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October 3, 2023 marks the 30th anniversary of the Battle of Mogadishu, when American forces engaged in a pitched battle with a Somali militia in a densely populated residential neighborhood in Mogadishu, Somalia. This battle has become popularly known as "Black Hawk Down" in reference to the several UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters shot down during the battle, leading to the deaths of 18 U.S. soldiers and at least 300 Somali casualties, including militia and civilians. Much has been written about how this event, and the wider U.S. military intervention in Somalia, was a watershed moment heralding a new "world order" led by the U.S. in the aftermath of the Cold War. However, one of the most consequential impacts of U.S. interventions in Somalia has been the hindrance of local socio-political processes that might have, with time, provided an exit from the condition of permanent conflict. In so doing, these interventions have contributed to the continuation of conflict and historical paralysis in Somalia. The Battle of Mogadishu was the culmination of a U.S.-led UN intervention in Somalia which went through several iterations that progressively became more militarized. It began in April 1992 with United Nations Operations in Somalia I (UNOSOM I), which was mandated to monitor a ceasefire agreement between the warring parties in Mogadishu following the fall of the Somali state in early 1991. The ceasefire, however, never took hold, gravely hampering the delivery of humanitarian aid in the midst of an appalling famine. The harrowing images of starving children broadcasted across the globe partly informed the U.S. decision to offer to organize and lead a multinational force, United Task Force (UNITAF). The UN accepted the offer and UNITAF forces arrived in Somalia in December 1992 with the objective and mandate to provide security and facilitate humanitarian relief efforts. UNITAF was succeeded by UNOSOM II in March 1995 with a force of about 30,000 from 27 countries. The U.S. contributed a little over 1,000 personnel to this force, but exercised significant control over the operations. UNOSOM II not only took over the mandate of UNITAF in terms of securing and facilitating aid delivery, but was further tasked with nation-building, including forcible disarmament. This led to a confrontation between UNOSOM II and one of the militias, Somali National Alliance (SNA) led by General Mohamed Farah Aidid. U.S. forces led this confrontation carrying out raids against SNA militia and Aidid. After a series of increasingly violent reprisal attacks, U.S. forces raided a hotel in Mogadishu October 3, 1993 to capture high ranking SNA personnel. The disastrous result of the raid ultimately led the Clinton administration to change course and withdraw U.S. forces from Somalia in the spring of 1994. The U.N. followed suit and was out of Somalia by early 1995. There has been widespread criticism of various aspects of the U.S./UN intervention: the militarization of the intervention with the inevitably high civilian casualties, the racist violence and abuse of Somali civilians, the caricature and reduction of the crisis to images of starving children and drug-crazed militias, the UN's insistence that its failure to act quickly to avert the famine was entirely due to security concerns and not bureaucratic inertia, and the claim that 80% of food supplies meant for famine victims were being looted. Despite the criticism of the intervention, many also felt that the withdrawal of U.S. forces and the termination of UNOSOM II would lead to a resumption of violence and upsurge in the suffering of the population. The fact that this did not happen is a testament to the dynamics of the conflict and social processes that worked to overcome the conflict. Subsequent to the U.S. and UN withdrawal in early 1995, Somalia not only did not return to a cycle of violence, but experienced relative stability in what one commentator referred to as "governance without government." This period lasting about a decade, 1995-2004/05, was characterized by the formation of various self-governance arrangements based on locality and kinship relations as well as the emergence of conflict adjudication/arbitration centers in urban settings like Mogadishu.The best examples of the autonomous and semi-autonomous local administrations that emerged are Somaliland and Puntland in the north and northeast of the country. While no similarly successful administration emerged in the central and southern regions of the country, large-scale conflicts dissipated there as well as conflicts became localized. With the localization of conflicts, it became easier for communities to find locally-grounded solutions led by a mixture of traditional elders, business people, and civic groups. In some urban centers, meanwhile, there emerged adjudication/arbitration centers that utilized a mixture of sharia and Somali customs (heer) to resolve disputes. The most well-known and successful of these are the sharia courts of Mogadishu. These courts emerged within a year of the disintegration of the central government in 1991 as an expression of neighborhood residents' desire to address the disorder and anarchy. Given the centrality of sharia to the very idea of justice and law in Somali society, the centers began to be referred to as sharia courts. The sharia courts of Mogadishu brought a certain level of security to some neighborhoods in Mogadishu throughout the 90s and early 2000s despite the opposition of warlords and militias. The return of large-scale violence to Somalia coincided with the next U.S. intervention. The sharia courts of Mogadishu attracted the attention of American officials in Nairobi starting in the early 2000s because of a suspicion that individuals associated with some of the sharia courts might be harboring suspects in the 1998 U.S. East African embassy bombings. To help find and capture these suspects, the CIA started funneling money to warlords in Mogadishu. This strategy backfired as the sharia courts, with the massive support of Mogadishu residents, defeated the warlords. Whether perpetrators of the bombings were in Mogadishu or not, it was short-sighted to enlist the support of the warlords and target the sharia courts, as the State Department's political officer for Somalia pointed out at the time, because the courts were not a homogenous entity. They were an assortment of independent adjudication centers reflecting the entire spectrum of Islamist views in Somalia. Moreover, the warlords had a terrible reputation and were disliked by the people. When the warlords failed, the U.S. then supported an Ethiopian invasion of Mogadishu in mid-2006 that eventually disbanded the sharia courts. This invasion also backfired because it conferred legitimacy to the most radical elements within the sharia courts, thus, setting the stage for the rise of al-Shabaab and transformation of Somalia into a frontline state in the global war on terror. These American interventions in Somalia can be critiqued from many angles, but what is often overlooked and more damaging in the long run is the impact they had on local historical processes that might have led to Somalia overcoming its protracted conflict. Every time the U.S. intervenes directly or indirectly, through local or regional proxies, it reshuffles the decks, putting an end to organic political and social processes, thus contributing to the perpetuation of the Somali conflict that is now over three decades old. This is not to suggest that local processes of adaptation and governance will necessarily lead to a centralized government or a liberal democracy. But the presumption that this is the only way for Somalia to exit from conflict is part of the problem.

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina. Escuela de Posgrado. Maestría en Agronegocios ; El presente trabajo de investigación, se basa en el estudio de la cadena de valor del rocoto, como respuesta a la necesidad de conocer de manera detallada la situación actual y potencial de la principal zona productora de rocoto del Perú. Se empleó la metodología ValueLink, la cual es usada en programas y proyectos de desarrollo económico en agronegocios, la cual nos proporciona herramientas para discernir la información obtenida en el trabajo de campo. A partir del trabajo de campo se pudo describir y analizar la cadena de valor encontrando los siguientes resultados: la articulación a lo largo de la cadena no es la adecuada por la presencia de varios actores antes de que el producto llegue al mercado. Los productores reciben un bajo beneficio económico debido a la poca información del precio de venta del rocoto y no estar asociados por lo que tienen un bajo poder de negociación. Así mismo para la ampliación de la superficie de producción del rocoto los productores vienen deforestando el bosque para aprovechar el nuevo terreno rico en nutrientes. Los costos de producción se basan principalmente en costos de insumos y de mano de obra. El precio de chacra representa el 58 por ciento del precio final de venta en Lima. Finalmente en el análisis de la gobernanza, que hace referencia al poder y control entre los eslabones de la cadena de valor, se encontró como resultado una gobernanza del tipo Mercado debido a que las transacciones en la cadena son relativamente simples, las que se basan en el poder del comprador. En base a estos resultados encontrados se plantearon estrategias para el mejoramiento, a nivel técnico y social, para lograr un fortalecimiento o mejora conjunta de todos los componentes de la cadena de valor del rocoto fresco de la selva central. ; One of the issues that Espinar faces is the presence of conflicts due to the expanding activity of the 'Great Mining'. The objective of this study was to understand and determine the cause-effects and the relationships of the socioenvironmental struggles of the 'Great Mining' in Espinar (1980-2013). In order to accomplish this, compiling information on the history of mining was done first, which identified and characterized cycles by the methodology of analysis of political ecology and adaptive cycles. Afterwards, qualitative models of historical evolution were produced, which allowed identification of the main actors and factors at different moments. Lastly, a survey was carried out, which aided to understand the environmental perception of the civil society. Ω (omega) moments or collapse of each cycle were characterized through analyzing the six capitals (natural, economic, human, social, political and physical). The arrival of Minero Perú gave rise to subsequent explorations and exploitations by tunnel until the 1980s with a medium amount of mining, as well as open-pit mines to present day. A single stage is divided into a partial cycle and two mini-cycles. The partial cycle is in a state of maturity, and it comprises mini-cycles: exploitation by EMETINSA S.A, until their privatization in 1994, and exploitation by Magma Copper Company until 2003. The analysis indicates that at the end of stage 0, the natural capital (Kn) and the economic one (Ke) are falling. On one hand, we have the price of the copper in decadence on an international level, and on the other hand, many local miners were devoted to handmade mining, preferably of gold. As for copper, it was difficult to be exploited due to the complex geologic organization of the mine. The social capital (Ks), the political capital (Kp) and the human capital (Kh) remain steady, whereas the physical capital (Kf) tends to fall a little, prior to the opening of the pits. To begin 'open cut' mining, a number of variables enter, jointly or simultaneously, a phase of collapse, thereby indicating that the whole system is entering the omega phase (Ω) of stage I. Kn (↓) declines because of the international price of copper. Originally, the infrastructure was faulty since it lacked electric power and highways to transfer minerals on a larger scale, which were difficult to guide due to the unfavorable behavior of the price of metals, making Ke (↓) diminish. Kp (↓) fell because many political decisions regarding exploitation had not been made, and with the clearing of the floor they lost their infrastructure, which caused the deterioration of ancestral ways of life, customs, personal relationships, as well as the introduction of mental exogenous molds to the system, causing a decline in Kf (↓). Ks (↓) had the forced expropriations of cattle and agricultural lands to clear and open the pit, plus the displacement of the populations, which generated further socio-cultural issues, such as country-city migration, breakdown of families, among others. Although Kh remained steady, it showed a slight fall at the beginning of this stage. In mini-cycle 1, Ks (↓) fell due to the drastic reduction of workforce and the dissipation of the mining organization. Kn and Ke (↑) were favorable due to the evident rise of the international price of copper since 1993, as well as the polymetallic mining exploitation, and a diversification of its production. Kp (→) remains the same, due to the central government's 'closed policy'. Kh (→) remains the same too, although its first negative effects on the environment become clear; the first indications of contamination are evidenced primarily from several environmental studies. In minicycle 2, Ks (↑) showed a slight improvement because of the agreements reached between the civil society and the mining one. Kp (↑) increased due to the connectivity, participation and proposal developed by the local government and the civil society with other international entities. Over time, Kn (↓) has been declining in terms of access to natural resources and quality, focused on the adjacent populations and the rising price of copper; the per capita income and HDI for Ke (↑) has been increasing too. Initially, the most influential actors in the partial cycle and mini-cycles were the local miners and Minero Perú, the central government, a number of expropriated populations, and EMETINSA S.A.; however, the adjacent populations to the mine, as well as the central and local government, CooperAcción, the civil society, the mine and Fundación Tintaya are currently the most influential ones. The price of copper, Law N° 18880 (nationalization), Royal Legislative Decree N° 41/81/ME/Municipal Decree (expropriation), Legislative Decree N° 674 and 708 (privatization), and the demand for metals have been major influencers, too. The influence scales of the actors reach from a global standpoint to a local one. The mining has an impact on some variables in the system, such as migration, governance, escalation, and environmental impacts. The conflict was due to the degradation of the water and soil resources, which led to socio-environmental degradation of adjacent populations. Such resources have been contaminated and degraded, and so has the quality of people's health. The mining sector is not perceived as an employment generator, despite it is claimed to contribute to the development and the sustainability of the environment (NGOs). It is suggested to conduct an analysis with adaptive cycles in order to organize the data and describe the dynamics of the system. It is also recommended to institutionalize a permanent dialogue and have a goal-oriented development in order to effectively transform the conflicts and promote individual consent for better decisions that affect our natural resources. ; Tesis

В публікації висвітлено результати опитування студентів щодо сили прояву окремих детермінант якості вищої освіти. За результатами аналізу відповідей респондентів було встановлено факт домінування тих з складових змісту феномену якості вищої освіти, які пов'язані з формуванням конкурентних переваг фахівця та його здатністю до отримання більшого рівня заробітної плати. Найменша за силою прояву значущість у формуванні категоріального змісту якості вищої освіти на думку студентів відведена детермінантам можливості людини здійснювати особистісний розвиток та розуміти зміст подій навколо себе. В статті обґрунтовано напрями вдосконалення змісту та практики використання нормативно-правового механізму державного управління забезпеченням якості вищої освіти та подано пропозиції щодо зміни фокусу уваги у тлумаченні змісту відповідної категорії. ; Problem setting. A programme about the activity of Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine which was recently approved with Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine determines the issues related with providing training for competitive specialists in the system of universities of higher education on the level of one of the most priority objectives of the Government for the next five years. Such level of attention to the higher education quality is due to the fact that only 25% of employers are satisfied with the level of training of specialists in the system of higher education. The complexity of the Government's programme task is related to the diversity of manifestations of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon and inequality of stakeholders thoughts about the strength of the manifestations of its determinants. Solving the problem connected with the importance of the determinants of the higher education quality in its final content will lead to improving of the effectiveness of the implementation of state policy in the field of higher education. Recent research and publications analysis. The problematics of higher education quality, as well as the issue of its providing, always remain in the focus of the scientific attention of researchers. Among the latest publications of the relevant sphere we should pay attention to those which were published by V. P. Andrushhenko, V. P. Andrushchenko, Yu.V. Bekh, Ye. I. Pinchuk, N. G. Batechko, G. P. Klimova, V. I. Lugovy`j, Zh. V.Talanova, S. V. Mudra, O. G. Romanovs`ky, V. P. Sadkovyi and other scientists. We should pay attention to the works of A. Craft, R. Dicker, M. Garcia, A. Kelly, H. Mulrooney, B. Ruben and other foreign researchers. Despite the a sufficient level of scientific study of the problematics of the higher education quality, some areas of its positioning in the framework of scientific knowledge are still open to further scientific research. Paper objective. Basing on the results of the analysis of the students' point of view as for the level of manifestation of some of the determinants of the higher education quality phenomenon, to substantiate the ways to improve some of the mechanisms of public administration over providing of the higher education quality on both the University and state levels. Paper main body. As a tool for obtaining information from students about the level of the manifestation of individual determinants of the higher education quality, the survey method in the form of interviews and questionnaires was chosen. With the help of the interview method, the wording of the questionnaire questions was clarified, as well as the variants of possible variants of answers were determined. 585 respondents aged 18 to 35 years from Kharkiv, Poltava, Sumy, as well as controlled by Ukraine parts of Donetsk and Lugansk regions took part in the survey, out of which 43 people acted as interviewees, and 542 students as respondents in the questionnaire procedure. Due to the results of analysis obtained from the respondents of the questionnaires there were identified such a significance of the determinants of the higher education quality forming its final content: to be more competitive in the labour market – 30%; the ability to receive higher wages – 30%; the ability to ensure their positioning within a particular social group – 20%; the ability to obtain the full development of their personality –12%; the ability to understand the nature and content of the surrounding events – 8%. The held research revealed the students' concentration on the material and career components of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon, as well as on the gradual loss of significance (weight) in the so-called humanitarian determinants. So, we have to state the contradiction to the provided in the law of Ukraine "on higher education" content of the category of the higher education quality (theoretical aspect) with its real actualization in the system of value orientations of students (practical aspect). Conclusions of the research. Taking into account the results of the survey we can make such conclusions. First of all, we propose to strengthen the block of social and humanitarian disciplines, especially in the framework of teaching of natural Sciences and mathematics, technology, sports and profile with the aim to ensure the compliance of practical activities which holds University of Higher Education about giving real meaning to the phenomenon of higher education quality defined in regulatory documents of Ukraine to the standards. We also propose you to consider an opportunity to supplement the content of general competency standards for higher education, regardless of their industry sphere, regulations regarding the ability of the graduate to understand the content of social and humanitarian development of a social object. Moreover, we propose to change the content of the criteria for assessing the educational program quality with the help of focusing on the attention of competencies' importance not only for the professional activity of the future specialist, but also for the realisation of the citizen's rights and duties. Secondly, we propose to consider the possibility of government establishing free for access and qualitative in its content of massive online courses and the so-called open universities with the aim to compensate the loss society and the state gets from the objective process of reducing the number of Institutions of Higher Education and increasing the minimum amount (total) of test points of the External independent evaluation of a particular subject within the admission to an educational programme, as, nowadays, it is the vector regarding at the level of one of the possible ways to improve the quality of higher education. The creation of a network of relevant institutions will not only partially compensate for the inevitable reduction in the number of Universities of higher education lose state's human capital, but also create conditions for the full development of the individual outside the University. In addition, the use with the person of the opportunities allowing an individual development, which are offered online courses and open universities, on the one hand, can allow person to increase the level of their professional knowledge in the specialty, and on the other – actualizes the possibility of stratification transition from the one social group to another one without training in the traditional University of Higher Education.

