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The acceleration of pace of international events and processesrequires a qualified analysis without the political-journalistic bias that often characterizes them. Thus, in addition to theoretical-analytical articles, we consider it necessary to publish a brief evaluation of important current events. To this end, the Brazilian Center for Strategy and International Relations (NERINT), member of the Center for International Studies on Government (CEGOV-UFRGS), launched the NERINT Strategic Analysis series, with the contribution of its specialized researchers and guests with thematic expertise.It will be published at the end of each volume of Austral: BrazilianJournal of Strategy and International Relations, starting with an assessment of Post-Trump Diplomacy, conflicts in Russia's "near abroad" and the Strategic Lessons of World War II on its 75th anniversary. Since the 1990s, Itamaraty has been promoting the formation of qualified national academic personnel on themes and countries relevant to Brazilian diplomacy, business and defense. This training effort, through the promotion and funding of graduate courses, is paying off, and Brazil already has professors and researchers at an international level.

Esta entrevista originalmente foi concedida por escrito à jornalista Tatiany Lukrafka, responsável pelo Portal da Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas da UFRGS. Ela se deu por ocasião da 4ª edição do Curso de Simulação de Combate e Blindados, realizado pela UFRGS e pelo Comando Militar do Sul (CMS), ainda em 2021. Mas, como tardei demais em responder, o momento de sua publicação acabou passando. Contudo, em função da crescente participação da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (UFSM), e da proximidade da 5ª edição do curso, a realizar-se entre os dias 27/06 e 01/07/2022, entendeu o professor Dr. José Renato Ferraz da Silveira, Editor-chefe desta prestigiosa revista, ser oportuno que se efetue sua publicação, dado que seu conteúdo permanece atual. Importa esclarecer que, à exceção dos trabalhos do corpo discente, para os quais recorreu-se ao auxílio das bases de dados da UFRGS, as referências a personagens e eventos foram feitas de memória. Portanto, podem conter lacunas ou imprecisões. Ademais, trata-se da experiência pessoal do autor e de suas percepções sobre a vida vivida. De modo algum tem-se a pretensão de efetuar-se uma história institucional, quer do curso de graduação ou de pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais da UFRGS. A referência a pessoas, ou personalidades, tem como propósito prestar reconhecimento e homenagem – por este percurso, gratidão. De modo algum associá-las às concepções defendidas no conteúdo do texto. Estas são de responsabilidade exclusiva do autor. Portanto, tampouco podem representar as posições de órgãos da UFRGS e, muito menos, do Exército Brasileiro.

This article presents an analysis of the relationship between Brazil's foreign policy,defense policy and development model in a historical perspective. A paradigmaticapproach is used, trying to identify the phases of the Brazilian Grand Strategy thatcross the limits of the presidential terms, being also linked to international political,economic and military constraints. The period covered begins in the 1930s, withthe rise of the Developmental State, addresses the 1980s turning point (Normal/Neoliberal State), and examines the defense investment's rise and crisis of the 2000sand 2010s (Logistic State).

This article presents an analysis of the relationship between Brazil's foreign policy, defense policy and development model in a historical perspective. A paradigmatic approach is used, trying to identify the phases of the Brazilian Grand Strategy that cross the limits of the presidential terms, being also linked to international political, economic and military constraints. The period covered begins in the 1930s, with the rise of the Developmental State, addresses the 1980s turning point (Normal/ Neoliberal State), and examines the defense investment's rise and crisis of the 2000s and 2010s (Logistic State).

This article argues how Brazil can contribute for the formation of the National Army and construction of the African states by means of an embryonic particular model of international insertion, based on a specific concept of human rights and on the International Technical Cooperation. This possibility can be extended in the case of the Congo.

In 2021, the covid-19 pandemic continues to dominate the international scene, but that does not mean that the political cleavages and tensions lost their space. In this edition, relevant themes are analyzed, such as the reasons for the recent clashes that affect national stability in Angola, a promising African state. Next, two articles address the issue of the Russian opponent Navalny and the situation in eastern Ukraine, showing little-known dimensions about these two themes. As for the set of problems that concern the containment of China by the United States and the United Kingdom, the subject that was selected was that of the demonstrations in Hong Kong in 2019 and 2020, which brings an original and thought-provoking analysis. Vaccine diplomacy also emerged as a new topic, with political-strategic and economic dimensions that go beyond the global health crisis, and was objectively assessed here. Another event that surprised many analysts was the military coup in Myanmar, which has both an internal and an external dimension and is addressed here from a critical perspective. Then, an overview of the first 100 days of the Biden administration in the diplomatic and security fields is offered, confirming the predictions expressed in the previous edition that the foreign policy changes would rely on form, and not so much on content. Finally, the return of leftist candidates to power in Latin America is analyzed, exploring the fluidity and uncertainty of the regional political framework. The analysis of the conjuncture, more than just explaining specific events, can contribute to the understanding of ongoing processes and the structure that is taking shape. In this sense, the covid-19 pandemic, regardless of its origin (will we ever know for sure?), has been addressed, as it appears, in an ineffectual way even by prosperous and organized countries. Thus, a strategic reflection shows that the health crisis may be serving as a cover for another one, which was already manifesting itself in previous years: the economic slowdown. All social difficulties would now be presented as a result of the pandemic, as well as the political morass within the states of the system, and conflicts between them would be justified or camouflaged. So, here is a question for reflection: is the ongoing situation being used, to a large extent, as an opportune instrument for managing the economic crisis and the technological and geopolitical dispute currently underway?

The electoral defeat of Republican candidate Donald Trump and the return to power of the Democrats with Joseph Biden cannot be left unexamined, considering its implications for international relations. Here we present notes from NERINT Strategic Analysis, written by experts and divided into thematic issues and bilateral relations between the United States and the most relevant nations at the global level.