‐sectional nationally representative survey collected 19–24 May 2022 provide evidence that ongoing regional war, crises, and now all‐out invasion by Russia have shored up civic and not ethno‐linguistic/ethno‐national identities. Moreover, this civic identity is bounded to pro‐European pro‐democratic orientations.
AbstractThis article examines the role of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) and, specifically, social media in the EuroMaidan mobilization process. Based on extensive data collection (surveys, interviews, focus groups, and digital archival research), this article argues that, while social media was not the only mechanism behind the mobilization of millions of Ukrainians, it was an important part of the larger 'tool‐kit' drawn upon by protesters. Specifically, ICTs allowed activists to facilitate connectivity, coordinate the mobilization process, speed up the flow of information, and create opportunities for grassroots self‐organization by 'ordinary' citizens who participated in the protests. Furthermore, the virtual nature of these tools made it possible for a wide range of Ukrainians to cross socio‐economic, regional, and even linguistic boundaries to consolidate a 'new' collective civic identity. The article also highlights that these new protest 'tools' had a de‐mobilizing effect: while the protest claims were not centred around Ukrainian language or nationality in 2014, but rather on civic identity and the protection of human rights, social media provided radical voices with an efficient vehicle to shape the terms of public discourse. The speed at which social media was used made it possible to spread misinformation, confuse protesters and international observers alike, and even hinder the very aims of the protesters.
Employing original, on-site EuroMaidan Protest-Participant Survey data collected by the author in Kyiv between November 26, 2013, and January 13, 2014, triangulated with interview, focus group, and documentary data, the article contextualizes who was the average EuroMaidan protester and what did they want? Yet, the main focus is on the question of how the protest participants were mobilized. Making a contribution to several ongoing debates regarding the micro-level foundations of protest, the article elucidates that while social media and internet news sites played an important role in diffusing information and framing protest claims, they are not in themselves mobilizing. The author argues that social media can compound and facilitate the role of pre-existing social network ties that are more influential in the mobilization process. Adapted from the source document.
Abstract: Employing the Ukrainian Protest Project survey findings, this article answers the following questions: Who joined in the EuroMaidan protests? When? Why? Is the EuroMaidan a continuation of, or a diversion from, the 'Orange Revolution'? What are the main implications of EuroMaidan protest participation for democratization? The article focuses on the phenomenon of the growing middle class as a political constituency in Ukraine; it explains how the participation of the middle class median protester is significant for Ukrainian democratization; it provides unique insight into the EuroMaidan protest participants; and it draws valuable implications for democratization in Ukraine.
This article attempts to answer two questions based on the case of Ukraine in 2004: What are the triggers, patterns and trajectories of the mass-mobilisation of ordinary citizens? I argue that mass-mobilisation of ordinary citizens is triggered by the breaking of a collective threshold of political patience after the government has infringed upon civic rights en masse.The findings of this paper are based in a comparative study of mass mobilization in Argentina in 2001 and Ukraine in 2004 and the Ukrainian case is under- stood to be a example of how ordinary citizens in new democracies (regardless of region or country) view their political rights and engagement. The argument presented is that [be they Argentines (2001), Georgians (2003), Ukrainians (2004), or most recently Tunisians (2010) or Egyptians (2011)] ordinary citizens are rational political actors, who can articulate their protest participation using a rights based discourse. Based on intensive qualitative research, I conclude that ordinary citizens protest engagement is a calculated reaction to a long chain of processes including: a severe crisis environment, activist protest, opposition strength and cooperation, a weak and isolated government, and finally a mass infringement of civic rights. These processes take place simultaneously and in a compounding manner lead to a breaking of a collective threshold of political patience, a moment of no return when civic rights are abused en masse, making the mass-mobilisation of ordinary citizens very likely.