1- OBJETIVOS: La tesis cuyo proyecto se presenta, tiene como objeto realizar un análisis jurídico exhaustivo de las modalidades de extinción de la relación laboral con mayor trascendencia en los últimos años: los despidos por causas económicas, técnicas, organizativas, y de producción, entre los que se dedica especial atención a los de origen económico. Concretamente, hemos abordado el análisis, para cada modalidad extintiva, de la causa del despido o extinción, sus efectos jurídicos, el procedimiento de impugnación y las consecuencias de la calificación jurídica realizada por el órgano judicial competente. En una primera parte del estudio hemos analizado el régimen jurídico extintivo existente antes de la reforma laboral de 2012, y en una segunda parte la regulación vigente tras la mencionada reforma. A nuestro juicio, sólo será posible realizar un análisis profundo y una valoración crítica de la materia sobre la que se centra nuestra investigación, si se conocen con detenimiento los antecedentes de la institución jurídica analizada. Nuestro objeto de estudio no se ha limitado al análisis del régimen jurídico de las extinciones que se producen en el sector privado, sino que se ha extendido a los despidos por causas económicas, técnicas organizativas o productivas que afectan al personal laboral de las Administraciones Públicas, y al examen de la respuesta ofrecida por los jueces y tribunales del orden social ante las impugnaciones de los trabajadores afectados. 2- METODOLOGÍA: Para la elaboración de este trabajo de investigación se ha seguido una metodología prácticamente teórica, tanto en lo referente al estudio del sector público como privado. En ambos casos su desarrollo parte de una revisión bibliográfica, que ha permitido establecer una reflexión teórica y estructurar las ideas sobre el objeto de estudio, así como revisar y replantear las hipótesis de trabajo y los objetivos del mismo. Dada la fuerte interacción de los elementos y procesos a estudiar, este marco teórico presenta una visión integradora, imprescindible para explicar de forma conjunta los cambios producidos en los últimos años en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico. 3- CONCLUSIONES: Como hemos visto a lo largo del presente estudio, la reforma laboral introducida en el año 2012, a través el RDL 3/2012 de 10 de febrero y de la Ley 3/2012 de 6 de Julio, han supuesto el inicio de un proceso de revisión y cambio en el régimen jurídico de este tipo de despidos; provocando así, la flexibilización de la regulación de esta modalidad de despidos en el sistema español, mediante un mecanismo ágil y eficiente, que permite a empresarios reestructurar su personal en situaciones complicadas de crisis económica, provocando a su vez una mayor libertad de gestión empresarial, tanto a nivel privado, como público, debido a que tras la reforma laboral operada en 2012, se prevé la posibilidad de realizar expedientes de regulación de empleo en el Sector Público, en este caso, como hemos visto a lo largo del desarrollo del presente estudio, muchos autores consideran muy discutible que se puedan tramitar despidos colectivos y objetivos por las Administraciones Públicas, y en todo caso, habría que aplicar las garantías adicionales que contempla el Estatuto Básico del Empleado Público, como es la tramitación de un Plan de Ordenación de Recursos Humanos, que afecte no sólo al personal laboral sino también al funcionario y se contemple medidas organizativas y no extintivas. Sin embargo existen numerosos planteamientos doctrinales y judiciales que admiten, sin más, la aplicación de las causas del despido colectivo u objetivo a las Administraciones Públicas. En definitiva, quienes esperaban haberlo visto todo en el proceso laboral, no imaginaban lo que nos tenía preparado el legislador tras la publicación del RDL 3/2012 en un terreno de tanta sensibilidad social y procesal como es el despido. 1. OBJECTIVES The thesis project which is presented is intended to conduct a thorough legal analysis of the modes of termination of the employment relationship with greater importance in recent years: dismissals for economic, technical, organizational and production causes, among which are devote special attention to the economic dismissal. Specifically, we focused the analysis for each mode above mentioned, the cause of dismissal or termination, its legal effects, the challenge procedure and the consequences of the legal assessment made by the competent court. In the first part of the thesis, we have analyzed the existing legal regime discontinuance before the labor reform of 2012, in the second part, the actual regulation after this reform. In our view, it will only be possible to make a deep analysis and critical assessment of the matter on which our research focuses, if known in detail the history of the legal institution analyzed. Our object of study is not limited to the analysis of the legal regime of extinctions that occur in the private sector but has been extended to dismissals for economic or productive reasons, organizational techniques that affect the workforce of the Public Administrations, and examining the reply given by the judges and courts of the social order to the challenges of the affected workers. 2. METHODOLOGY The preparation of this research has been mostly theoretical methodology followed, both regarding to the study of public and private sectors. In both cases the development of a literature review, which has established a theoretical reflection and structure ideas on the subject of study and review and reconsider the working hypotheses and objectives. Given the strong interaction of the elements and processes to study, this presents a theoretical framework, essential to jointly explain changes in recent years in our legal system integrating vision. 3. CONCLUSIONS As we have seen throughout this study, labor reform introduced in 2012, through RDL 3/2012 of February 10 and the Law 3/2012 of July 6, they have marked the start of a process review and change in the legal status of such dismissals; thereby causing the flexible regulation of this form of layoffs in the Spanish system, through an agile and efficient mechanism that allows entrepreneurs to restructure its staff in difficult situations of economic crisis, in turn causing greater freedom of enterprise management, both private and public, because after the labor reform introduced in 2012, provides for the possibility of layoff Employment in the public sector, in this case, many authors consider highly debatable that you can handle collective and objective dismissals by public administrations, and in any case, should apply the additional guarantees provided the Basic Statute for Civil Servants, as is the processing of a Human Resource Management Plan, affecting not only the workforce but also the official and organizational and not at extinguishing measures contemplated. However there are many doctrinal and judicial approaches that support, without more, the implementation of the causes of collective dismissal or objective to general public administrations. In short, who hoped to have seen everything in the labor process, they didn´t imagine what the legislator had prepared after the publication of RDL 3/2012 in an area of such social and judicial sensitivity as dismissal.

Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock ."It seemed ironic that the federal courts were forcing a showdown that neither side wanted, when true 'justice' might best have been served by traditional judicial calm and exhaustive deliberation" that the method of integration, starting at the high-school level, was not the most suitable, and suggested that the plan be changed, permitting integration to begin at the first grade. He had a strong desire for conciliation but sought time to soften the adjustment. It seemed ironic that the federal courts were forcing a showdown that neither side wanted, when true "justice" might best have been served by traditional judicial calm and exhaustive deliberation. Governor Faubus also complained of the lack of advance support from the leading 50 businessmen in Little Rock, of what he called the "country club" set, when he appealed to them on behalf of community support for enforcing moderate integration under the court decree. That he was making concessions to the lawful processes of government was shown by his rejecting the idea of calling a conference of Southern Governors to support his present stand. Views of a "Truce" on Integration Sherman Adams took a dim view of the Governor's idea that, if an official or unofficial truce could be arranged, lasting from the opening of the schools to mid-term, integration as originally planned by the school board, or revised along lines he suggested, could then begin. Regardless of this, Sherman was anxious to help the Governor find a solution which would meet the needs of the people of Arkansas and still conform with the law of the land. My own view is stated in my diary citation of Wednesday, September 11: "It seems to me that time, not substance, presents the difficulty. The Governor is not opposed to the school-board decision being carried out, he simply thinks that a delay is essential to the maintenance of peace. If the conference does not produce some kind of accord, it will be because the Justice Department and the Governor are too far apart on this point. I told Sherman that I felt sure the Justice Department should be told by him that some flexibility must come into the discussions, that the Supreme Court decision was startling in its newness albeit the old order simply did not suffice, and that they should not object to the staffing of the U. S. marshal's office to supplement the State police-or, if confined to local authorities, the city police and the county sheriff's deputies. "The Justice Department would not be happy over the concessions as to time that the President might make, but I am hopeful that he will be convinced from the Governor's presentation that some delay would be exceedingly helpful. We need a breather. I think I influenced Sherman on the question of help from the Federal Government to protect the students and maintain order. At any rate, he said that while the Government would have to insist that the maintenance of order is the State's responsibility, federal help would be available on the Governor's request." It was at 12:15 p.m. Wednesday that the Governor's telegram was sent by W. J. Smith to Newport. At 2:30 Sherman called to read me the President's answer. He told me to release it in 15 minutes. I read it to the Governor, and he said he would call the newspapers at once. I relaxed. My own participation in the pre-Newport talks was finally made known, after much newspaper speculation, by Presidential Press Secretary Jim Hagerty, when he answered a question about it on that Wednesday's news conference releasing the President's and the Governor's telegrams. This was the Governor's message to the President: "Dear Mr. President. I have accepted summons from the United States District Court, Eastern District of Arkansas, to appear before that court on September 20th to answer certain allegations in litigation affecting the high school in Little Rock. Recognizing that we jointly share great responsibility under the Federal Constitution, I feel that it is advisable for us to counsel together in determining my course of action as Chief Executive of the State of Arkansas with reference to the responsibility placed upon me by the State and federal constitutions. "The United States District Court has already entered an order relative to the integration of the high school in Little Rock, and this order has been affirmed by the Circuit Court of Appeals. "All good citizens must of course obey all proper orders of our courts, and it is certainly my desire to comply with the order that has been issued by the District Court in this case, consistent with my responsibility under the Constitution of the United States and that of Arkansas. "May I confer with you on this matter at your earliest convenience." The President's answer: "I have your telegram in which you request a meeting with me. Would it suit your convenience to come to my office on Naval Base, Newport, either Friday, September 13, at 3 p.m. or Saturday a.m., 14th, at 9 o'clock. If you would let my office know your method of transportation to the Newport area my staff will arrange to have you met and brought to the base. "Dwight D. Eisenhower" The Governor, his private secretary, Arnold Sikes, two pilots and I left Little Rock early Friday morning in a chartered plane for the conference, which had been scheduled for Saturday morning. We encountered a thunderstorm which tossed us about, but the Governor was tranquil. He actually slept through some of it. We stopped for lunch and refueling at Roanoke, Va. The Governor and I walked into the lunch-room unnoticed. On the front page of the newspapers, which seemed to stare at us from the newsstand, was a two-column picture of me, but no one seemed to recognize us. The anonymity was rather welcome after the preceding hectic day. Adams had arranged for us to be met at the Providence Airport by an aide and escorted to a hotel. The character of the reception given us at the Rhode Island airport convinced me that sentiment in that area was not friendly, and it became obvious within a short time that this reflected national sentiment outside the Deep South. No one representing the Governor of Rhode Island or the mayor of Providence was on hand to welcome us. There were curious crowds but no cheering. It was rather pathetic to see Governor Faubus looking vainly for some sign of enthusiasm. I was beginning by that time to U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959 123

Vortrag von Sina Marie Nietz bei Festo am 24.10.2019 (verschriftlichte Form)Der Titel dieses Vortrags beinhaltet mehrere "Riesenbegriffe": Globalisierung und Digitalisierung, zwei Begriffe, die heutzutage geradezu inflationär genutzt werden und dabei ganz unterschiedliche Prozesse und Entwicklungen beschreiben. Autonomer Individualverkehr, Pflege-Roboter, softwaregesteuerte Kundenkorrespondenz und Social Media, Big-Data-Ökonomie, Clever-Bots, Industrie 4.0. Die Digitalisierung hat ökonomische, kulturelle und politische Auswirkungen auf allen gesellschaftlichen Ebenen. Die zunehmenden technischen Möglichkeiten vor allem durch KI zwingen uns auch zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit ethischen Fragen und unseren bisherigen Konzepten von Intelligenz. Was zeichnet menschliches Handeln aus? Wie unterscheidet sich menschliche, natürliche Intelligenz von Künstlicher? Die Frage, was menschliches Handeln und menschliche Intelligenz von Maschinen unterscheidet, wird aus einem Alltagsverständnis heraus häufig mit Emotionen wie Empathie, Mitgefühl, Einfühlungsvermögen, Mitmenschlichkeit beantwortet. All diese Begriffe wollen wir nun zunächst einmal unter "emotionaler Intelligenz" zusammenfassen, bevor wir uns zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt näher damit auseinandersetzen werden.Globalisierung – ein weiterer überaus komplexer Begriff, der genutzt wird, um ganz unterschiedliche Prozesse zu beschreiben. Globalisierung meint die Verflechtung von Handelsbeziehungen und Kommunikationstechnologien sowie den Anstieg von Mobilität. Globalisierung umfasst zunehmende transnationale Abhängigkeiten in Form von losen Abkommen, Verträgen und Gesetzen. Globalisierung bedeutet auch, dass Organisationen wie NGOs, transnationale Institutionen, Konzerne und Staaten über Ländergrenzen hinweg agieren und kooperieren. Globalisierung meint jedoch auch globale Herausforderungen wie internationalen Terrorismus und vor allem die Klimakatastrophe. In dieser Zeit zunehmender Verflechtungen und internationaler Abhängigkeiten lassen sich gleichzeitig nationalistische Tendenzen beobachten, die der zunehmenden Öffnung gesellschaftliche Abschottung entgegenzusetzen versuchen. Die Frage nach Öffnung oder Abschottung polarisiert und spaltet. In der Wissenschaft wird von einer neuen gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie, einer cleavage gesprochen. Die cleavage zwischen Öffnung und Abschottung, zwischen Kosmopoliten und Nationalisten, zwischen Rollkoffer und Rasenmäher.Die Ergebnisse der letzten Europawahlen im Mai 2019 haben jene cleavage eindeutig widergespiegelt. Die etablierten Parteien, allen voran CDU/CSU und SPD, haben erneut massiv Wählerstimmen eingebüßt. Wohingegen auf der einen Seite der neuen gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie die AfD mit ihrem Abschottungskurs und auf der anderen Seite die Grünen, die klare Kante für Kosmopolitismus verkörpern, Stimmenzuwächse verzeichnen konnten. Auch in anderen europäischen Ländern sahen die Wahlergebnisse programmatisch vergleichbarer Parteien ähnlich aus.Bereits seit der Wirtschafts- bzw. "Eurokrise" erhalten rechtspopulistische Parteien zunehmend Zuspruch in ganz Europa. Deutschland war mit der AfD in dieser Hinsicht ein Nachzügler. Der Begriff "Rechtspopulismus" ist dabei nicht ganz unproblematisch. Zum einen dient er als sogenannter "battle term", um gegnerische Parteien oder PolitikerInnen zu degradieren. Zum anderen findet er keine einheitliche Verwendung, sondern wird genutzt, um einen Politikstil, eine rhetorische Strategie, eine Mobilisierungsstrategie oder eine politische Ideologie zu bezeichnen. Des Weiteren bildet sich zunehmend der Konsens heraus, dass mit dem Begriff auch die Gefahr der Verharmlosung in Bezug auf Parteien oder Personen einhergeht, die ihrer politischen Gesinnung nach eigentlich als rechtsradikal bis rechtsextrem einzuordnen sind. Trotz dieser Schwierigkeiten hat sich in den vergangenen Jahren durch zahlreiche Publikationen ein wissenschaftlicher Konsens geformt. Im Folgenden soll die Definition von Rechtspopulismus nach Jan Werner Müller, einem der federführenden Populismusforscher in Deutschland, umrissen werden. Populismus leitet sich von dem lateinischen Wort "populus", zu deutsch "Volk", ab. Der Bezug auf das Volk ist für jede Form des Populismus essenziell. In der Logik des Populismus stehen "dem Volk" die "korrupten Eliten", das Establishment gegenüber ("Altparteien", "Eurokraten"…). Es ist prinzipiell variabel, wer zu den Eliten zählt. In diesem Zusammenhang wird häufig das vermeintliche Paradoxon Donald Trump angeführt. Dieser zählt aufgrund seines Vermögens definitiv zu einer finanziellen Elite, kann sich jedoch aufgrund seines Mangels an Politikerfahrung als Politikaußenseiter, als "Mann aus dem Volk" und Sprachrohr des Volkes darstellen.Jan Werner-Müller zufolge sind RechtspopulistInnen immer anti-elitär, doch nicht jeder, der Eliten kritisiert, ist auch automatisch ein Rechtspopulist. Es muss immer noch ein zweites Kriterium gegeben sein, nämlich das des Anti-Pluralismus. In einer pluralistischen Gesellschaft konkurrieren zahlreiche verschiedene Organisationen, gesellschaftliche Gruppierungen und Parteien um wirtschaftliche und politische Macht. Es herrscht außerdem Vielfalt in Form von Meinungen und unterschiedlichen Lebensentwürfen. Rechtspopulismus lehnt diese Vielfalt ab. Es findet demnach nicht nur eine Abgrenzung nach oben zu "den Eliten", sondern auch nach unten ("Sozialschmarotzer") bzw. außen ("der Fremde", "der Islam", "die Flüchtlinge", Homosexuelle) statt. Rechtspopulistische Repräsentanten behaupten, ein homogen gedachtes "wahres Volk" mit einem einheitlichen Volkswillen zu vertreten. So wird ein moralischer Alleinvertretungsanspruch postuliert. Da der homogen konstruierte Volkswille in der Logik des Rechtspopulismus a priori feststeht und RechtspopulistInnen diesen repräsentieren, bedarf es keiner anderen Parteien oder Vertreter. Daraus ergibt sich jedoch ein Logikproblem, wenn sie dann bei Wahlen nicht die Mehrheit der Stimmen auf sich vereinen können. So betrug der Stimmenanteil der AfD bei der Bundestagswahl 2017 12,6%. Um diese Differenz "erklären" zu können, werden verschwörungstheoretische Erklärungsmuster wie das einer "schweigenden Mehrheit" herangezogen. Es werden gezielt Zweifel am politischen System, an den Medien ("Lügenpresse") und der Wissenschaft gesät. Es wird auf vermeintliche Fehler im System und die angebliche Unterdrückung des "eigentlichen Volkswillens" verwiesen. So schaffen RechtspopulistInnen eine Parallelwelt der "alternativen Fakten" und tragen zur Spaltung der Gesellschaft bei.Betrachtet man die verschiedenen rechtspopulistischen Parteien und Bewegungen in Europa, stößt man auf Unterschiede in deren Inhalten und Strategien. So hat Geert Wilders in den Niederlanden beispielsweise immer eine sehr liberale Gesellschaftspolitik vertreten, etwa in Form liberaler Abtreibungsgesetze und der Befürwortung gleichgeschlechtlicher Ehen. In Polen fährt die PiS-Partei hingegen einen katholisch geprägten konservativen Kurs hinsichtlich gesellschaftspolitischer Themen, wie auch die FPÖ in Österreich. Als gemeinsame Klammer dient allen rechtspopulistischen Parteien ihre ablehnende bis feindliche Haltung gegenüber Migration und "dem Islam". Die ausgrenzende Gesinnung bildet demnach das Kernelement rechtspopulistischer Ideologien. Das bedeutet, dass es keinen Rechtspopulismus ohne Feindbilder gibt.Und damit wären wir bei der ersten These meines heutigen Vortrags: Feindbilder sind das Kernelement von Rechtspopulismus. Rechtspopulistische Parteien greifen gezielt xenophobe Vorurteile, Stereotype und Emotionen wie Angst und Hass auf, schüren diese und verbreiten sie so. Wir werden gleich noch darauf zu sprechen kommen, wie sie dies genau machen. Vorurteile sind eine effektive Strategie, um Ungleichheit oder die Entstehung von Ungleichheit zu legitimieren. Hier dockt der Populismus perfekt an die bereits vorhandene Ungleichheitsideologie