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"Some of the most problematic human behaviors involve vices of the mind such as arrogance, closed-mindedness, dogmatism, gullibility, intellectual cowardice, as well as wishful or conspiratorial thinking. What sorts of things are epistemic vices? How do we detect and mitigate them? How and why do these vices prevent us from acquiring knowledge and what is their role in sustaining patterns of ignorance? What is their relation to implicit or unconscious bias? How do epistemic vices and systems of social oppression relate to one another? Do we unwittingly absorb such traits from the process of socialization and communities around us? Are epistemic vices traits for which we can blamed? Can there be institutional and collective epistemic vices? This book seeks to answer these important questions about the vices of the mind and their roles in our social and epistemic lives, and is the first collection of its kind. Organized into three parts, chapters by outstanding scholars explore the nature of epistemic vices, specific examples of these vices, and case studies in applied vice epistemology, including education and politics. Alongside these foundational questions, the volume offers sophisticated accounts of vices both new and familiar. These include epistemic arrogance and servility, epistemic injustice, epistemic snobbishness, conspiratorial thinking, procrastination, and forms of closed-mindedness. Vice Epistemology is essential reading for students of ethics, epistemology, and virtue theory, and various areas of applied, feminist, and social philosophy. It will also be of interest to practitioners, scholars, and activists in politics, law and education"--

Mr. Frédéric Siordet will remain Vice-President of the International Committee in 1963, whilst Mr. Martin Bodmer has been appointed Vice-President for 1963 and 1964.

Dr. Ernest GLOOR will remain Vice-President of the International Committee in 1962 and Mr. Frederic SIORDET has been appointed Vice-President for 1962 and 1963.

Mr. Martin Bodmer will remain in office as Vice-President of the International Committee for 1964, whilst Mr. Hans Bachmann has been appointed Vice-President for the years 1964 and 1965.

Since becoming vice-president, Kamala Harris hasn't been very popular with the public--but how much of that is the result of her own qualities, and how much is because she has served with a president who hasn't been very popular?  I looked for data on approval ratings of previous vice-presidents.  For this analysis, I just used a single observation for each one--if Joe Biden decides to step aside, I may include more.  I tried to use approval ratings at about this point in the term (fourth year of the first term), but questions on vice-presidential approval haven't been asked all that often, so I couldn't follow that closely.   The figure shows net approval ratings (approve minus disapprove) for the vice-president and president.*There is an association--if the president has a good approval rating, the vice-president is likely to have one too.  A regression of vice-presidential approval on presidential approval gives:VP=9.8+0.64P; t-ratios are 2.6 and 3.2.  Three vice-presidents are substantially below the predicted values--Harris, Dick Cheney, and Spiro Agnew.  That company is not good news for Harris.  The biggest surprise is Dan Quayle, who was above the predicted value, with 50% approve and only 33% disapprove, when the survey was taken (January 1992).  Presidents have opportunities to stand for the whole nation--doing things like making 4th of July speeches--and vice-presidents are often given less appealing tasks.  So I expected a negative intercept--if people were evenly divided on the president, they'd be predominantly negative on the vice-president.  Of course, you can't be too confident about any conclusions from such a small sample, but the evidence points in the other direction.   *There was no approval/disapproval question for Mondale, so I used a favorable/unfavorable one.  I thought it was important to include something for that case because of the parallels with the current situation (unpopular president running for re-election).  [Data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research]

This book explores our uniquely political vices: hubris, willful blindness, and recalcitrance. According to Mark Button this overlooked class of vice encompasses those persistent dispositions of character and conduct that threaten the functioning of democratic institutions and the trust that citizens place in these institutions to secure a just political order. Political Vices provides an account for how citizens can best contend with our most troubling political "sins" without undermining core commitments to liberalism or pluralism.

AbstractBernard Mandeville argued that traits that have traditionally been seen as detrimental or reprehensible, such as greed, ambition, vanity, and the willingness to deceive, can produce significant social goods. He went so far as to suggest that a society composed of individuals who embody these vices would, under certain constraints, be better off than one composed only of those who embody the virtues of self-restraint. In the twentieth century, Mandeville's insights were taken up in economics by John Maynard Keynes, among others. More recently, philosophers have drawn analogies to Mandeville's ideas in the domains of epistemology and morality, arguing that traits that are typically understood as epistemic or moral vices (e.g. closed-mindedness, vindictiveness) can lead to beneficial outcomes for the groups in which individuals cooperate, deliberate, and decide, for instance by propitiously dividing the cognitive labor involved in critical inquiry and introducing transient diversity. We argue that mandevillian virtues have a negative counterpart, mandevillian vices, which are traits that are beneficial to or admirable in their individual possessor, but are or can be systematically detrimental to the group to which that individual belongs. Whilst virtue ethics and epistemology prescribe character traits that are good for every moral and epistemic agent, and ideally across all situations, mandevillian virtues show that group dynamics can complicate this picture. In this paper, we provide a unifying explanation of the main mechanism responsible for mandevillian traits in general and motivate the case for the opposite of mandevillian virtues, namely mandevillian vices.

When in a position of leadership, there's almost nothing more valuable than a person who always supports and challenges you. The vice president of an organization, much like the vice president of the United States, aids the president in any way they can, including stepping up to the top role if the president can no longer hold it. Readers learn about how one becomes US vice president and the duties of this sometimes-overlooked position. In addition, specially designated sidebars and content relate this federal process to student elections and organizations to aid readers in pursuing their leadership ambitions