A simple theoretical model is presented in which higher relative arrest rates for blacks compared to whites lead to higher relative absenteeism (including tardiness) and ultimately a lower likelihood of placement in occupations where absenteeism is more costly, such as supervisory positions. Though the data do not allow for a direct test of the model, partial correlations provide some suggestive evidence. Controlling for city fixed effects and using an occupation prestige index to proxy for occupations with more costly absenteeism, higher relative arrest rates for blacks compared to whites are associated with relatively worse occupation placement compared to whites. The model and suggestive evidence make a case for further research into the spillover effect of criminal justice outcomes and for consideration of spillover effects in the costs and benefits of enforcement mechanisms which disproportionately affect blacks.
Tobacco cessation telephone quitlines are an effective population-wide strategy for smoking cessation, but funding for this service varies widely. State-level factors may explain this difference. Data from the 2005 and 2006 North American Quitline Consortium surveys and from publicly available sources were analyzed to identify factors that predict higher levels of per capita quitline funding. The best-fitting multivariate model comprised higher per capita tobacco control funding (2005 p = 0.004, 2006 p=0.000), not securitizing Master Settlement Agreement payments (2005 p = 0.008, 2006 p=0.01), and liberal political ideology (2005 p = 0.002, 2006 p=0.002). Select state-level factors appear to have influenced per capita quitline services funding. These findings can help inform advocates and policymakers as they advocate for quitlines and tobacco control funding.
Since its initiation in the early 20th century, the federal surface transportation program has focused on highway construction and continues to do so to this day. However, over the past three decades, views of non-motorized modes and of federal interest in promoting them have changed dramatically. As is now widely recognized, a shift from motorized to non-motorized modes could produce abundant environmental benefits, including less air pollution, less water pollution, less noise, and lower greenhouse gas emissions. Economic benefits could come from reduced household spending on transportation, given the low cost of non-motorized modes. Non-motorized modes could also improve equity of access to jobs, healthcare, services, and other activities, especially for low-income households, the young, the elderly, and the disabled, who have more limited access to cars. Pedestrian infrastructure is also an essential component of an effective public transportation network. The public health community has raised awareness that "active travel" helps individuals meet recommended levels of physical activity, with significant benefits for health, as well as reductions in health care costs. Pedestrian and bicycle infrastructure is increasingly recognized as a critical component of a safe and efficient transportation system. Such benefits have provided justification for a national interest in funding for bicycle and pedestrian (bike/ped) infrastructure, such as sidewalks, safe pedestrian crossings, bike lanes, shared-use trails and bridges, and bicycle parking facilities. Provisions of the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act of 1991 (ISTEA) led to a dramatic increase in federal funding available for pedestrian and bicycle facilities. The Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century (TEA-21), passed in 1998, continued this trend, with the result that spending went from less than $7 million per year before ISTEA to over $400 million annually by 2003; over the six-year life of TEA-21, more than $1.4 billion was spent on bicycle and pedestrian projects, more than twice what was spent in the six previous years under ISTEA (Ernst, 2004). The latest federal transportation bill, known as SAFETEA-LU, signed into law in August 2005 and set to expire in 2009, offered the potential for an even more dramatic increase in federal transportation spending on bicycling and walking to more than $4 billion over the life of the bill. However, while Congress made it possible to spend federal funding on bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure, it did not mandate spending on these transportation modes. Instead, the decision to spend this money is made by metropolitan planning organizations (MPOs) in metropolitan areas of over fifty thousand and by state departments of transportation (DOTs) inside and outside of metropolitan areas. This raises several questions. * To what degree have MPOs and local governments taken advantage of the opportunity to invest in bike/ped infrastructure? * What factors explain the variation in bike/ped investments across MPOs? * Has federal support for bike/ped infrastructure led to increased attention to these modes throughout the transportation planning process? * Have bike/ped investments stimulated by federal funding had a positive impact on walking and bicycling? With the next federal transportation authorization bill now under consideration, as well as tens of billions of dollars in transportation funding as a part of an economic stimulus program, understanding the efficacy of federal funding for non-motorized modes is of critical importance. This paper explores these questions through an analysis of patterns of spending of federal funds across metropolitan regions, in-depth case studies of policies and projects in two metropolitan regions, Sacramento, California and Baltimore, Maryland, and an analysis of the impact of these investments on bicycling and walking behavior.
OBJECTIVES: To determine the feasibility of a low sodium meal plan intervention aimed at reducing seated blood pressure (BP) in residents of a government-subsidized congregate, senior living facility. METHODS: The Satter House Trial of Reduced Sodium Meals (SOTRUE) was an individual-level, masked, randomized, controlled pilot study, testing the feasibility of administering a low versus typical sodium meal plan to adult residents of Jack Satter House, a section 202 congregate living facility in Revere, MA, subsidized by the Federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Adults over age 60 years received 3 isocaloric meals with two snacks daily over a 14-day period. Both meal plans were equivalent in potassium and macronutrients, but differed in sodium density ( 2 mg/kcal). The primary outcome was seated systolic BP (SBP) averaged over 2 visits (days 10 and 14) using an Omron HEM-907XL automated cuff. Our objective measure of compliance was morning urine sodium-creatinine ratio. RESULTS: We randomized 20 participants (95% women, 95% white, and mean age 78 +/− 8 years), beginning in October 7, 2019. Baseline characteristics were evenly distributed between groups. Dietary compliance was high (only 2 discontinued meals) and follow-up was 100% with the last participant ending November 4, 2019. Baseline SBP changed from 121 to 116 mm Hg on the typical sodium meal plan (N = 9; mean difference of −5 mm Hg; 95% CI: −18, 8) and 123 to 112 mm Hg on the low sodium meal plan (N = 11; mean difference of −11 mm Hg; 95% CI: −15.2, −7.7). Compared to the typical sodium meal plan, the low sodium meal plan non-significantly reduced SBP by 5 mm Hg (95% CI: −14, 4) and non-significantly reduced urine sodium-creatinine ratio (%-difference −36.0; 95% CI: −60.3, 3.4). Effects on SBP were greater in the subgroup using hypertension medications at baseline (−13 mm Hg; 95% CI: −26, −0) and changes in SBP from baseline were correlated with changes in urine sodium-creatinine ratio (Pearson's r = 0.31). ...