unserer meritokratischen Leistungsgesellschaft an. Unsere freie Marktwirtschaft basiert auf der Annahme der Notwendigkeit von Ungleichheit und legitimiert diese durch unterschiedliche Mechanismen. Stichworte in diesem Kontext lauten: survival of the fittest, Leistungsprinzip, Konkurrenzdruck in Zeiten von Outsourcing von Arbeitsplätzen und Zeitarbeit, Selbstoptimierung, Humankapital.Ich würde Sie an dieser Stelle gerne zu einem kurzen Exkurs in die Kognitionswissenschaft einladen, um die Bedeutung von Vorurteilen und Stereotypen für das menschliche Denken und Handeln näher zu erläutern. Der menschliche Verstand benötigt Kategorien zum Denken, zum Einordnen und Verarbeiten von Sinneseindrücken und Informationen. Andernfalls würde der Prozess der Informationsverarbeitung viel zu viel Zeit beanspruchen und wir wären nicht handlungsfähig. Wir ordnen unsere Eindrücke also bestimmten, vorgefertigten Kategorien zu. Innerhalb einer Kategorie erhält nun alles dieselbe Vorstellungs- bzw. Gefühlstönung. Der Grad der Verallgemeinerung hängt mit dem Wissen über die einzuordnende Information zusammen. Auf die rechtspopulistischen Ausgrenzungsstrategien bezogen ergibt sich Folgendes: Es wird das Feindbild "Islam" konstruiert und mit Eigenschaften wie "Gewalt" und "Terror" verknüpft. Dabei wird nicht zwischen verschiedenen Strömungen und Glaubensrichtungen unterschieden, sondern alles zu einem homogenen Gebräu innerhalb derselben Kategorie umgerührt. Individuen, die aufgrund von Herkunft, Religionszugehörigkeit, Ethnie etc. dieser Gruppe zugezählt werden, werden als Teil der Feindgruppe gedacht, nicht als Individuen. Sie werden objektiviert und entmenschlicht. Das Leiden des Einzelnen geht in der Masse unter und Empathie wird verhindert. Einzelne Ausnahmen werden als solche anerkannt, um das Gesamtbild, bzw. die gebildeten Kategorien, aufrechterhalten zu können. Und damit sind wir bei der zweiten These angelangt: Die Verallgemeinerung rechtspopulistischer Ausgrenzungsstrategien verhindert Empathie.Die einfache Zweiteilung des Freund-Feind-Denkens geht mit einer enormen Reduktion von Komplexität einher - ein attraktives Angebot in Zeiten zunehmender Komplexität und Undurchschaubarkeit (Stichwort Globalisierung). Doch wie werden diese Feindbilder nun genau erzeugt und aufrechterhalten? Hierzu bedienen sich rechtspopulistische Akteure unterschiedlicher rhetorischen Strategien.Rechtspopulistische Sprache ist zumeist eine reduktionistische und sehr bildhafte Sprache. Es werden häufig Metaphern verwendet, die Träger einer Botschaft sind. So ist der im Kontext der Migrationsbewegungen ab 2015 oft verwendete Begriff "Flüchtlingswelle" kein neutraler Begriff. Die Zusammensetzung der beiden Worte "Flüchtlinge" und "Welle" impliziert eine unaufhaltsame Naturgewalt, gegenüber der es sich durch Bauen eines Dammes abzuschotten gilt. Zudem finden auch biologistische Metaphern wie "Flüchtlingsschwärme" ihren Einzug in rechtspopulistische Narrative. Die Entlehnung nationalsozialistisch geprägter Begriffe wie beispielsweise "völkisch" durch Akteure der AfD hat nicht nur einmal zu medialer Aufmerksamkeit geführt. Weitere häufig verwendete rhetorische Strategien und Stilmittel sind Wiederholungen, Wortneuschöpfungen, Tabubrüche, kalkulierte Ambivalenz und auch die eingangs erwähnten Verschwörungstheorien. Ich möchte diese Stilmittel nicht im Einzelnen näher ausführen. Aber ich möchte auf die Beziehung zwischen Rechtspopulismus und Medien aufmerksam machen. Es gab in den vergangenen Monaten zahlreiche Beispiele für Tabubrüche seitens der AfD, die nach und nach zu einer Diskursverschiebung geführt hat, die mit einer Normalisierung von Gewalt in der Sprache im öffentlichen Diskurs einhergeht.Medien und Populismus folgen ähnlichen Kommunikationsstrategien wie beispielsweise Personalisierung, Emotionalisierung, Dramatisierung und Komplexitätsreduktion. Trotz der grundlegend feindlichen Einstellung rechtspopulistischer Parteien gegenüber der "Lügenpresse" gehen Populismus und Massenmedien eine Art Symbiose ein. Die Massenmedien sind auf Schlagzeilen angewiesen und die PopulistInnen auf mediale Aufmerksamkeit. Eine besondere Rolle spielen insbesondere seit dem letzten US-Wahlkampf soziale Medien wie Twitter. Trump bezeichnete sich einmal selbst als den "Hemingway der 140 Zeichen". Durch seine kurzen Tweets in einer einfach gehaltenen Sprache vermittelt er Nahbarkeit und inszeniert sich als Sprachrohr des Volkes. Immer in Abgrenzung zu der abgehobenen, korrupten Politikelite mit ihrer "political correctness". Es scheint, als würden "gefühlte Wahrheiten" schwerer wiegen als Fakten, so wird häufig vom Anbruch des postfaktischen Zeitalters gesprochen. Das Leugnen wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse bei gleichzeitiger Fokussierung auf "alternative" und "gefühlte Wahrheiten" birgt die Gefahr einer zunehmenden Parallelwelt der Fakten.Durch Echokammern und Filterblasen verfestigen sich eigene Einstellungen und die politische Meinung. Die neue Rechte hat sich zudem die Funktionsweise von Algorithmen und Bots zunutze gemacht und wirkt dadurch in Sozialen Netzwerken wie Facebook und Twitter, aber auch in Foren und Blogs unheimlich präsent. Medien sind hier keine Einrichtungen im Sinne von Organisationseinheiten mit besonderen Rechten, Sach- und Personalmitteln, sondern Räume und Kanäle. Dialogroboter sind zugleich Werkzeug und Medium einer neuen Kommunikationswelt. In den Massenmedien kann man eine stetige Zunahme von dialogischer Kommunikation beobachten. Dialogroboter werden funktional wie Massenmedien eingesetzt, funktionieren strukturell aber nach den Prinzipien interpersoneller Kommunikation.Kehren wir zu den beiden Ausgangsthesen zurück. Erstens: Feindbilder sind ein Kernelement von Rechtspopulismus. Zweitens: Die Verallgemeinerung von Feindbildern verhindert Empathie. Nun stellt sich die Frage nach möglichen Lösungsansätzen. Wie kann der dargelegten Objektivierung von Menschen durch Feindbilder entgegengewirkt werden? Welche Gegenstrategien gibt es? Häufig werden sehr allgemeine Handlungsempfehlungen ausgesprochen oder die Ausführungen zu möglichen Lösungen sehr kurz gehalten, sodass der politikwissenschaftliche Diskurs bisweilen in Bezug auf die Gegenstrategien ungenau und schwammig bleibt.Ich möchte Ihnen heute einen spezifischen Ansatz vorstellen, der darauf abzielt, Empathie als Teil emotionaler Intelligenz zu stärken, um rechtspopulistischen Feindbildern präventiv zu begegnen. Die gezielte Schulung von Empathie als Teil emotionaler Intelligenz. Das Konzept der emotionalen Intelligenz (EQ) kam in den 1990er Jahren auf, federführend unter den Sozialpsychologen John D. Mayer und Peter Salovey. Das gleichnamige Buch veröffentlichte 1995 Daniel Goleman. Bereits damals wurde Empathie als eine "Schlüsselkompetenz" emotionaler Intelligenz gefasst. Hier wurde zum einen der Versuch unternommen, auf die Bedeutung von Gefühlen beim Erreichen beruflicher Ziele und des eigenen Lebensglücks zu verweisen, zum anderen EQ messbar zu machen, sodass bald darauf zahlreiche EQ-Tests folgten. Der Versuch, Intelligenz anhand von Testsituationen oder ähnlichen Verfahren messbar zu machen, geht jedoch mit einigen Aspekten einher, die es kritisch zu betrachten gilt. Vor allem stellt sich, wie auch bei den klassischen IQ-Tests (auf denen im Übrigen unser heutiges Verständnis von Intelligenz beruht) die Frage, ob tatsächlich das gemessen wird, was gemessen werden soll. In einer Leistungsgesellschaft, die dem Diktat der Transparenz und Messbarkeit (PISA, Evaluationen etc.) unterworfen ist, haben es schlecht messbare emotionale Kompetenzen wie Empathie schwer.Die zunehmenden Abhängigkeiten im Kontext der Globalisierung weisen eigentlich in Richtung Kooperation. Die vorherrschende Ideologie unserer Gesellschaft basiert jedoch nach wie vor auf dem Konkurrenzprinzip. Die meritokratische Leistungs- und Wettbewerbsideologie des freien Marktes hat ein empathiefeindliches Umfeld geschaffen. Zudem lässt die Hyperindividualisierung Empathie unwahrscheinlicher werden. Das Wachstum des "Ichs" als Instanz der Nicht-Ähnlichkeit führt zur Kultivierung eines Bewusstseins für Differenzen anstatt für Gemeinsamkeiten. Je mehr wir uns auf die Unterschiede konzentrieren, desto schwieriger werden empathische Empfindungen und Handlungen, da diese eine Identifikation mit dem Anderen voraussetzen. Des Weiteren hat insbesondere im Bildungsdiskurs viele Jahre lang eine einseitige Fokussierung auf Rationalität stattgefunden. Diese impliziert eine künstliche Trennung zwischen Emotionalität und Rationalität. Zusammenfassend lässt sich festhalten, dass verschiedene gesellschaftliche, politische, aber vor allem auch ökonomische Faktoren wie die neoliberale Konkurrenz- und Wettbewerbsideologie, das Diktat der Messbarkeit, die Hyperindividualisierung sowie die einseitige Fokussierung auf Rationalität der Etablierung von Empathie als Schlüsselkompetenz des 21. Jahrhunderts im Weg standen und noch immer stehen. Doch was bedeutet Empathie eigentlich konkret in einem wissenschaftlichen Verständnis? Empathie stammt von dem griechischen Wort "Pathos", zu deutsch "Leidenschaft". Umgangssprachlich ist mit Empathie die Fähigkeit des Sich-in-jemand-Einfühlens oder Hineinversetzens gemeint. Empathie hat eine kognitive (Wahrnehmung der Interessen des Anderen) und eine affektive (dabei entstehende Gefühle) Komponente. Die Entstehung von Empathie erfolgt in drei Schritten: Soziale Perspektivenübernahme, Identifikation, Empathie. Die Übernahme einer anderen Perspektive erlernen wir bereits im Kleinkindalter. Zunächst anhand der Übernahme räumlicher Perspektiven. Durch den zweiten Schritt, die Identifikation mit einer anderen Person oder einem anderen Lebewesen, entsteht das Potenzial für die empathische Einfühlung in jene Person oder jenes Lebewesen. Aus dieser empathischen Empfindung kann wiederum ein gewisses Aktionspotenzial entstehen, wenn beispielsweise eine Ungerechtigkeit Empörung auslöst und zur Aktion gegen jene Ungerechtigkeit führt.Wir kommen nun zu der dritten These meines Vortrags: Empathie kann gezielt gelehrt und gelernt werden. Jüngste wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse belegen, dass Empathie eine erlernbare Fähigkeit ist. Die deutsche Neurowissenschaftlerin und Psychologin Tania Singer hat im Rahmen einer großangelegten Untersuchung, dem "ReSource-Projekt" am Max-Planck-Institut für Kognitions- und Neurowissenschaften die Wirkung von Meditation auf das Verhalten und die damit verbundenen Veränderungen im Gehirn untersucht. Die Idee, die hinter diesem Forschungsprojekt steht, war die Suche nach einer Möglichkeit, gezielt soziale Fähigkeiten wie Mitgefühl, Empathie und die "Theory of Mind" zu fördern. Die Untersuchung ging über einen Zeitraum von elf Monaten und bestand aus unterschiedlichen Modulen. Im "Präsenzmodul" lag der Schwerpunkt vor allem auf der Achtsamkeit gegenüber geistigen und körperlichen Prozessen. Das Modul "Perspektive" konzentrierte sich auf sozio-kognitive Fähigkeiten, insbesondere die Perspektivenübernahme. Ein drittes Modul "Affekte" sollte den konstruktiven Umgang mit schwierigen Emotionen sowie die Kultivierung positiver Emotionen schulen. Die Probanden führten die entsprechenden Übungen täglich mit ihren zugeordneten Partnern durch Telefonate oder Videoanrufe aus.Das Team um Tania Singer konnte nach den drei Monaten mithilfe von Gehirnscans eine tatsächliche Verbesserung der Kompetenzen der TeilnehmerInnen feststellen, die mit struktureller Gehirnplastizität in den spezifischen neuronalen Netzwerken einhergingen. Das sozio-affektive Modul konnte so tatsächlich zur Verbesserung der Fähigkeit des Mitgefühls beitragen. Das sozio-kognitive Modul hingegen hat die Fähigkeit verbessert, sich gedanklich in die Perspektive eines anderen zu versetzen. Die Studie hat gezeigt, dass Empathie und Mitgefühl erlernbare Kompetenzen sind, die durch entsprechende Übungen gezielt gefördert werden können. Dazu bedarf es jedoch zunächst einer Anerkennung von Empathie als einer erlernbaren Kompetenz.Fassen wir zusammen: Rechtspopulismus agiert immer über Feindbilder. Diese Feindbilder basieren auf der Konstruktion einer homogenen Feindgruppe. Durch Verallgemeinerung werden den Individuen innerhalb dieser Feindgruppe Subjektivität und Individualität abgesprochen und so die Entstehung von Empathie verhindert. Die rechtspopulistische Ungleichheitslogik schließt an die Ungleichheitslogiken unserer kapitalistischen Gesellschaftsordnung an. Die Wettbewerbs- und Konkurrenzideologie hat ein empathiefeindliches Umfeld geschaffen. Zudem hat sich die Bildung zu lange einseitig auf Rationalität konzentriert. Daher gilt es, Empathie als eine soziale und emotionale Fähigkeit mit kognitiven Anteilen im bildungswissenschaftlichen Diskurs zu verankern. So können rechtspopulistische Differenzierungskategorien wie Nationalität oder Religion sowie die Verallgemeinerungen zugunsten einer Fokussierung auf Gemeinsamkeiten und Mitmenschlichkeit überwunden werden. Um in einer vernetzten, globalisierten Welt intelligent handeln zu können, nützt ein Rückzug in nationalistische Freund-Feind-Denkweisen nicht. Vielmehr gilt es, auf Kooperation und Empathie zu setzen, auch wenn diese nicht immer messbar ist. Vielen Dank.Literatur- und Quellenverzeichnis:Allport, Gordon W. (1971): Die Natur des Vorurteils. Köln: Kiepenheuer & Witsch. Bischof-Köhler, Doris (1989): Spiegelbild und Empathie. Die Anfänge der sozialen Kognition. Hans Huber: Berlin, Stuttgart, Toronto.Decker, Frank (2017): Populismus in Westeuropa. Theoretische Einordnung und vergleichende Perspektiven. In: Diendorfer, Gertraud u.a. (Hrsg.) (2017): Populismus – Gleichheit – Differenz. Herausforderungen für die politische Bildung. Schwalbach/Ts.: Wochenschau Wissenschaft, S. 11-28.Holtmann, Everhard (2018): Völkische Feindbilder, Ursprünge und Erscheinungsformen des Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung.Mudde, Cas / Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira (2017): Populism. A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press.Müller, Jan-Werner (2016): Was ist Populismus? Ein Essay. Berlin: Edition Suhrkamp.ReSource-Projekt: https://www.resource-project.org/ [10.09.2019]Wodak, Ruth (2016): Politik mit der Angst. Zur Wirkung rechtspopulistischer Diskurse. Wien/Hamburg: Edition Konturen.

This paper develops a framework to assess organizational performance in the delivery of social safety nets. Specifically, it provides guidance to task teams and program managers for identifying indicators of governance and service quality in targeted cash transfer programs. The paper identifies governance issues along the results chain of service delivery and suggests policy and performance indicators for assessing program inputs, human resources, financing and resource management; and program activities, operational procedures, Management Information Systems (MIS) and control. It also suggests indicators of organizational performance and the quality of outputs, including demand-side accountability mechanisms.

The procedural procedure and peculiarities of the report of suspicion to persons whose location is not es-tablished, the signs of the notification of suspicion in special criminal proceedings are considered, scientif-ic approaches to determination of signs of suspicion, criteria of validity of suspicion, standard of proof are characterized. It has been found that, unlike the pros-ecution, the suspicion is not an allegation of a criminal offense, but only an assumption that is substantiated and supported by evidence collected in accordance with the procedure established by law. Suspicion is the pre-liminary conclusion and basis for the prosecution. The acquisition of a suspect's status, in addition to the list of additional rights, has significant legal consequences for such a person, so compliance with the requirements that determine cases of notification of suspicion, its content, the order of service is essential for the further implementation of procedural actions and measures that are possible only with respect to the suspect. It is deter-mined that the legislator does not specify requirements for the content of the activity of the prosecution party, which may testify to the sufficiency and effectiveness of the actions taken for the notification, only a certain list of actions required by the authorized subjects is pro-vided. It is concluded that the content of the actions of the prosecution party in case of failure to serve a written notice of suspicion of the person due to failure to estab-lish his location is: 1) compliance with the requirements of Art. 277 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine; 2) taking measures to determine the location of the person and their results; 3) implementation of the actions provided for in Art. Art. 42, 111, 135, 278 and Chapter 11 of the CPC of Ukraine. Sufficiency of Evidence for Suspicion of a Person Requested for Special Pre-trial Investigation as a Requirement for Adoption of a Decision, we propose to consider as data and information about the establish-ment of a crime and the alleged involvement of a specific person, which is also in line with the European position of the human rights court of the notion of reasonable suspicion - "the existence of facts and information that can convince an objective observer that the person in question could and commit offenses". ; Розглянуто процесуальний порядок та особливості повідомлення про підозру особам, місцезнаходження яких не встановлене, визначено та класифіковано оз-наки повідомлення про підозру в спеціальному кри-мінальному провадженні, охарактеризовано наукові підходи до визначення ознак підозри, критеріїв обґрун-тованості підозри, стандарту доказування «обґрунто-вана підозра». З'ясовано, що, на відміну від обвинува-чення, підозра не є твердженням про вчинення особою кримінального правопорушення, а тільки припущен-ням, яке обґрунтовується і підтверджується доказами, зібраними у встановленому законом порядку. Підозра є попереднім висновком та основою для обвинувачення. Набуття особою статусу підозрюваного, крім переліку додаткових прав, має суттєві правові наслідки для такої особи, тому дотримання вимог, що визначають випадки повідомлення про підозру, її зміст, порядок вручення, має суттєве значення для подальшої реалізації проце-суальних дій і заходів, які можливі лише щодо підо-зрюваного. Визначено, що законодавець не визначає вимоги щодо змісту діяльності сторони обвинувачення, що може свідчити про достатність та ефективність дій, які вживались для повідомлення, передбачений тільки певний перелік дій, які зобов'язані вжити уповнова-жені суб'єкти. Зроблено висновок, що зміст дій сто-рони обвинувачення в разі неможливості вручення письмового повідомлення про підозру особі внаслідок невстановлення її місцезнаходження становить: 1) до-тримання вимог ст. 277 КК України; 2) вжиття заходів щодо встановлення місцезнаходження особи та їх ре-зультати; 3) виконання дій, які передбачені ст.ст. 42, 111, 135, 278 та главою 11 КПК України. Достатність доказів для підозри особи, щодо якої подано клопотан-ня про здійснення спеціального досудового розсліду-вання як умову для ухвалення відповідного рішення, ми пропонуємо розглядати як дані і відомості щодо встановлення факту учинення злочину та ймовірної причетності конкретної особи до цього злочину, що також відповідає визначеній у позиціях Європейсько-го суду з прав людини формулі поняття «обґрунтована підозра» – «існування фактів та інформації, які мо-жуть переконати об'єктивного спостерігача, що осо-ба, про яку йдеться, могла скоїти правопорушення». ; Розглянуто процесуальний порядок та особливості повідомлення про підозру особам, місцезнаходження яких не встановлене, визначено та класифіковано оз-наки повідомлення про підозру в спеціальному кри-мінальному провадженні, охарактеризовано наукові підходи до визначення ознак підозри, критеріїв обґрун-тованості підозри, стандарту доказування «обґрунто-вана підозра». З'ясовано, що, на відміну від обвинува-чення, підозра не є твердженням про вчинення особою кримінального правопорушення, а тільки припущен-ням, яке обґрунтовується і підтверджується доказами, зібраними у встановленому законом порядку. Підозра є попереднім висновком та основою для обвинувачення. Набуття особою статусу підозрюваного, крім переліку додаткових прав, має суттєві правові наслідки для такої особи, тому дотримання вимог, що визначають випадки повідомлення про підозру, її зміст, порядок вручення, має суттєве значення для подальшої реалізації проце-суальних дій і заходів, які можливі лише щодо підо-зрюваного. Визначено, що законодавець не визначає вимоги щодо змісту діяльності сторони обвинувачення, що може свідчити про достатність та ефективність дій, які вживались для повідомлення, передбачений тільки певний перелік дій, які зобов'язані вжити уповнова-жені суб'єкти. Зроблено висновок, що зміст дій сто-рони обвинувачення в разі неможливості вручення письмового повідомлення про підозру особі внаслідок невстановлення її місцезнаходження становить: 1) до-тримання вимог ст. 277 КК України; 2) вжиття заходів щодо встановлення місцезнаходження особи та їх ре-зультати; 3) виконання дій, які передбачені ст.ст. 42, 111, 135, 278 та главою 11 КПК України. Достатність доказів для підозри особи, щодо якої подано клопотан-ня про здійснення спеціального досудового розсліду-вання як умову для ухвалення відповідного рішення, ми пропонуємо розглядати як дані і відомості щодо встановлення факту учинення злочину та ймовірної причетності конкретної особи до цього злочину, що також відповідає визначеній у позиціях Європейсько-го суду з прав людини формулі поняття «обґрунтована підозра» – «існування фактів та інформації, які мо-жуть переконати об'єктивного спостерігача, що осо-ба, про яку йдеться, могла скоїти правопорушення».

SummaryI. Approach to the problem and main purpose of this paper. II. Children's right to respect for their private life when there is a biological tie with their commissioning father: Cases of Mennesson and Labassée v. France and Advisory Opinion requested by the French Court of Cassation. (Request no. P16-2018-001). III. Minor's vulnerability in case of lack of biological tie between him and the commissioning parents: Case of Paradiso and Campanelli v. Italy. IV. Considerations on ECHR jurisprudence: States Parties' obligations and questions that remain unsettled. V. Spanish authorities' response to international surrogacy arrangements in the light of ECHR's jurisprudence. VI. Final thoughts on the matter.AbstractDue to the differences on the legal treatment that States give to gestational surrogacy, some couples travel from countries where these arrangements are forbidden to places where they are allowed. Determining the parentage of the child born as a result of these contracts raises some legal issues that are not easy to solve. In this scenario, minor's rights may be at risk. It has led the European Court of Human Rights to determine that the State Parties are free not to legalize gestational surrogacy, but this decision cannot lead to leaving the minors unprotected. According to the Court (cases Mennesson and Labassée), denying every possibility of recognition of a parent-child relationship with the intended father, when he is the biological father, would entail a violation of the child's right to respect for his private life. When it comes to recognising a parent-child relationship in cases where there is not a biological link between the born child and any of the intended parents, the Court's jurisprudence does not give us a clear response on the State Parties' obligations so far. In the advisory opinion delivered recently (10 April 2019), in response to the request made by the French Court of Cassation, the ECHR has given an answer to some of the questions that remained unsettled. When a child is born abroad through a gestational surrogacy arrangement and was conceived using the gametes of the intended father and a third-party donor, the child's right to respect for private life requires the State not only to recognise that link, but to provide a possibility of recognition of a legal parent-child relationship with the intended mother too. Such recognition may take the form of entry in the national register of births of the details of the birth certificate legally established abroad, but it may as well take another one. The State Parties are free to use other means, such as adoption of the child, as long as the procedure laid down by domestic law could be implemented promptly and effectively. However, not every mean would serve the child's interest with a comparable degree of satisfaction. Spanish authorities' response to these situations, for example, does not seem to be the optimal solution when it comes to covering the needs of the children. ; Las diferencias en el tratamiento legislativo que los Estados dan a la gestación subrogada dan lugar a desplazamientos de personas residentes en países donde esta figura está prohibida, o carece de regulación, hasta países en los que este tipo de contratos están permitidos. Precisar la filiación de los menores nacidos como fruto de estos acuerdos en el Estado de residencia de sus padres intencionales plantea problemas jurídicos de extraordinaria complejidad, y las respuestas de los ordenamientos internos y los tribunales nacionales a esta situación pueden poner en riesgo los derechos de respeto a la vida privada y familiar de estos niños. Ello ha motivado diferentes pronunciamientos del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos que, si bien ha entendido que la eventual legalización de la gestación por sustitución es una cuestión que corresponde decidir libremente a los Estados, exige que su negativa a admitir la validez de estos contratos no se traduzca en la desprotección de los menores involucrados. Desde que dictara sentencia en los casos Mennesson y Labassée c. Francia en 2014, quedó establecido que negar toda posibilidad de reconocimiento de un lazo paternofilial entre un niño nacido por gestación subrogada y su padre intencional, cuando éste hubiera aportado su material genético, sería contrario al derecho del menor al respeto de su vida privada, que requiere que toda persona pueda establecer su identidad. En caso de no existir vínculo genético alguno entre el niño y los padres intencionales, su jurisprudencia no nos permite aún extraer una respuesta clara acerca de los límites de la actuación estatal.En lo que se refiere a los casos en los que el padre comitente sea, además, padre biológico del niño, la reciente publicación del Dictamen de 10 de abril de 2019 ha resuelto algunas incógnitas que quedaron abiertas tras los pronunciamientos anteriormente citados: en virtud del art. 8 CEDH, sobre los Estados parte no solamente pesa la obligación de permitir el establecimiento de la filiación del menor a favor de su padre biológico, sino también el deber de permitir que se reconozca o constituya ex novo un vínculo jurídico a favor de la madre comitente. El respeto al Convenio exige dar cobertura jurídica a este vínculo maternofilial, pero no impone un medio determinado para ello, siendo suficiente que el medio elegido sea eficaz y no dilate la situación de inseguridad jurídica en el tiempo. De este modo, cabe que el Estado reconozca la filiación que consta en una decisión extranjera, o que permita su constitución por otras vías, como la adopción; ambas alternativas darían cumplimiento a las exigencias del CEDH. Es preciso señalar, no obstante, que no todos los medios a disposición de los Estados dan un mismo grado de satisfacción a los derechos en juego. En este sentido, la respuesta que actualmente dan las autoridades españolas a este tipo de situaciones, a pesar de cumplir el estándar mínimo de protección fijado por el Tribunal de Estrasburgo, no parece una solución idónea para la mayor satisfacción de los intereses de los menores.

The text is an attempt to analyze the international political situation in the security sector in the context of the crisis which has arisen as a result of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in relation to Ukraine: in particular the forcible annexation of the sovereign territory of Ukraine in violation of all the principles and norms of international law and the inspiration of the armed conflict in the eastern regions of Ukraine. For the first time after the end of the World War II aggression has become a fact of reality in European politics. Pan-European and transatlantic security institution – the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe – was not sufficiently effective mechanism for crisis management. In two years, the conflict in eastern Ukraine killed about 10 thousand men. The conflict in Eastern Ukraine has radically changed the perception of security in Europe. The problem is that Ukraine, like most of the "new democracies" of Eastern Europe as a result of the transformation processes of the early 90th appeared in a "gray zone" of security. Most of the Eastern European countries overcame the security gap by joining NATO/EU. At the same time, Ukraine remained in the buffer zone and became an object of intense economic, political, informational and military pressure from the Russian Federation. As a result, Ukraine is forced to rely primarily on their own capabilities and the military-industrial potential (not being part of the European collective defense/security), on the other – the international political, economic, informational support from the international community plays a key role in the possibility of Ukraine resist aggression. However, the crisis has led to a certain re-evaluation of existing regional security system: 1) The failure of attempts to build a pan-European security system became obvious; 2) The OSCE in Ukrainian crisis has created a platform for the negotiations and the peace process, but did not provide, at least until now, the mechanism of a real resolution to the crisis; 3) The question of inefficiency, lack of prospects and obsolescence of NATO as a collective security organization may be withdrawn from the agenda; 4) There is an activization of existing and search for new formats of cooperation between European countries in the development and improvement of the international security system in Europe. ; W artykule podjęto próbę analizy bezpieczeństwa w wymiarze polityczno-międzynarodowym w kontekście kryzysu wywołanego agresywnymi działaniami Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Ukrainy – w szczególności aneksji części terytorium Ukrainy przy użyciu siły z pogwałceniem wszelkich norm prawa międzynarodowego oraz "instalacji" konfliktu zbrojnego we wschodnich obwodach państwa ukraińskiego. Po raz pierwszy od zakończenia II wojny światowej agresja stała się rzeczywistością polityki europejskiej. Ponadto ogólnoeuropejskie i transatlantyckie struktury bezpieczeństwa – Organizacja Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie – nie jest zbyt efektywnym mechanizmem zarządzania kryzysowego. W ciągu dwóch lat konfliktu zginęło ok. 10 tys. osób. Konflikt na wschodzie Ukrainy radykalnie zmienił postrzeganie bezpieczeństwa na kontynencie europejskim. Problemem jest to, że Ukraina jak większość "nowych demokracji" Europy Wschodniej w wyniku procesów transformacyjnych znalazła się w szarej strefie bezpieczeństwa. Większość wschodnioeuropejskich państw rozwiązało problem security gap, wstępując do NATO i UE, podczas gdy Ukraina pozostała w szarej strefie, stając się celem ekonomicznych, politycznych, informacyjnych i wojskowych nacisków ze strony Federacji Rosyjskiej. Po pierwsze, w wyniku rozwoju kryzysu Ukraina jest zmuszona w pierwszej kolejności liczyć na własne możliwości i potencjał wojskowo-przemysłowy (nie będąc częścią europejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa kolektywnego/obronnego). Po drugie, wsparcie polityczne, ekonomiczne i informacyjne ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej odgrywa kluczowe znaczenie w kontekście przeciwstawienia się Ukrainy rosyjskiej agresji. Razem z tym kryzys doprowadził do przewartościowań w zakresie istniejących w regionie systemów bezpieczeństwa: 1) możemy konstatować nieudane próby wybudowania ogólnoeuropejskich mechanizmów zagwarantowania bezpieczeństwa; 2) OBWE stworzyło platformę rozmów w ramach pokojowego rozwiązania konfliktu, ale nie wybudowała do tej pory realnego mechanizmu rozwiązania konfliktu; 3) NATO jako system bezpieczeństwa kolektywnego nie powinno być traktowane w kategoriach nieefektywności, archaiczności i braku perspektyw; 4) pojawiły się formy aktywizacji istniejących i poszukiwanie nowych form współpracy pomiędzy państwami europejskimi w celu rozwoju i doskonalenia systemów bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w Europie. ; Текст является попыткой анализа международно-политической ситуации в секторе безопасности в контексте кризиса, возникшего в результате агрессивных действий Российской Федерации по отношению к Украине: в частности насильственная аннексия части суверенной территории Украины в нарушение всех принципов и норм международного права и инспирирования вооруженного конфликта в восточных областях украинского государства. Впервые после завершения Второй мировой войны агрессия стала фактом действительности европейской политики. При этом общеевропейская и трансатлантическая структура безопасности – Организация по безопасности и сотрудничеству в Европе – оказалась не достаточно эффективным механизмом кризисного урегулирования. За два года конфликта погибло около 10 тыс. человек. Конфликт на востоке Украины радикально изменил восприятие безопасности на европейском континенте. Проблемой стало то, что Украина, как и большинство «новых демократий» Восточной Европы в результате трансформационных процессов начала 90-х гг. оказались в «серой зоне» безопасности». Большинство восточно-европейских государств решило проблему security gap путем присоединения к НАТО/ЕС. В то же время Украина остались в этой «зоне» и стала объектом интенсивного экономического, политического, информационного и военного давления со стороны Российской Федерации. В результате развития кризиса с одной стороны Украина вынуждена полагаться в первую очередь на свои собственные возможности и военно-промышленный потенциал (не будучи частью европейской системы коллективной обороны/безопасности), с другой – международно-политическая, экономическая, информационная поддержка со стороны международного сообщества играет ключевую роль в возможности Украины противостоять агрессии. Вместе с тем, кризис привел к определенной переоценке существующих в регионе систем безопасности: 1) Можно засвидетельствовать провал попыток выстроить общеевропейские механиз- мы обеспечения безопасности; 2) ОБСЕ создала платформу для переговоров и мирного процесса, но не обеспечила, по крайней мере, до сих пор, механизма реального урегулирования кризиса; 3) Вопрос о неэффективности, бесперспективности и устарелости НАТО как организации коллективной безопасности может быть снят с повестки дня; 4) Происходить активизация существующих и поиск новых форматов сотрудничества между европейскими государствами в целях развития и усовершенствования системы международной безопасности в Европе.

[spa] Este trabajo está dedicado al tratamiento de la plataforma teórico-práctica de Boaventura de Sousa Santos como alternativa crítica contemporánea; explora y analiza su producción científico social concentrada en la denominación cosmopolitismo subalterno y distribuida en tres grandes ámbitos de estudio: la epistemología y hermenéutica crítica, la evaluación de las teorías críticas postmodernas y la propuesta sociopolítica de un Estado-movimiento social. En el contexto de la crítica a la modernidad, la investigación da cuenta de algunas de las manifestaciones prácticas más conocidas enmarcadas en la plataforma y ensaya una evaluación a la luz de un caso contemporáneo: la sublevación e implementación de un gobierno autónomo tradicional en la comunidad indígena de Cherán, un pueblo purépecha del occidente de México. La cuestión que orienta la investigación es la pregunta por la persistencia de la sociedad a pesar de las profundas diferencias entre los individuos y las vías que la filosofía y las ciencias sociales podían dilucidar para fortalecerla y reducir la injusticia política. El núcleo teórico se divide en tres ámbitos principales: la evaluación de las teorías críticas posmodernas, la ecología de saberes y las epistemologías del Sur y el proyecto de un Estado como movimiento social. El ámbito central, capital tanto en la forma como en el fondo, se divide para distinguir la raíz posmoderna de la vertiente poscolonial. De esta manera las esferas originales se traducirán en los cuatro capítulos que constituyen la parte medular del argumento. Antes se hace una división para enmarcar el origen de la plataforma teórico-práctica en la crítica de la racionalidad moderna de Santos y que componen –entre otros– el enfoque de la modernidad/capitalismo y la idea de la transición a una racionalidad cosmopolita, prudente en lo epistemológico y decente en lo social. Una tercera parte nos ha permitido exponer algunas de las experiencias prácticas que surgen o se estudian en la estela del cosmopolitismo subalterno: la Universidad Popular de los Movimientos Sociales, el pluralismo jurídico, la interlegalidad y la hibridación en lugares concretos de exclusión sociopolítica o cultural y algunos ejercicios arquetípicos de radicalización de la democracia como son el caso del presupuesto participativo de Porto Alegre, el Foro Social Mundial o el nuevo constitucionalismo transformador en América del Sur. Como colofón, hacemos la lectura del levantamiento de la comunidad de Cherán (Michoacán, México) en términos de cosmopolitismo subalterno, evaluando la plataforma de Boaventura de Sousa Santos a la luz de los acontecimientos –epistémicos y políticos– y ensayando una crítica en la que identificamos la progresión intelectual de nuestro autor y la enorme oportunidad de la refundación purépecha articulada por la idea de Buen gobierno comunitario. En conclusión, el trabajo aborda los indicios de una racionalidad diversa (emotiva, corporal, musical), animada por una poética cosmopolita y subalterna, sobre todo, en el análisis del caso de la comunidad de Cherán. En este sentido, la pertinencia de la relación entre el cosmopolitismo subalterno y el caso práctico, está condicionada por la posición desde la que se propone. En esto radica la diferencia entre crear conocimiento como regulación o producir solidaridad mientras se conoce. Esta toma de posición no es, tan sólo, un asunto de perspectiva sino de lugar desde donde se piensa. En este sentido, el reconocimiento de Santos de un Sur global, como stand point del paradigma, es ya un locus de enunciación. Además, la investigación avisa que la emergencia de un orden prudente y decente pasa más por el reconocimiento de formas diversas de vida y conocimiento que por la materialización de un ideal hermético o de privilegio. El cosmopolitismo subalterno, pues, se nos presenta como una postura abierta a tornarse opción, y a empujar –desde abajo– la transformación, con movimiento y experimentación social; con imaginación democrática, con resistencia y con renovada capacidad de contemplación y asombro. ; [eng] This work studies the critical platform developed by the Portuguese sociologist and philosopher of the law Boaventura de Sousa Santos. It explores and analyses three big spheres in which it divides his socio-academic production: epistemology, the criticism of postmodern critical theories and the socio-political proposal of a State as a social movement. Framing the research in the context of the modern critique, gives account of his best known practical demonstrations and tests an evaluation in the light of a contemporary case. The dissertation is focused on subaltern cosmopolitanism, a critic platform presented as contemporary alternative, where an alternative stands for an option, this is, an alternative in which people can get involved and trust. Starting from the problem of how to build a different State, I began to delve into Santos literature and locate three different spheres his work could be classified: Epistemic, Critical Theory and Politic or sociopolitical application of theoretical platform. These three spheres or fields that can label Santos's literature could encompass all Santos's work. For instance, the reinvention of the State, or the critics to conventional democracy, both are issues we can set on Political sphere. On the other hand, one of the best contributions of Santos's, the epistemologies of the South, is clearly, a subject addressed by his Epistemological work. Finally, his critics to contemporary Critical Theory and the construction of an oppositional postmodernism, are surely the main topics of the Critical Theory field. In the first part, my plan was not to give a complete frame, but only outline the problem, and particularly, to stress the modern rationality. In the same way, trying to analyze the counter hegemonic practices to contrast the theory, I practically stumbled with the case of Cheran, an experience that actually changed the meaning and implications of the complete thesis. Especially, the case allowed me to think critically about my object and give a synthesis as conclusion. Also, incorporating the case of Cheran, I could confront my approach, having the opportunity to move my own standpoint to the South, the metaphoric South but also the Global, suffering South.

Issue 30.6 of the Review for Religious, 1971. ; EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to I~VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 6:31o3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pe.nnsylvania 191o6. + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright ~) 1971 by REVIEW 'VOg RELIGIOUS. Published for Review for Religious at Nit. Ro\'al & Guilford Ave., Baltimore, .Xld. Printed in U.S.A. Set'ond class postage paid at Baltimore, .Maryland and ,at addithmal mailing offices. Single copies: $1.25. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year, $11.00 for two years: other countries: $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order paya-ble to REVIEW POg RELIOIOGS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Renewals and new subscriptions should be sent to REviEW FOR RELIGIOUS; P. O. Box l 110; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Manuscripts, editorial correspondence, and books for re-view should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 619 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louts, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. NOVEMBER 1971 VOLUME 30 NUMBER 6 JOSEPH F. GALLEN,.S.J. Decree on Confessions of Religious. In a decree dated December 8, 1970, effective immedi-ately, and confirmed by the Pope on November 20, 1970, the Sacred Congregation for Religious and Secular Instb tutes made the following.changes in the canon law on the sacrament of penance for religious, especially religious women, and on exclusion from a religious institute of one in temporary vows because of ill health. These provisions will remain in force until the new Code of Canon Law is effective. Number 4, e), of the Decree states that the pre-scriptions of the present canon law that are contrary to the new provisions, incompatible with them, or which because of them no longer apply, are suspended. Any provision of the Decree that~ affects novices will apply to those in a temporary commitment other than temporary vows. The numbering of the Decree has been retained in the following explanation. 1-2. The Decree exhorts religious to value highly the sacrament of penance as a means of strengthening the fundamental gift of metanoia or conversion to the king-dom of Christ, and to esteem in the same way the fre-quent use of this sacrament, which debpens ~true knowl-edge of self and humility, provides spiritual direction, and increases grace. These and other wonderful effects, according to n. 2, contribute not only to daily growth in virtue but are highly beneficial also to the common good. 3. All religious, men and women, clerical and lay, ex-empt and nonexempt, should strive to receive the sacra-ment of penance frequently, that is, twice a month. Supe-riors are to encourage this frequency and make it possible [or the members to go to confession at least every two weeks and even oftener, if they wish to do so. In the past, canon law did not oblige religious to go to confession at least once a week. The canonical obligation extended onl~ to superiors, who had to make it possible for their subjects to confess at least once a week. How-÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, s.J., writes from St. Joseph's Church at 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Penn-sylvania 19106. VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 944 ever, the Code of Canon Law presupposed that an obliga-tion of weekly confession, existdd at least from custom, and very universally the constitutions obliged religious to confess at/east once a week. 4, a). "All women religious and novices, in Order that they may have proper liberty, may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. For this no special jurisdiction or designation is henceforth required." The first sentence of this number" gives all women reli-gious and novices, in orders, congregations, or societies of common life, the right always to go to confession validly and licitly to any priest of their choice, whether he is diocesan or religious, who is approved for confessions in the locality of the partic.ular confession. Furthermore, as this number of the Decree also states, the confessor does not have to be designated or appointed, for religious women.' Even in the past there were no canonical norms on the confessions of men or women postulants, who were regulated canonically by the same laws on confession as secular men and women. Religious women and novices are therefore .no longer obliged to go to ordinary or ex-traordinary confessors, eveh when such confessors exist for their houses. The special confessor of a particular reli-gious woman of canon 520, par. 2, no longer exists be-cause a religious woman may go, even habitually or al-ways, to any confessor of her choice. The same reason excludes the supplementary confessors (c. 521, par. 2), the occasional confessor (c. 522), and the confessor of seri-ously sick religious women (c. 523). Number 8, e), of the recent norms on the papal enclosure of nuns permits the following: "A priest [even if he possesses no jurisdiction for confessions] may likewise be admitted to assist those religious suffering from a chronic or greave illness." Mere spiritual direction, unlike absolution, does not require jurisdiction for confessions. Because of the sus.pended canons listed above in this paragraph, canon 2414, the last canon in the Code, is also suspended. This canon reads: If a superioress acts against the prescriptions of canons 521, par. 3, 522, and 523, she shall be admonished by, the local or-dinary; if again delinquent, she shall be punished by removal from office, and the Sacred Congregation of Religious is to be immediately informed of the matter. By reason of the second sentence of this number, spe-cial jurisdiction is no longer required for the valid or licit confessions of professed women religious or novices, whether in orders or congregations, nor for those in the analogons states of societies of women living in common without public vows (c; 675). All of these are now ab-solved in virtue of the same jurisdiction as secular women. Priests ordinarily possess jurisdiction for the con-fessions of the faithful ol~ both sex~esf@hey may therefore, in the locality for which they posses such jurisdiction, valid!y absolve the religious women listed" above any-wherd, in the confessional or outside of it. They may licitly do the latter in a case of sickness or for any other reason of like import (c. 910, par. 1). In the pa.st, to absolve validly and licitly the~ same religious women listed above, special jurisdiction was nec-essary. The jurisdiction was special becfiuse it "~as not contained in the jurisdiction granted for the faithful of both sexes~or for women. It had t3 be given expressly for religious women (c. 876, par. 1). The pres.ent suspension of the necessity of special jurisdiction also implies the suspension of the necessity of the designation of a special spiritual director (c. 520, par. 2) by the local ordinary or the regular superior. The i'eason for the necessity of this designation was that special jurisdiction for confession was granted to such a spiritual director. Lay religious institutes o[ men. According to n. 5 of the Decree, the applicable norms of n. 4 on women appertain~ also to lay institutes of men. Therefore, all religious and novices of such institutes may go to confession to any confessor, as explained above for women (n. 4, a). Be-cause of this right of choice, the special ordinary ~onfes-sor of professed °(c. 528), for whom the permission of the religious superior was° required, no longer exists," as is true also of the supplementary confessors of novices in the same institutes (c. 566, par. 2, n. 3),'and likewise of the occasional confessor of both professed and novices (c. 519). All of canon 566, par. 2, on confessors of novices in lay and clerical institutes of men is also suspended. Clerical institutes o[ men. Nothing is said directly in the Decree on the confessions of members of clerical or-ders' or congregations except that they too Should go to confession twice a month (n. 3). However, the applicable provisions on the confessions of women religious and nomces must also apply to clerical institutes. Otherwise, their members would be in an inferior condition to that of religious women and of the members of lay institutes of men, which has not been their status thus far in the laws of the Church. It is also the sufficiently evident intention of the Sacred Congregation to simplify the law on confes-sion [or religious and to grant greater liberty, and these are also desirable in the laws affecting clerical institutes. Therefore, all religious and novices in clerical institutes may make their confession to any confessor, as explained above [or women (n. 4, a). It would be incredible that clerical religious alone would be excluded from the pre-ceding concession. As above for lay institutes of men, the occasional confessor of both professe.d and novices (c. 519) ÷ ÷ ÷ Conlesslons VOLUME 30, 19TI 945 ~. l~. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 946 no longer exists nor the supplementary confessors for novices of canon 566, par. 2, n.3. 4, b). An ordinary confessor must be named for monas-teries of contemplative nuns, for houses of formation of women, and for large houses of women. An extraordinary confessor is to be named at least for the first two types of the preceding houses. The women religious and novices are not obliged to present themselves to either such ordi-nary or extraordinary confessors. The provision for the monasteries of contemplative nuns should in practice be extended to nuns who are doing immediate apostolic work, for example, conducting schools within their monasteries, and also to the houses or monasteries of contemplative congregations of sisters, for example, the Sisters Adorers of the Precious Blood, who have monasteries in the archdiocese of Portland, Oregon and in the dioceses of ~Brooklyn, Lafayette, Indi-ana, Manchester, Ogdensbu?g, Portland, Maine, and To-ledo Houses of formation of women include novitiates and juniorates, although the small number of novices and juniors and other circumstances can in some cases render the appointment of ordinary and extraordinary confessors impractical. There is no canonical definition of a large religious house. The determination of such houses should be made hy the local ordinary after a considera-tion of all the circumstances and even by consultation of its members. It could happen that the members of a very large house in a city can and prefer to go to any confes-sor. The presence or absence of members who cannot go outside the house for confession is obviously an impor-tant factor. Nor is consideration for the confessor to be forgotten, for example, an ordinary confessor who would come every two weeks and find nothing to do. In some cases a priest such as the one Or" ones who celebrate daily Mass in a larger house may be able to handle readily the few confessions that will occur. The fact that no religious woman or novice is obliged to present herself to any of these ordinay or extraordinary confessors follows from the general principle of the decree in n. 4, a), that all women religious and novices may make their confession validly and licitly to any priest approved for hearing confessions in the locality. This number of the Decree commands merely [he appointment of an extraordinary confessor, that is, the confessor who frequently, not neces-sarily at least for times during the year, is accessible that the members of the community may have the opportunity of confessing to another than the ordinary confessor. This was the definition of the same wording in canon 528 on the extraordinary confessor for professed religious in lay institutes of men. The Code explicity commanded the extraordinary confessor of professed religious women and novices (c. 521, par. 1)and of novices in institutes qf men' (c. 566, par. 2, n. 4) to be available atleast four times a year, but this provision is suspended by the Decree, In a liouse of ~formati0n, ord_i.nary .and extraordipar.y_, confeS, sors are to be app0intedl only for those in formation unless, with regard to an ordinary confessor, tbe other members of the house are sufficient to constitute a large house. This doctrine is evident from the fact that ordi-nary and ~xtraor,dinary confessors would not be ap-pointed [or these other members if they were in another house. Therefore, for example, in a novitiate house these confessors are appointed for the novices, not [or the mem-bers of the generalate or provincialate staff residing in tbe same house of formation. 4, c). "For other co.mmunities [in additition to the monasterieg of nuns, houses of formation, and large houses of n. 4, b) immediately above] an ordinary confes-sor may be named at the request of the community itself or after consultation with its members if, in the judgment of tlie ordinary, special circumstances justify such an ap-pointment." The "special circumstances" will be at least very com-monly those that prevent the religious women of a house fi'om going to confession twice a month unless an ordi-nary confessor is appointed. This can arise from the pres-ence in the house of religious who cannot go out for confession, from the location of the house that makes access to other confessors difficult, or that allows such access to only one confessor, for example, the sole priest in the one parish in a small town, and so forth. Lay and clerical institutes oJ men. With the exception of that on monasteries of nuns, the provisions of n. 4, b) and c) immediately above apply also to lay institutes of men by reason of n. 5, and to clerical institutes in virtue Of the arguments given under n. 4, a). It would again be incredible that ordinary contessors would continue to have to be appointed for all houses of clerical institutes (c. 518, par. 1) but only for the restricted number of houses of religious women and lay institutes of men ac-cording to n. 4, b) of the present Decree. Houses of for-mation in Clerical institutes include also houses of study (C. 587) and houses for the apostolic year and tertianship (see Sedes Sapientiae, nn. 48, 51). The judgment on the existence of a large house and on the special circumstan-ces tbat justify the appointment of ordinary confessors in houses that are not houses of formation or large apper-tains in clerical orders and congregations to the religious superior who has the right of appointing ordinary confes-sors according to the constitutions 0f the particular insti-tute. 4, d). "The local ordinary should choose confessors 4. 4. 4. ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 948 ~arefully. They should be priests of sufficient maturity and possess the other necessary qualities. The ordinary may determine the number, age and term of office of the confessors and may name them or renew their appoint-ment after consultation with the community concerned." This paragraph of the decree commands the local ordi-nary to choose the ordinary and ektraordinary confessors of women religious and novices of the tw9 preceding sections with care. The suitability of priests for these two duties appertains to the judgment of the local ordinary. For example, it is no longer required that these confessors be 'forty years of age (c. 524, par. 1). The local ordinary also determines the number of such confessors, and it is no longer demanded that per se only one ordinary and extraordinary confessor be appointed for each house (cc. 520, par. 1; 521, par. 1). The local ordinary may but is not obliged to determine the duration of the term of office of these confessors, for example, two year.s, and may reappoint them immediately and indefinitely after con-sultation with the community concerned. He may also, with the same consulation, immediately appoint an ordi-nary coiafessor as extraordinary of the same commun.ity (see c. 524, par. 2). Clerical and lay institutes o[ men. The ordinary and extraordinary confessors in these institutes from the na-ture of the matter are to be priests suitable for the office. The provisions, however, of n. 4~, d) of the Decree imme-diately above apply only to institutes of women both from their wording, which is based on the canons on confessors of religious women, and from the fact that the present canon law prescribes no qualities for the ordinary and extraordinary confessors in institutes of men, whether clerical or lay. It is evidently permitted to follow such a provision as the previous consultation of the com-munity concerned. The following are the canons specifically on confessors of religious that remain in force: Can. 518, par. 1. In . every clerical Institute there shall be deputed. [ordinary] confessors with power, if it be ques~ tion of an exempt Institute, to absolve also from the cases re-served in the Institute. Par. 2. Religious Superiors, having faculties to hear confes' sions, can, in conformity with the law, hear the confessions of their subjects who spontaneously and freely approach them for that purpose, but they may not without grave reason hear them habitually. Par. 3. Superiors must take care not to induce, personally, or through others, by force, by fear, or by importunate persua-sion, or by any other means, any of their subjects to confess his sins to them. Can. 524, par. 3. The confessors, whether ordinary or extra-ordinary, of religious women are not, in any manner, to inter- fere either in the internal or external government of the com-munity. Can. 525. For all houses of religious women immediately subject to the Apostolic See or to the local Ordinary, the latter selects both ordinary an.d extraordinary ,confessor;. ~o~" those subject to a Regular Superior, this Superior presents the con-fessors to the'Ordinary who will grant them the approval to hear the confessions of'the nuns; the Ordinary also shall supply, if necessary, for the negligence of the Regular Superior, Can. 527. According to the terms of canon 880, the local Ordinary can, for a serious~ cause, remove both the ordinary and extraordinary confessor of religious women, even when the monastery is subject to Regulars and the confessor himself a Regular, nor is the Ordinary bound to make known the reason for the removal to anyone except to the Holy See, if it should require the reason from him; he must, however, if the nuns are subject to Regulars, inform the Regular Superior of the removal. Can. 875, par. 2. In an exempt lay Institute, the Superior proposes the confessor, who, however, must receive jurisdiction from the Ordinary of the place in which the religious house is situated. The preceding are taken from the authorized but unof-ficial translation, Canonical Legislation concerning Reli-gious. Canon 891, which also remains in force, is ~not contained in this translation. It reads as follows: Can. 891. The master of novices and his socius, the superior of a seminary or of a college may not hear the sacramental con-fessions of his students residing in the same house with him, unless the students spontaneously request this in particular cases for a grave and urgent reason. The canons therefore specifically on confessors of reli-gious that remain are part of canon 518, par. 1, and all the rest of this canon; all of canons 524, par. 3, 525, 527, 875, par. 2, and 891. "II The final clause of canon 637 is to be understood in the sense that a religious in temporary vows who, because of physical or mental illness even if contracted after pro-fession, is judged by the competent superior with the consent of his council, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, to be incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute, may be refused admission to renewal of vows or to final profession. The decision in such cases is to be taken with charity and equ!ty." According to canon 637 a professed of temporary vows could be excluded from the renewal of temporary vows or from making perpetual profession because of ill health ofily if it was proved with certainty that the ili health had been contracted and fraudulently concealed or dissi-mulated before the first profession of temporary vows. The same principle is true of the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows (c. 647, par. 2, n. 2). These canons are not completely logical. The time of temporary vows is Confessions 949 4. 4. 4" J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 950 one of probation; the canons permit exclusion or dis-missal of such professed for other inculpable causes; and canon 637 otherwise requires only .just and reasona-ble causes for exclusion and canon 647, par. 2, n. 2, only serious reasons for dismissai. These canons also caused serious and, without recourse to the Holy See, even insol-uble problems. This was verified especially with regard to psychological disorders when the subject would not vol-untarily leave the institute. His retention could cause great difficulty to the institute, even intensify his own condition, and cases occurred in which superiors could not in conscience admit such subjects to further profes-sions, particularly to perpetual profession~ It is evident that the decision in these cases of physical or psychologi-cal health is to be made with proper regard and considera-tion for the subject, and, as the Decree states, with char-ity and equity (see REVIEW I~OF RELIGIOUS, 16 [1957], 218-9, 271; 25 [1966], 1104-5). In virtue of the present legislation in II, an exclusion from further temporary or perpetual profession because of physical or psychological illness, even if contracted after the first temporary profession, may be made by the competent superior with the consent of his or her council if they judge, on the basis of examinations by physicians or other specialists, that the subject is incapable of living the religious life without personal harm or harm to the institute. The subject should ordinarily at least be first encouraged to leave voluntarily and this as soon as such a condition is sufficiently ascertained. The new legislation is concerned only with an exclu-sion from further profession; it does not extend to the dismissal of a professed of temporary vows in the same case. This can cause a serious difficulty if the case comes to a head when a considerable part of a temporary profes-sion is unexpired, for example, in the early part of the second year of a three-year profession, and the subject will not leave voluntarily. This case, when it occurs, may be proposed to the Sacred Congregation for a solution. Practical summary o[" the Decree. The~ norm'~f fre-quency of confession is every two weeks. All religious may always confess to any confessor in the locality. Spe-cial jurisdiction is not required for religious women. The only confessors proper to religious are ordinary confessors in monasteries Of nuns and in the following houses of men and women: houses of f6rmation, large houses, and other houses in special circumstances, and extraordinary confessors in the same monasteries and houses of forma-tion. Such confessors of women do not have to be forty years of age. A professed of temporary vows may be ex-cluded from further professions because of physical or psychological illness. CHRISTOPHER KIESLING, O.P. Ministry in the Schools of the Church Religious should get out of Catholic schools. Such schools should not exist.The Church should not be in the business of education, but should devote its resources to the social problems of our day. Moreover, Church schools serve the affluent middle and upper classes more than the oppressed minorities. Religious, ther~efore, should go into other ministries in which they can serve the world, especially the underprivileged. Undoubtedly it is good that religious are venturing into nev~ ministries besides ~eaching or administration in schools of the Church. It is good for sisters and brothers because some have temperaments, inclinations, interests, and talents which equip them much better for other min-istries titan that of the church school. It is good for the Chnrch and the world because both have grave needs which can be met only by the service of highly motivated and generous people such as religious. But while some religious should be encouraged to enter into new forms of apostolate, it would be most unfortu-nate if others were not encouraged to enter Or Continue in the apostolate of the schools of the Church. This apos-tolate is extremely important and even assumes, a ni~wness today by virtue of the many changes taking place in both the Church and the w6rld. As is well known, these schools are threatened with extinction today. The demise of the schools of the Church, however, is a most grievous set-back to the emergence of mature Christian laymen in the life and apostolate of the Church and hence in the Church's mission to the world, especially to the world's social problems. Vatican II expres'~d the int.egral mission of the Church with special clarity. It was compelled to do tiffs in its efforts to describe p, ositively the place, digni_ty, and role of the laity in the Church. The Decree on the Apostolate o] the Laity, for instance, says: 4- 4- Christopher Kies-ling, O.P., is a fac-ulty member of Aquinas Institute School of Theology in Dubuque, Iowa 52001. VOLUME 30, 1971 951 + C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW I:OR REI.IGIOUS 952 Christ's redemptive work, while of itself directed toward the salvation of men, involves also the renewal of the whole tem-poral order. Hence the. mission of the Church is not on!y to bring to men tlie message and grace of Christ, but also to pene-trate and perfect the temporal sphere with the spirit of the Gospel (n, 5). Tlie missiofi of the Church, in other words, is not to rescue men from this world for salvation in another world, but to unite men to God in this world and through them permeate human activity, culture, and his-tory with fl~e spirit of Christ, thus cooperating with God in bringing all creation to its divinely intended goal: eternal life and resurrection of the body for men in a new heaven and a new earth. Every member of the Church participates in her mis-sion: For this the ChurCh was founded: that., she might bring all men to share in Christ,s saving redemption; and that through them the whole world might in actual fact be brought into relationship with him. All activity of the Mystical Body directed to the attainment of this goal is called the apostolate, and the Church carries it on in various ways through all her members. For by its very nature the Christian vocation is also a vocation to the apostolate (ibid., n. 2). The Church is the whole body of baptized believers, sent by Christ into the world to bring men his truth and grace and to work for the divinely willed perfection of creation. In order to accomplish this mission, baptized believers nfinister to one a~aother, building up the whole Body of Christ in truth and grace for service to the world for the glory~of tlte Father. Some ministries are purely charismatic, the fruit of the Spirit's quickening believers to particular services to fellow members of Christ's Body for their joint mission to the world. Some ministries are also institutional, that is, in addition to the call of the Spirit, they have a more or less per.manent place and a more or less defined [unction in the structure of the Chnrch as ordained by God in Christ or by the Christian community in the course of history; consequently, these ministries appear in the canon law of the Church. But whether institutional or not, all these ministries are in-cludetl in the Spirit-inspired serf-help which the members of Christ's Body give to one another for the vigorous life of His Body and for its continuing mission and ministry to the world. What is required of the members of Christ's Body if they are to fulfill their apostolic vocation? They need articulate faith, a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, and zeal coupled with skill for building a better world of truth, justice, love, and freedom for every man, woman, and child. By "articulate faith" is meant a faith with some under- standing of the assertions.of faith, .including recognition of the difficulties which these assertions present to human intelligence today, their historical conditioning, and their need for continual reinterpretation and restatement if they are going to remain vali'd'expression~ of'~tuthentic faith in the midst of constantly changing human con-sciousness of reality. More importantly, articulate faith is aware of itself as.an adventure into ineffable mystery and personal communion with the living God, for which faith's assertions are a means not an end: a gateway, not the end of the road. Articulate faith also includes the willingness, ability, and c6nfidence to talk about what one believes. Because faith is a great adventure toward the fulfillment of men's deepest longing, one is willing, even eager, to discuss matters of faith; and one does not shy away from such discussion for fear of being wrong, because one is aware that faith is response to a loving Person who is more interested in drawing men to per-sonal communion with Him than He is in theological niceties. Vatican II expects the members of the Church to have such articulate faith, in accord with their capacity for it. According to the Decree on the Apostolate of the Laity, "the apostolate of the Church and of all her members is designed primarily to manifest Christ's message by words and deeds and to communicate his grace to the world" (ibid., n. 6). Noteworth~ in this statement is that all mem-bers of the Church are to manifest Christ's message by words, as well as deeds, and to communicate His grace. The ministry of teaching and sanctifying is not restricted to the clergy's ministry of the word and the sacraments. The decree proceeds to note that one of the ways in which the laity exercise their apostolate of "making the Gospel known and men holy" (ibid.) is through the testi-mony of a good life. But it goes on to say that "an aposto-late of this kind does not consist only in the witness of one's way of life; a true apostle looks for opportunities to announce Christ by words addressed either to non-believ-ers with a view to leading them to faith, or to believers with a view to instructing and strengthening them, and motivating them toward a more fervent life" (ibid.). ¯ In other words, the laity, as well as the clergy and religious, are responsible for building up the Body of Christ in truth and love and [or implementing its teach-ing and sanctifying mission. To fulfill this responsibility, laity, as well as clergy and religious, need articulate faith. A second need which each member of Christ's Body has is for a keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures: The Lord wishes to spread his kingdom . In this kingdom, creation itself will be delivered out of its slavery to corruption 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME 30, 1971 4" 4" 4" C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 954 and into the freedom of the sons of God (cf. Rom. 8:21) . The faithful, therefore, must learn the deepest meaning and the value of all creation~ and how to relate it to the praise of God. They must assist one another to live holier lives even in their daily occupations. In this way the world is permeated by the spirit of Christ and more effectively achieves its purpose in justice, charity, and peace (Constitution on the Church, n. 36). In the light of revelation,, baptized believers must see and appreciate creatures in their original goodness and in their relationship to the Incarnation and the eschaton; They should perceive and treasure creatures as the poet does, with awe and reverence for the uniqueness and beauty of each. They should not view them simply with the detached, calculating eye of the technician. Yet tech-nology too is a creature of God, so that Christians should understand and evaluate rightly its place and products in the scheme of things. Especially must the Christian be aware and appreciative of man and the mysteries of his being: the human body, feeling and emotion, love and sex, work and play, community and celebration, art and science, the aspirations of the human spirit~and the long-ings of the human heart--all bathed in the light of God's gracious love. Thirdly, the members of Christ's Body need zeal cou-pled with skill for building a better world: By their competence in secular fields and by personal activity, elevated fr6m" within by the grace o[ Christ, let them labor vigorously so that by human labor, technical skill, and civic culture created goods may be perfected for the benefit of every last man. Let them work to see that created goods are more fittingly distributed among men and., in their own way lead to general progress in human and Christian liberty (ibid.). Baptized believers should also "by their combined efforts remedy any institutions and conditions of the world which are customarily inducements to sin, so that all such things may be conformed to the norms of justice and may favor the practice of virtue rather than hinder it" (ibid.). They need to "imbue culture and human activity with moral values" (ibid.). The question now arises: By what means are the mem-bers of Christ's Body going to develop articulate faith, appreciation of the meaning and value of creatures, arid zeal with skill for building a better world? Can weekly liturgies of the word (including homily) and the Eucha-rist accomplish this end? Even supposing the Scriptures are well read, the homilies well prepared and delivered, and the celebration well carried through, weekly liturgies alone hardly seem capable of generating the qualities which Christ's members ought to have to fulfill their apostolic vocation. CCD classes are not going to yield the needed qualities. They are limited in time. They p~vide little sustained interaction between mature Christians and growing ones over a wide spectrum of life. Their very organization fosters the idea of faith as a gegment of life, [,or Which one sets aside a piece of time each week. Finally, they are impeded in effectiveness by the forced and often chaotic conditions under wliich .they operate. Newman Centers too are very limited in what they can do to develop the necessary qualities in the members of Christ's Body beyond a small circle. Courses in "religiqus studies" are far from adequate means. They are by definition uncommitted, objective examination of religion and religions. They are highly intellectual, speculative, whatever existential and subjec-tive use an individual student may make of them. They are also limited in the amount of time given to them and, being a self-cOntained part of a curriculum, they convey the impression that religion also is a self-con-tained part of life, rather than~a dimension of all life. Adult education does not appear to be the solution. The competition for adults' time and attention is ex-tremely intense. Moreover, dae qualities required of a mature Christian should be well developed before he reaches the age at which l~e would enroll in adult educa-tion courses that are more than remedial. The answer is not Catholic newapapers, magazines, and books. People who love and profit from reading are relatively few in our activist culture, and are becoming even fewer in this post-linear age of happenings and tele-vision in the global village. The Church's recourse to happenings and television will not be much more fruitful than literature for achieving the necessary goal. Once people are gathered, happenifigs and television can be extremely effective instructors, but the problem is pre-cisely gathering the people. Unless people are already rather strongly motivated religiously, they are not going to prefer religious happenings and television programs to their secular coi~nterparts. As for parents as the source of the needed Christian maturity, parents are limited in what they Can do for their children. They cannot ,.lead their children to an articulate faith much beyond their own. They will find themselves limited especially when they come to helping their children develop that keen appreciation of the meaning and value of creation which Vatican iI urges for all members of Christ's .Body. Parents may be able to foster such apl~reciation for the simpler things of life, but they may be at a loss in matters of biology, the physical universe, history, poetry, drama, music. Parents' social consciousness and involvement may or may not be very highly developed, and will almost always be limited in 4- 4- 4- Schools VOLUME .'30, "1971 955 + 4. 4. C. Kiesling, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 956 scope because of family responsibilities and finite human energies. Social services of the Church are not ordered, by defini-tion, to the development of mature Christians, but to relieving the pressing needs which men and women have in their personal and social lives, in order that their lives may meet basic standards of health, decency, dignity, and happiness. It is difficult to imagine any project of the Church which offers the opportunities that schools do for p.ro-viding the members of Christ's Body with the develop-ment of faith, .appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal and know-how which they need and to which they have a right. Several points are to be noted about this affirma-tion. First, it does not mean that schools alone do the whole job. There is still need for good liturgies, adult educa-tion, and all the rest. Secondly, the schools referred to are not only elementary schools. High schools and colleges are more important. Thirdly, the assertion speaks of schools for providing the needed qualities of articulate faith, appreciation of creation, and apostolic zeal with skill. It does not speak simply of religion courses in schools operated by the Church, though such courses have their rightful place. It is not a matter of the Church going into the education business, so that it can, with ease, slip religion courses into the curriculum. It is, rather, a matter of providing a Christian milieu in which learning to live a full life can Occtlr. Finally, the argument is not based on the actual con-duct or achievements of the Church's schools in the past. Whatever judgment is rendered on the past, the situation has changed so much since Vatican II that the schools of the Church today constitute an entirely new set of oppor-tunities. In recent years new methods of teaching have evolved which make learning boi:h more exciting for students and more in contact with life in society. Lay teachers have become a familiar part of the faculties of the Church's schools. Priests' and religious' styles of life have changed, bringing them into closer contact with ordinary life and with the laity, particularly their students. The ghetto mentality has largely disappeared, so that Church schools are less prone to be instruments of defense and more liable to be openings to the world. The ecumenical spirit enables Protestant, Anglican, and Orthodox Christians, as well as Jews and men of other beliefs, to have some place in the education that goes on in the schools of the Church. Administrators, faculties, and students are more aware of the school's obligations to the civic community in which it exists, All these new [actors mean :that the value of the Church's schools today cannot be judged on the basis of their past conduct and achievements. The opportunities which the schools of the: Church offer do not consist only or even mainly in the possibili-ties for religion courses or religious pract~ices. They con-sist in the possibilities for the young to develop articulate faith, a keen appreciation of creatures, and zeal with com-petence for building a better world by close association in learning and doing with mature Christians who them-selves have such faith, appreciation, and zeal. There is a difference, I would maintain, between what a youth derives from a course in English literature taught with competence and enthusiasm by a Christian whose faith permeates his life, and what he derives from such a course taught by someone else. A course in English litera-ture well taught by a Christian tells a young person that Christianity embraces all of life, that it is willing and able to learn from human experience as well as from revela-tion, that it recognizes the Spirit of God working in the world and speaking to men through human events, per-sonal and social. Besides this non-verbal communication, there can be explicit comparisons between the views of life in English literature and the view of the gospel. These comparisons are opportunities to develop articu-late faith without indoctrination. But even without any explicit mention of Christian faith, this course in English literature is a Christian ministry. As Vaticap II affirmed, Christians should have a deep sense of the meaning and value of all creation. The Church, therefore, has a duty to provide for its members to learn about creation through the arts and sciences illumined by the gospel. It is a precious gift which a Christian teacher gives to a student in patiently helping him to appreciate-a poem, even though faith is not explicitly referred to. If this Christian teacher of English literature is also aware of the world's and ldcal community's problems; if he is involved outside the school in trying to build a better world, if he lets this be known to his students and even involves his students in his social concern outside the classroom, his students will be made aware of another dimension of the Christian vocation and will even gain some knowledge of what they can do concretely to build a better world. If the administrators and teachers in a school of the Church are articulate in their faith, if they treasure God's creatures, if they are socially concerned and involved, if they constitute the nucleus of a genuine, open Christian community into which they assimilate their students, that school offers unparalleled opportu.nities for developing in the members of Chris,t's Body the qualities nece~ssary for + ÷ + Schools VOLUME 30, ].971 957 + 4. + C. Kiesling, O,P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 958 their sharing the mission of the Church to mankind and the world. But, it may be objected, should not such a Christian teacher of English literature or physics or sociology or mathematics be in apublic school? Could he not perform a most valuable Christian ministry there Yes, he could; and such Christian teachers--lay, religious, cleric-- should be in public schools. They would be fulfilling the Church's apostolic mission to the world in a most excel-lent way. But could his pupils derive as much benefit from him in the public school as they could in a school of the Church---or of the Churches, as some would propose in this ecumenical age? In a public school, his pupils could only rarely, and then with the greatest circumspection, explicitly view the subject with the teacher in the light of the gospel. Never could they celebrate their Christian awareness of the subject in worship, liturgical or other, unless they met outside the school and school time. This condition raises the complex problem of finding a con-venient opportunity for such celebration; and it intro-duces a division into the public school community, which could Iead to all sorts of unpleasant complications: More-over, students in a public school would not experience their learning within a known Christian milieu and hence would not see it as part of Christian life and Chris-tian life as embracing it. But is this not the age of anonymous Christianity? Is it necessary for students to examine explicitly a subject in the light of the gospel, to celebrate it in worship, and to see it as part of Christian life and Christian life as em-bracing it? Recourse to the concept of anonymous Christianity is a way Christians have adopted to take the sting out of the widespread de-christianization and secularization that has occurred in modern times. But anonymous Christianity, though a good thing in comparison to being altogether outside the influence of God's grace,'is a humanly imper-fect thing. To be human is to have self-awareness. Man is not only conscious as animals are, but reflectively con-scious; he is aware of himself as animals are not. If man's self is actually graced by God, then his self-awareness should include that fact, otherwise he is not fully self-aware, not fulIy human. Hence it is important, not only for Christian education but for the human education of the Christian, that he see what he learns as part of Chris-tian life and Christian life as embracing it. When one reads carefi~lly the documents of Vatican II in regard to its ideal of what Christian laymen should be in the life and mission of the Church, one cannot help asking how they are ever going to achieve that ideal, and how clergy and religious are going to help them in fulfill- ment of their priestly and religious responsibilities to serve their fellow members in the building up of Christ's Body. What i~ called for is not comprehended under the labels of religious instruction or religious practices. Nor is it adequately described as handing on, preserving, or nourishing Christian faith, What is required is education in the fullest sense of the word, education of the whole man for the whole of life, bnt education with a'Christian quality to it. Of all the Church's projects, its schools offer the most opportunities for such education. With such education, Catholic laymen would exercise their role in the mission of the Church, not by contributing money to a Human Development Fund, of which the hierarchy is the banker, but by becoming involved in human development in the neighborhood, city, state, nation, and the world. This latter is the more authentic fulfillment of the Christian apostolate by which the members of Christ's Body partici-pate in its mission to the world. The schools of the Church will very likely be fewer in number in the future. But they remain unique opportun-ities for building up the Body of Christ for its mission. Abandonment of the struggle to maintain them and, still more important, to exploit their new possibilities under the conditions, which have arisen since Vatican II will grievously set back the emergence of the layman and the mission of the Church to the world. It will promote the tendency of the Church to be identified with the clergy and religious rather than the whole People of God, and to become a club for fellowship in subjective re_ligious experience rather than the leaven in the dough ~of his-tory. Religious' involvement in the schools of the Church remains both~an important and challenging ministry. Schools VOLUME $0, '].97~ 959 SISTER MARY JEANNE SALOIS, R.S.M. Opinions of the Laity on Changes in Religious Life Sister Jeanne is director of research services at the Sis-ters of Mercy Gen-eralate at 10000 Kentsdale Drive, Box 34446; Be-thesda, Maryland 20034. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 960 Literature concerning recent developments in the re-ligious life provide little information on the effects of these developments on the laity. Since the prima.ry pur-pose of adaptation and renewal as stated in the docu-ments of Vatican II is to become more effective in promoting the kingdom of God on earth---"That this kind of life and its contemporary role may achieve greater good for the Church, this sacred Synod issues the following decrees" 1--it should be helpful to know how a section of this kingdom feels about the adaptation they are observing. Such knowledge should contribute sub-stantially to an honest evaluation of the changes being made. This article summarizes the thinking of lay people on adaptation in religious life in seven parishes distributed geographically from the New England coast to mid-western United States. A random sampling of 60 families from each of the parishes listed in Table 1 participated in this study. Treatment o[ the Data: The investigator sent an in-strument entitled "Opinionnaire to Obtain the Lay-man's Assessment of Religious Women in the Church Today" to 420 randomly selected persons. Of these, 220 responded, constituting 53.4 percent returns. Distribu-tion of respondents is shown in Table 2. Eighty-three men and 137 women responded to this opinionnaire. Of these only One was black, the others being white. Age of respondents varied as indicated be-low: 1Walter M. Abbott, S.J., ed., The Documents o[ Vatican II, "Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life," n. 1. Age of Re~#ondent Number in Category Percent 20-29 16 7 30-39 59 27 40-49 77 35 50-59 42 19 60-69 19 9 70- 7 3 Approximately half of the respondeqts attended a Catholic grade and high school and most of them at-tended college. Most of the respondents indicated they were professional or sell-employed with very few saying they were semi or unskilled workers. TABLE :1 Parishes Participating in Study to Obtain Opinions of Laity on Changes being' Made in Religious Congregations Parish* City and State Our Lady of the Assumption St. Joseph Immaculate Heart of Mary Sacred Heart Immaculate Conception St. James Gate of Heaven Atlanta, Georgia Denver, Colorado Detroit, Michigan Hattiesburg, Mississippi Memphis, Tennessee New Bedford, Massachusetts Dallas, Pennsylvania * Parishes were selected at random from the total list of parishes being served I~y a religious congregation of women. TABLE 2 Distribution of Laymen Who Responded to Opinionnaire New Denver, Bedford, Hatties- Dallas, Colorado burg, Atlanta, Detroit, Memphig, Penn~yl, chusettsMassa" Mississippi Georgia Michigan Tennessee vama No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % ~o. % No.! % 17 58.3 26 43.3 41 68.3 28 46.6 37 62.7 36 Findings from Opinionnaire: Items and comments of respondents will be summarized under the three headings on the instrumefit: (1) The individual's personal contacts with sisters, (2) the religious life, and (3) sisters' aposto-lates. Personal Contacts with Religious Sisters Almost three-fourths (72%) of the respondents at-tributed most of the credit for helping them become religious persons to their parents. Twenty-six percent credited the sisters for having provided them with in-spiration, and 9 per cent mentioned the clergy. When asked how much influence for good religious sisters had exerted on them, participants responded as 4. 4- 4. Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 961 Sister 1eanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 962 follows: A mount of Influence Number Percent Very great influence 58 '26 I~reat influenc'e 54 24 Some influence 63 29 A little influence 29 13 No influence 13 6 Thus, 50 percent of respondents indicated that re-ligious sisters had influenced them greatly for good and 29 percent said sisters had influenced them some. Most of the respondents consider sisters friendly and easy to meet (192 or 88%). Nineteen respondents (13%) consider the sisters unaware of people around them, and four persons said they were unfriendly. When asked if they would go to a sister for help if they had some personal religious problem, 106 (48%) said they would go rarely, 71 (32%) said they would never go, and 38 (17%) said they would usually go to a sister for help. Most respondents feel that sisters show respect for them as persons (all do--61%; some do--36%). Ninety percent of respondents indicated that the sisters they have known spend most of their time in the educa-tion of children. Ninety percent are pleased with this effort, 6 percent are indifferent, and 3 percent are un-happy. Most respondents believe that sisters manifest an in-terest in the welfare of people in general (78%), and 18 percent don't know. Two percent said that sisters do not manifest an interest in the welfare of others. When asked to express their thinking on the age distribution of the sisters serving them, 81 respondents (37%) said age is not important, 74 (34%) s.aid the age distribution was about right, 25 (11%) said they did not have enough younger sisters, and 5 (2%) said they did not have enough older sisters. The Religious Life Two-thirds of the respondents believe there is no difference between the religious life and mariage in so far as thei~ comparable merits are concerned. Seventeen percent believe the religious vocation more pleasing to God, and 25 respondents (11%) said they didn't know. One hundred and twenty-five respondents (57%) said they would respond favorably if they had a daughter who wanted to become a religious, 77 (35%) would be neutral, and 15 (7%)would respond unfavorably. Most of the respondents (93%) said the sisters they have known seem to be happy. Respondents were widely distributed in their thinking on the economic level of religious living. One hundred and nine (50%) of the respondents believe that the sisters are living on the same or better economic level than they are. Sixty-nine (31%) believe they are living more comfortably than~ the sisters, and 41 ~(19%) said they don't know. When asked whether the sisters seem more progressive since Vatican 11, 161 (73%) said they were either out-standing or quite progressive. About 10 percent found them too progressive and approximately the same per-centage considered them not progressive at all. Almost three-fourths (70%) of the respondents pre-ferred to see religious women living in a convent espe-cially designed for them. Fourteen percent prefer to see ~them in a middle-class residence near their employment. Only two persons said they prefer to see sisters in a home in a poor neighborhood, and three persons said in an apartment. Thirty-eight respondents (17%) said they didn't care. Fewer than half (44%) of the persons responding in-dicated that they like to see religious dressed in a habit which includes a veil. About one-third (32%) like to see religious in conservative attire which does not include a veil, and 7 percent like to see them in contemporary clothing with accessories identical to lay women. Four-teen percent don't care what religious wear. Two-thirds of the respondents like to see sisters par-ticipating in all parish activities. Twenty-four percent-wish religious to participate in all parish activities ex-cept those which are purely social, such ,as dances. Seventeen respondent,s (8%) prefer that sisters attend only those activities related to the school, such as home-school meetings. Apostolic Services When asked how they would react if the sisters would decide to withdraw entirely from the school in order to do other works in the parish, 72 percent said they would respond unfavorably. Eighteen percent said they would be neutral, and 9 percent said they would respond fa-vorably to such a decision. Respondents .were asked if they thought the sisters should be 'more active in working with the poor. Re-sponses were evenly distributed with 68 (31%)in the affirmative, 70 (32%) in the negative, and 72 (33%)with no opinion on thismatter. Responses to items which attempted to find out which apostolaies seemed most necessary to the laity left no room for doubt. They strongly endorse the Catholic school concept and wish sisters would continue in this endeavor. In response to an item concerning the services they 4- 4- 4" 4" 4. Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 964 would prefer sisters provided for them if they were .in need of such services, 68 percent said they wished them to teach children. Other services given some priority by respondents were to administer to the sick in institutions (12%), administer to the sick in homes (5%), and teach adults (4%). Only one percent wish sisters to teach poor children only. Respondents were asked which apostolic works, if any, sisters should discontinue in which they are presently engaged. Each respondent could list three works. Results follow. Campus Ministry on Secular Campus 32 Diocesan services 92 Social work 19 College 16 High School I 1 Elementary school 10 Hospital 9 Religious Education 5 Respondents were asked to list in order of priority the works which they believed sisters should be engaged in at the present time and in the future. The following priorities were established by.averaging the ranks of the 220 respondents. 1. Teaching religion in Catholic school 2. Administrator in Catholic school 3. Teaching secular subjects in Catholic school 4. Teaching in Religious Education Program 5. Administrator of Religious Education Program in parish 6. Serving in Parish Ministry working with families 7. Staff position in health institution 8. Administrator in health institution 9. Social worker in inner city 10. Rehabilitation of drug addicts 11. Serving in Campus Minstry on secular campus 12. Administrator or staff position in public institution Comments of Laity on Adaptation and Rerlewal of Sisters In their comments on the adaptation they are observ-ing in religious communities, participants expressed di-verse opinions, presenting a kaleidoscopic view of re-ligious congregations. Many respondents praised the sisters for some of the changes they are making and for their continued dedication. Some, accustomed as they are to uniformity within religious communities, are using similarity of dress and dutifulness to t~aditional occupations as the criteria for evaluating renewal in religious life. Some are using normal standards of ac-ceptable behavior and are surprised and scandalized at the extremes to which some sisters are going in their new freedom. To the laity, these sisters seem immature and insincere, wanting the best of two worlds. Thus, much of the renewal effort is suspect to some of the laity, both that being made by large groups of sisters attempting to renew sincerely in keeping with the changing needs of the world and by the small group of extremist whose actions the layman is questioning. The comments below are typical of those made by many respondents. I don't think the'sisters are'adapting to the needs of the Church. Some sisters are radical; some are conservative: Some are in habits; some are not. Some are worldly; some are not. They seem to be divided among themselves. Some seem to act as immature young women wanting the best of both worlds. They ~vant the respect due to religious and the fun and entertainment of single women. They are mainly interested in satisfying their own desires. Opinions concerning the habit differed with many respondents reluctantly accepting the demise of" the traditional habit in favor of some lesser form of identifica-tion. Many emphasized the, importance of a religious identity and regret the loss of respect which the habit has always commanded. On careful analysis, responses seem to set forth the .primacy of "habit" over "person" in the thinking of some lay persons. I feel the sisters should have uniform attire~ even if it is a simple colored dresg with a large cross. They are married to God and should be proud of their vocation. They would also command more respect and be more useful, as people would be aware of their vocations and ask for help seeing the gar-ment, not the per.son. It was surprising to see how the laity identify religious with the traditioffal professions to the extent of con-sidering new occupations completely incompatible with the vocation itself. Sisters should either be in the religio~as vocation, or if they want to do soc.ial work they should not do it under the guise of a religious. Religious have pushed into social care areas where .they are not qualified. They have given scandal, betrayed their com-munity life and their origina! vocation. Sisters should work where they can influence and strengthen the faith and morals of young Catholics. Let others care for their social and physical needs. The laity continues to look for the dedicated, hard-working sister wh6 spends her time going from her work to her prayers in the convent where her physical, and social needs are met. They are surprised when they see sisters becoming more like other women in their use of leisure and in the external manifestation of their fem-ininity. They feel that the purpose o[ religious women was + + + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 965 ÷ ÷ Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 966 and is to stay in the classroom and teach their children, and that to betray this purpose is to betray their calling as religious. Sisters should do what they have done for many years--see to the education of our future citizens. Most of God's work is just that--hard work--and this is probably the main thing I have always admired about the nuns I have known. They were committed and worked hard with little thanks or praise, and I'm sure they were often discour-aged and unsure of their accomplishments. Some of the laity are interpreting the trend to leave the traditional apostolates as a sign of individualism which prompts one to wish to "do her own thing." I find it disturbing that some sisters, when given the op-portunity to work in the world today, become concerned with their own needs or interests under the guise of making money for their order. Since Vatican II, I feel that many nuns are confused and at odds with their own previous commitment. Teaching sisters now seem to feel social work is their bag, nursing nuns feel that teaching would be more appropriate, etc. Confusion stems, I believe, from a lack of the whole spirit we used to know as dedication to God's work. It is being replaced today in all of society by a personal need to do your own thing. A change very pleasing to the laity where it has taken place is the updating observed in methods of teaching and curriculum. They praise the sisters who are more understanding of child nature than they used to be and who are ready to meet the explosion of knowledge which today's children are experiencing. They complain if these changes are not taking place. Unfortunately, older nuns are not adjusting methods, cur-riculum, and themselves personally to many facts, namely,. that today's children know much more in space and science study than is in textbooks and they often know more than the the teacher herself. The teacher's attitude often becomes bel-ligerent rather than pleased that children are this way. Some personal evaluation seems necessary. The older nuns seem to adapt to the needs of the Church. Younger nuns could learn from them. It is no longer a voca-tion to them, it is ajob. Some middle class lay people feel that religious are now prejudiced against them. They argue .that their needs for the services of religious are as great as those of any other segment of society. We who are just ordinary people--working, living, and .dying--also need the help and example of the religious sister in today's world. We feel that what's the use when our lives and struggles are treated with disdain. We don't want to be applauded, but we feel that by living an honest and decent life and ever-striving to do the works of Christ, that we ought to be considered at least as human as the girls who have il-legitimate babies who you would think had won the grand prize for all the attention they are given. In short, love us too, even though we have never broken a law. I believe ~many sisters aye giving up "their 6wn" to work in the inner cities and for social causes. A poor soul is not .Primarily found in a poor person--the person may be rich, middle 'class or ~poor. We should try to help all equally so all can be saved. Another change taking ~place among religious women which is greatly appreciated by the laity is the attitude of considering all persons as equals. They are happy that sisters have come down from their pedestal and no longer seem to expect deference from the laity. The sisters, I believe, are progressing to include all persons with whom they come in contact as equals. I used to. feel the sisters considered themselves.very special and should be looked up to by all. I think they are more aware of people's needs than previ-ously. They are more sensitive and less untouchable. Some have lost self-respect by playing down to the laity too much. Much of the advice given to religious by respondents argued for the maintenance, of balance in the matter of adaptation and warned against extremes. Don't go overboard! Keep attire and sense of misSio~a in line with Catholic beliefs. If the sisters participate in secular affairs, I feel they should remember they are sisters and uphold the traditions and reputation Catholic sisters have always had. General impressions reported by respondents include the following: I get the feeling they are not of the Church but of the world. Instead of giving up things of the world they are acquiring things of the world. Nuns, in general, appear ito be departing from a way of life which identified them as religious, and as a result of ,this proc-ess, society appears tO have less respect for religious orders. I think sisters are doing a fine job. This is a time for all people to join t.ogether and to remember that God is the father of all, not just the white man, Many so-called Christians have forgotten this. General Statements on Opinions of Laity From the many ideas expressed by the laity responding to this opinionnaire, a few generalizations can be stated: There is little evidence at this time that the changing needs of society, for example, the rapid increase of Catholic students on the secular university campus, have penetrated the thinking of: lay people to any great extent. Criteria used by most of the laity for judging sisters remain the. same today as before Vatican II in spite of the shift toward greater personal freedom and more leisure in society as a whole~ However, a few of .the respondents 4- 4- + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30~ 1971 967 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 968 do seem to comprehend rather accurately the reasons for change in religious congregations. A few religious who, in the eyes of the laity, have seemingly lost sight of the meaning of religious vocation are impeding acceptance of the necessary changes large numbers Of religious women are making. There are certain paradoxes in the thinking of the laity concerning religious sisters at present. The laity are happy that sisters consider them as equals, no longer expecting deference; yet they lament the elimination of' external signs, such as the habit, which commands special respect. The laity give major credit to their parents for being the grea.test influence for holiness in their lives; yet they insist that the sisters are essential to growth of holiness in their children. The laity are happy that sisters have stepped down from their pedestal to walk among them; yet they wish to continue admiring them at a distance when they need help in the solution of their personal religious problems. In summary, respect for religious among the laity in this sample has decreased as a result of the changes made by religious congregations since Vatican II. This loss of respect can be attributed to a failure on the part of laymen to understand the reasons basic to change and their failure to recognize new needs in society for the services of religious women. It is also the result of unwise individual choices which some religious are making in their personal lives. The laity need the assistance of sisters if they are to understand the motives for their new behaviors. Perhaps the greatest need of the laity, as well as of religious, is familiarity with social doctrines of the Church and the emphasis given to these doctrines in the documents of Vatican II. Reflections of the Writer Religious congregations are attempting to implement the new emphases of Vatican II. The laity, familiar with the old structure, fail to understand the inevitable re-suits "of implementing such documents as "Declaration on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II, and Mater et Magistra, the encyclical letter of Pope John XXIII. An example of this implementation is the attention religious congregations are now giving to the dignity of the human person. In Mater et Magistra (215) we read, Whatever the progress in technology and economic life, there can be neither justice nor peace in .the world, so long as men fail to realize how great is their dignity; for they have been created by God and are His children. According to the social teachings of the Church, society is at~the, service of the human person to respect his dignity and allow him to attain his end and his full human development: "Society is made for man and not man for society.''2 Plus XII s~aid: "Man is a personal being, endowed.with intelligent& and free will;" ~a~ being who has the final choice of what he will or will not do," s Enhnciating this principle of the dignity of the human person, the ""Document on Religious Freedom" from Vatican II states: God calls men to serve Him in spirit and in truth. Hence they are bound ih consdence but they standunder n0: Com-pulsion. God has rbgard for :the dignity of the human person who.m He himseff created; man is to be guided by his own judgment and he is to enjoy freedom. . In contemplating these teachings concerning the basic freedoms o[ man and applying them to herself, a religious may conclude that she does not relinguish her innate freedom to govern herself when she enters a religious congregation. She believes that she is responsible to God alone for her actions and that she is responsible for keeping these actions in line with the life she has com-mitted herself to live. If this reasoning is correct, obe-dience in religious life needs to find its meaning apart from the responsibility of one person to govern the life of another. If religious growth takes place through responsible choices made freely, each person must be free to choose in matters pertaining to her personal life. In their efforts to implement tile new emphasis on the dignity of the person and_ her freedom of choice, religious congregations are eliminating rules which formerly gov-erned the personal life o[ each member. Remove pro-hibitive rules designed to channel actions according to a certain pattern which all members are exp6cted to observe and they are going to act as do all other members of the human race uniquely and differently. Some per-sons are going to make unwise choices as is true of persons in other walks of life. Freed from rules which prevent extremes, religious women are going to demon-strate their good taste or lack of it in their external appearance, their behavior, their use of leisure, and in their professional activities. But the end of this process is good the coming to being of a religious who is interiorly motivated to govern herself in a manner suited to her commitment as a woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and the service of His kingdom on earth. The new religious will come to r~alize as never before th~it she has been made = Plus XI,'Divini Redemptoris. a Pius xIi, "Allocution to the Sixth International Congress on Criminal Law," October 15, 1954, + Laity Opinion VOLUME 30, 1971 969 Sister Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 970 in God's likeness to imitate His perfection, His goodness, and His love and mercy for men. She will realize that sh~ must 'lift herself up to God freely if she wishes to l~articipate with Christ in life eternal, in the divine life of God and of the Blessed Trinity. This is the destiny of all men, the religious included, and all must freely choose to follow this path, for with Christ there is no coercion, no forcing, no want of freedom. Surely every adult' outside of a religious community reaches the period in her life when she is no longer told what to wear and where to go. The fully committed re-ligious woman who has dedicated her life to Christ and to the service of his kingdom on earth should "be equally capable of" exercising her God-given freedom and of assuming the responsibility for her actions and her destiny. Lay people need to understand that they will be observing some evidence of poor taste as religious use the freedom they now have. Poor judgment is not a monopoly of the laity; it can also be expected of religious. Unless the formation period in the life of young re-ligious provides an understanding of how the gospel message is translated into daily living as a religious, sisters cannot be expected to make decisions in keeping with their form of life. In their uncertainty regarding the preparation which best prepares individual religious to exercise greater freedom, some congregations are ab-dicating their responsibility fbr the formation of young religious. To supose that new members who have not developed an understanding of the religious life will make personal decisions in keeping with it is a rash assumption. If religious congregations are to make wise choices. during this period of renewal and adaptation, they must take time to study the past and realize Gully the import of char~ge on the present and future. Unless changes are in line with the purposes for which the congregation was formed in the first place, the congregation will give way to a new entity or disintegrate completely. In-dividual members of apostolic religious congregations in the past realized their service of Christ in His Church through service of the congregation whose corporate end was this divine service. Today, many religious see them-selves as groups of dedicated individual members with a diversity of tasks. If religious retain the apostolic dimension of their original commitment, the transfer from corporate to individual commitment may be a change of means rather than ends. However, if the apostolic dimension of one's service is lost, the primary purpose of apostolic religious congregations in the Church no longer exists. When no unifying purpose is present, organizational structure becomes meaningless. It has been the purpose of this study to provide some insight on the reaction of the laity to observed change in religious congregations in the year 1971, Hopefully, the opinions expressed in this report will be.helpful to religious congregations as they chart their c0urse'for the future. + 4- 4- Laity Opinion VOLUME ~0, 1971 97! SISTER MARY JOHN MANANZAN, O.S.B. Must I Love You for God's Sake? ÷ ÷ .I. Sister John is a graduate student of the Gregorian Uni-versity and resides at Via dei Bevilac-qua, 60; Rome, Italy (00165). REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 972 Read the title without a pause and with the correct intonation lest you miss the point of this article, it is not an exasperated exclamation like "Must I put up with you, for heaven's sake?" The article concerns itself rather with the question whether we should love others "for the sake of God." This phrase has been so misinterpreted in the past and still also in the present that the word "char-ity" has fallen into disrepute or at least it has acqui~?ed a cold, antiseptic atmosphere. People say "I don't want your charity"--"I will not be an object of charity." In the stu-dent house where I lived while I was studying in Ger-many, the girls were very wary of "nuns" doing things for charity. Once an Idonesian girl living in another house got sick. A German friend of mine announced her inten-tion of driving over. I spontanously exclaimed: "I'11 go with you." She looked at me and cautiously asked: "Are you doing it for charity?" The reason for such wariness is that doing things for charity or for God's sake is taken to mean something like: "Actually you are a nasty fellow and for yourself I wouldn't lift a finger. But I am doing this because I see Christ in you." I don't tbink for a moment that Christ is at all pleased with such pious prattle. And the person concerned rightly feels himself an "object" of charity--a means to some altruistic, humanitarian or still worse to a spiritual ideal. C. S. Lewis in his delightful book Four Loves gives a punchy example of an "unselfish . self-sac-rificing" mother who "just lived for her family." In a remarkable self-deception she literally worked herself to the bone for them but actually what she managed to do was to suffocate each member of her family, because she did not actually see them as persons and did not really consider their real needs; She looked through them to work for her image of being an ideal mother. She used them as means to fulfill her need to be needed. In a similar manner "loving others for God's sake" has some-how taken on the meaning of disregarding the individual person. On this point one can learn a great deal from Kant who has been accused of having never written a word on love. But he actually offers a very solid foundation for what we call "love of neighbor" in his famous (infa-mous?) categorical imperative. This principle has also suffered a very one-sided treatment. The frequently cited formulation is the one that approximates the Golden Rule wearing a grim duty-conscious facial expression. A less quoted formulation however reads: "Act in such a way as to treat humanity whether in yourself or in others never only as a means but always also as an end/' Kant's moral theory is based on the absolute valuation of the person. A person is for him an autonomous subject. He alone possesses the dignity to be happy (Wtirdigkeit, glficklich zu sein). For this reason, a person may never be regarded only as a means but should be willed as a good-in- himself. This absolute valuation of a person manifests itself first and foremost in doing one's duty towards him. Again on this point Kant is frequently misinterpreted. No less than the great German poet Schiller is guilty of this shallow interpretation of Kant when he writes: Gladly I serve my friends but alas I do it with pleasure Hence I am plagued with doubt that I am not a virtuous person. This is answered by a similarly poor interpretation of Kant and a worse poetry: Sure your only recourse is to despise them entirely And then with aversion do what your duty enjoins you. Kant did not mean at all that interest and affection would detract from the moral worth of an action. His term "duty" is a limiting term. It simply isolates the factor which accounts in the last analysis for the moral worth of an action. But once this is ascertained, one can embellish one's action with all the affection one is capa-ble of. I think it is important that Kant makes this em-phasis. There are really people who lavish their affection here and there and everywhere but neglect their elemen-tary duty towards these same persons. It is this forgetfhl-ness of Kant which is responsible for the benevolent tyr-anny in many lands suffering from social injustice, where the rich landlords or employers give to their exploited laborers "in charity" what they owe them in justice. The elementary duty of "love of neighbor" is thus to take the person as an'end in himself and never a means for anyone or anything. Truly? Not even for God? No, not even. God needs no means. He is His own End. He ÷ ÷ Love VOLUME 30, 1971 973 doesn't rely on any means to reach it. What then does loving others "for God's sake" mean? If it means anything at all, it means: one must take the other in his totality. Man is essentially a relation. A per-son is most a person in his relation to God. One can give him absolute value because he has already been radically affirmed by an absolute Person, He is worthy to be loved because he has already been radically loved. One can therefore love him for his own sake if one regards him in the totality of his being rooted in God. But the totality of man also means his being an individual distinct person. Therefore "love of neighbor" means taking this concrete person beside me for what he is and loving him with all his quirks. I think it is one of the characters of Peanuts who said: "I love humanity; It is people that I cannot stand." To love another is to see him. It is to love him "interestedly." "Disinterested love" is no love. It is too pretentious. It is being in love with one's perfectly selfless way of loving. This is the reason why I think foreign aid to developing countries miserably fails in arousing the gratitude of the people it helps. It is literally disinter-ested. There is no interest in the people as persons. No wonder they feel insulted and are resentful. They do not feel loved--they feel that they are objects of love. The same is true in individual relationships. One wants to be loved,' becau'se one is lovable. A boy who tells a girl "I love you, because of your pug nose" is not necessarily being superficial. Maybe he grasps the point of love better than if he were to enumerate the noblest .motives in the world. I think the art of loving is to find something very concrete .in someone (be it a pug nose, a crooked smile, a naughty left eyebrow--whatever it is. There is one in every person aching to be discovered!), to discover this recapitulation of his personality and in this burning focal point of his being, to love him intensely. 4- + Sister John REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 974 TENNANT C. WRIGHT, s.J. A Note on Poverty This is simply a report on a mode of poverty lived at one Jesuit house in Mexico City. The report is drawn from a conversation with several members of the commu-nity there, including the Father Minister who was influ-ential in setting up the program and helps with its ad-ministration. The program seems particularly enlightening at this moment when there is such discussion of poverty and how it fits with a religious' psychological need to feel economically productive and responsible. The Mexican community is made up of Jesuits who receive a salary at one of the Universities (non-Jesuit) in Mexico City. The salary i.s paid by the University directly to the individual Jesuit~ It is turned over by the Jesuit to the community. The community treasury, derived from the salaries, is then divided into three parts: First, there is a common fund for the community, out of which comes such general expenseg as house upkeep, and the room and board of the Jesuits living there. Second, there is a monthly personal amount returned to each Jesuit, an equal amount to each, no matter what his salary from the University. Out of the monthly "allowance" the Jesuit is expected to take care of his or-dinary personal items, such as clothes, recreation, the or-dinary personal necessities of his study and work, his ordinary travel. Third, there is a fund retained by the community for emergencies. As I understand it, the emergencies are gen-erally of two types, each handled differently. There is that personal emergency which arises from the unexpected, for example, an accident, a particularly large medical bill. Such personal emergency expenses are met by the community in a direct payment (not a loan) out of this emergency fund. But this third fund also covers those personal but more expensive items needed by some but not all. For instance, if one of the Jesuits in the course of his work needs some particularly expensive equipment or books or a car, then the community lends to this Jesuit the money to buy the T. C. Wright is a faculty member of the University of Santa Clara; Santa Clara, California 95053. VOLUME .30, 1971 975 special item. The loan is made without interest, but it is gradually paid back to the community out of the individo ual's monthly allowance. This question of loans to the individual for special expenses is crucial. The Mexican community is clear that this is not a case of dominion, of true ownership. Rather it is a more sophisticated way of responsible use. The special item is only purchased after consultation with the superior. The ultimate decision remains with the supe-rior. Although the item is used with the responsible dis-cretion of the individual, when and if his need for it is no longer present it is sold and the money returned to the community fund. Although this three-fold scheme of community use of [unds seems simple and clear in presentation, Father Minister and other members of the Mexican Jesuit com-munity emphasized that the implementation of this mode of poverty has more difficulties and is more complex than its simple outline indicates. 4- 4- 4- T. C. Wright REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 976 W. L. L~CROIX,.S.J. The New Property" and the of PovertY In the past ten years there has taken place a consider-able change in the attitudes of many vowed to the reli-gious life with respect to their "having" material goods. At times, this change in attitude has been reflected by attempts to patch the tearsin earlier lived interpretations of the vow of poverty by talk of a "vow of common life," or something of the sort. By these patchwork efforts, peo-ple have tried to bring within a reflective understanding of the vow such new lived interpretations of poverty that permit individuals to have exclusive control over many more material items (from transistor radios to individual vacations) than were ever previously found acceptable. In this brief essay, I would like to suggest that these efforts are of secondary consequence. I submit that there is a much more pressing problem for the practice of vowed poverty in contemporary America. This more pressing problem emerges from the recent, qualitative leap taken in the lived interpreta)ion of property. If the vow of poverty at all concerns some deliberate taking up of a life style that is designated by its extraordi-nary attitude toward property (this does seem to be the "matter" of the vow), then it is of major importance to talk about that which a political economist might call today the "new property." This concept is both simple and subtle, so let me briefly try to present what lines of thought are involved, and then appraige the implications of "new property" for what I will call the positive "thrust" of the vow of poverty. The "'New Property" Property may be described as a socially acknowledged relation that a person has to what is considered, in the broadest sense, an item of value. Now what is considered of value (except for subsistence in food, clothing, shelter) is to a great extent determined by the concrete attitudes W. L. LaCroix, S.J., is a faculty member of Rock-burst College; 5225 Troost Avenue; Kansas City, Mis-souri 64110. VOLUME 3~0, 1971 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 978 within a cultural milieu. And what are the manifold ways in which, ordinarily understood, one may acquire rela-tion to items of value are familiar to us all. And so we have our ordinary image of what we talk about when we use the term "property." But this imagining is so easy only because so few have done serious reflection on some significant socio-economic developments of the last fifty years. Many people today. continue to be undisturbedly at ease with talk about property exclusively under the rubric of the individual's possession, use, and control of "permanent" and fixed (real property) or of manipulable or consumable items of value (personal property). In fact, however, with the growth of a corporate society in America, some are able to argue convincingly that this familiar rubric of prop-erty has become at least partially obsolete, and that the part where it is obsolete is the more important part. One major indication of the need for a new rubric is that, in, our society heavily toned by business relation-ships, political economists and businessmen now are will-ing to say that, for most of the large business corporations, there are capital investors, there are top and middle man-agers, there are employees, customers, unions, the govern-ment, and the society at large that are related to the corporate organization, but there are no owners. That is, there are none except the impersonal (albeit legal) entity of the corporation itself. Certainly one reason here is that the business corporation is no longer an item compassa-ble by any individual who might attempt personally to organize and control it, that is, to "possess" it, to have it as private property. This growth to bigr~ess is one that has moved not only vertically in the size of an individual corporation, but hlso horizontally to interlace organizations of diverse kinds into one corporate society. Qualitative alterations have taken place in how and by whom social relation-ships are determined within the individual private orga-nization, in the relations between the individual private organizat~ions, and between these organizations, govern-mental bodies, and the social community itself. Corpora-tional businesses today act less with attention to the com-petitive market and more with attention to a mutual self-interest of the leading businesses, or even at times with a mixture of this and "public interest." Government does not hesitate to curtail initiative from a "private" firm for the sake of "public interest," or, conversely, to subsi-dize private sector business for the "public interest," or to contract out to business and to educational institutions some "public interest" undertaking. Educational institu-tions concern themselves with good relations with the business community and government for financial assist- ance; and with accreditation agencies for professional prestige. In a society composed of such interlaced organ~izations, the sharp distinctions between the public and the private sectors of activities have faded (I will suggest a test for this further on), and all members of society have been drawn into new and manifold relations to all the organi-zations. This means that those items of value, or wealth, which the individual can have as "private property" have become secondary in social significance. From Locke to World War I in Anglo-American thought these items have been the key to civic freedom, self-identity, and individual capacity to initiate effects in society. Now the socio-economic fi'eedom, identity, and initiative--in one word, the social power---of the private property holder are minimal. As a society we have entered an era where the initiative comes from organizations which act for or-ganizational or for "public" interest. And the "public" interest today means .less and less each individual's inter-ests and more and more only organized interests~ As part of a growing consensus on the relations of persons to new items of value today, A. A. Berle, Jr., has spoken of the divorce from older property of the socio-ec-onomic power to make determinations in society. He terms this the distinction between "individual possessory holdings" and "power systems." What is at stake here :is not merely the separation of ownership from socio-eco-nomic control, but the "increasing elimination of pro-prietary ownership itself and its replacement by, substan-tially, a power system." Charles A. Reich has spoken of the new form of wealth which one obtains in a corporational social structure through the relationships one has to various organiza-tions. These relationships gain for one a place in the interlaced socio-economic system of organizations. The new marriage of wealth and power is a union within the blood line of the power structure itself, for the wealth is itself new power. One has this new wealth of socio-eco-nomic place, or power status, in so far as one has actively functional relations to the power systems. As active within the power systems, one individually has the socio-economic power without the need of property in the tra-ditional sense of individual possessory holdings, One only needs to obtain a place, a status in the power systems. To clarify how this change brings in new dimensions in the question of poverty, let me develop briefly how one acquires this power, what the power is, why it is special today, and whether it is legitimate. ~ (How acquired) One enters a place of power not by ownership, but by the possession of whatever credentials the people presently with an active function in an organi- 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 979 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 980 zation designate as required. They in turn designate what matters are required in response to the organization's demand in view of~ its present strength and future fate in the interlaced system. These admission credentials are supposed to, and often do, signify the possession of some expertise, some "know how" in terms of the functions and goals of the organization. One's relations to active power status in an organiza-tion is always conditional. It is forever a trial marriage and lasts only as long as the person's power decisions make things function well for the organizational system. In turn, one is subject to those interchanges of power which constitute the organization to which he belongs directly, and to those interchanges of power by which his organization is interlaced within the American corporate system. One is tied to his organization's fate, which itself is precarious, by one's personal credentials, which are constantly under test. For brevity~s sake, let us call one's conditional relations to this new wealth of power status the "new property" (even though I have modified Reich's use of the phrase). Some kind of status in a community or in a private orga-nization, of course, is nothing new. But the status now at point is no longer simply a social by-product of possessory holdings, ancestry; or profession. The new status is a place of socio-economic power within active organiza-tional power. (What is power) As Berle has noted, we are still philo-sophically immature in reflections on power. For our pur-poses here, let us be satisfied with a simple concept: power allows the wielder to initiate decisions on the transmission, use, and determinations of socio-economic assets for the lives of persons. One who holds power has a "scope of significant choice" (Carl Kaysen) open to his decisions within a corporational social structure that widely and significantly affect the determinations of how one himself and others experience and express human values. Today we have large social and economic organi-zations which depend upon and which generate power to their members. These organizations are managed by non-owners whose decisions and instructions, by the mecha-nism of the organization, are made causative at distant points of application, both inside and outside the indi-vidual organization. Normally one distinguishes "power to do things" and "power over persons," but this distinction often is only in the relative immediacy of the results of power's exercise. And the exercise of "power over" brings a reduction for those affected in the range of personal alternatives in socio-economic activities, and an increase in dependence on the power's exercise. (Why special) As society's organizations become more complex, they become more interlaced and thereby more counterbalanced in their scope of initiative action. This primordial counterbalance, however, is less in terms o~ conflict and more in terms of agreement. As a result, as organizations grow to need each other, they become less counterbalanced in the consequent effects o~ their actions in the public arena. This is an important point. It any-one subject to a function of organizational power is still ultimately free to disassociate himself from .the power, with some but with no drastic repercussions in his total li~e style, then the "power over" that person may be said to be private. Sucb a freedom of the one subjected to private "power over" presupposes other, significantly dis-tinct sources of "power to do" things which produce real options for the one subject to the power system at hand. But if the disassociation, if possible at all, from one power would at best only bring about the substitution o[ tbe one by another qualitatively the same source of 'power over," then the "power over" may be said to be public. From this test of the distinction of the public and tbe private sector o[ society, one sees that the real c~runch of the "new property" power is that, more and more, its consequent effects can no longer be balanced out by deci-sions made by others with power. It is so far forth public. Power status is thus one's place in the organizationally active determination of the quality of people's lives. As holders of "new property," individuals exercise the resultant social power to determine some relations that others will have to the organization or to its products, and thereby to the corporateI society. With an ethical vocabulary based on the old p, roperty rubrics, many sta-tus power people still speak ofI these determinations they bring about in tbe lives of ot[~ers only in terms of privi-leges or options, and not in terms of rights and basic human values. They thereby presume that to deny a rela-tion to the orgamzat~on or to deny a cr~uc~sm of its products is merely to deny a lprivilege or to deny tbe immediate value of certain options. There is no wonder that umvers~t~es, for example, st~ll ~ns~st that students are there not by right but by privilege. When orgamzauons were private, such talk was movie acceptable ethically. But today, when org~inizations both decide upon and, in their interlaced stance, supply thos~ credentials which deter-mine a person in the roles he b~ts in tbe corporate society, the subject's relation to them i~ now public and nearly or completely in the area~of rigltts. We are less and less a society o~ persons who receive entrance into "private" organizations by privilege or lwho use the products of organizations by option. Simp,ly stated, the "new prop-÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1973. 981 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 982 erty" gives not only "power to do," but, more signifi-cantly for human and Christian values, direct "power over" persons. " (How legitimate) Such "power over" persons requires justification. One must question such power that can "make things happen" in respect to basic values in a society and ask if it is legitimate. The question is raised today for non-owned economic organizations and is espe-cially vital for all organizations which by the interlacing of society have had their power effects take on the "pub-lic" quality noted above. Power is a fact, but the persons concerned can ask for the rights to its possession and to its use. By "legitimate" I signify that there are good answers in terms of human values to the questions "How come such and such has power" and "For what purpose does such and such have power." Such questions ask for standards by which to judge the possession and use of power which are extra-neous to the power itself. In a society of fre6 persons, power can legitimately be obtained and legitimately be used only under the aegis of some expression of "public consensus." Berle has sug-gested two phases in any legitimization. (1) People get control, within an organization's power mechanism by some inner organizational ritual established by the orga-nization and accepted at least passively by the public consensus. (2) Such people use socio-economic power le-gitimately if the organizati6n has a [unction to perform within the values of the full society which is acknowl-edged by consensus, and if their use of the power is appropriate to that function. (Of course, few such func-tions are well-defined, but public consensus has positive though vague ideals here of what is acceptable.) Let us stipulate that, ambiguous as it is, power over persons can be legitimate. And let us for convenience designate anybne with legitimate power over persons in our corporate society as one who has "authority," but let us call such authority in the socio-economic structure "authority (P)." By this authority (P) ~ person rightfully can affect others in societal relationships by making things happen [or them, and thus can determine them in respect to some of the values in their lives. Given that individuals are persons, non-counterbal-anced power to affect their lives will be legitimate ulti-mately only if it positively contributes to their develop-ment as individual and as social persons. In our corporately interlaced society, this legitimacy will imply that those who have power will be accountable to all per-sons whose lives the exercise of the power affects. In summary, then, the argument is that today "new property" is identified with the exercise of "power over" in the socio-economic field, d one's "power over" activ-ities, one's authority (P),g ~"ves one's social identity and one's social initiative.°Keep in]mind that, in a true sense, one need not "own" anything [in order to have this "new property." " [ I do not wish to argue here that the concept of "new property" is accurate. This h~s been done forcefully by the political economists. All I need is this brief and un-doubtedly inadequate overview in order to ask for Some reflection on the relation of ~his advent of "new prop-erty" to the vow of poverty in ~eligious life. / The Vow ol Poverty In every activity within the[ corporate society, ,persons make and express their selves as they transact with other persons. Thus each one in deeds gives answers to those questions which are either exp!icitly or at least implicitly in every personal encounter: "~Who are you?" and "What do you mean for me?" ,, The social power that is theI new property' makes one respond in terms of status and function: "I am one who has tlus place m the social sttqucture and "I determine these values for you." Let me at once contrast withlthese responses what I call the positive thrust of the vow of poverty and suggest that tt ~s that wluch would permit one to respond: I am the human being Ch~'ist has made !me, are you such a human being, too?" On~ thereby expresses the message and the challenge of the Good News by one's very life style itself. Usually in activities we express a functional connection between some parts of ourselves and some parts of the supporting socio-economic system. We are teachers, pro-fessors, administrators at such and such an educational institution; we are experts and on such and such commit-tees; we have such ahd such training, such and such de-grees, such and such publications to our credit; thereby we are in such and such relationships to this organization within the complex of interlaced organizations. That is "who we are." By this part-function'ality we conceptually merge a re-sponse to "Who are you" with the response to "What do you do?" or even more broadly "How do you fit into the socio-economic system?" Thus when .asked "Who are you?" or when we ask of others "Who is that?" we really change the meaning of the question in,our minds and then employ functional categories "to handle" other per-sons in our thoughts and to have identification as we are "handled" in the thoughts of others. (We must be taught to do this: a little girl at the border, when asked if.she was an American, replied, "No, my daddy is an Ameri-can. I'm a girl.") 4- 4- + "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 983 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. L. LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 Generally then, and perhaps more especially in a "new property" milieu, one's functional roles in the corporate society determine one's self identity. And this identity is more and more dependent upon the fate of one's immedi-ate organization within the corporate society, and upon. one's acceptance by functional peers and one's perform-ance among functional inferiors. Thus the primary con-cern of the person with "new property" must be organiza-tional. This is antithetical to the thrust of vowed poverty. A second, equally significant factor from "new prop-erty," the socio-economic power endemic to organiza-tional place also jabs at the thrust of vowed poverty. One with "new property" determines the lives of others Jor them because, as functional within and dependent upon socio-economic power, one exercises "power over" per-sons. Those who consider the vow of poverty as significant for Christian religious life can no longer ignore the con-tradiction that occurs when one points only to one's "min-imal individual possessory holdings" and Overlooks one's "new property" holdings. Since many religious in the United States are in education, let us use an example from this organizational area to put the problem strik-ingly. Let us ask: Can one who has a vow of poverty act consistently if he becomes the president of a uniyersity? Even if he lives a most frugal and Spartan private life, one stripped of all but the immediately necessary mate-rial items, can he in deeds live the thrust of the vow of poverty, since 'he has willy-nilly status wealth in the pub-lic socio-economic system and acts constantly with "power over" persons? Can he express the message and challenge ¯ of the Good News in any continuous form coming from his life style itself if he so connects himself with the interlaced set of organizations whose basis is a power to determine for other persons items basic to their values in life? The same questions can be put to the tenured profes, sor, the high .school principal, and so on. Perhaps a test for an opposition to vowed poverty would be: Do the respect and consideration one has from peers and inferi-ors in societal transactions come primarily from one's "new property" functions or not? Some have argued that poverty does not mean the neg-ative "not using material items of value," but rather the positive "sharing of the effects and experiences resultant from any possession and use with the concrete religious community." These values are one's talents, the experi-ences of one's apostolate, as well as the gifts one receives, one's former individual possessory holdings, and so forth. Thus they might argue that one can also use the "new property" consistently without effect on poverty in reli-gious life. I suspect that such an argument misses the qualitative newness of the "new property.~" It also un~terplays the positive thrust in the rentmciation of the old property, suggested in this section's opening. I will stipulate that some of the inward thrust of pov-erty may be in terms of mutual sharing with the commu-nity. But the vow must be ultimately for the life of the Good News in the mission of the whole Christian com-munity. It cannot have for its final term the limited reli-gious community: And ~he outward thrust (and part of the inward thrust itself) of poverty is precisely so that one can respond to contact with others as a (Christian) human person and challenge the others also to be (Chris-tian) human persons. Poverty has been an attempt to remove those identification handles which passively ob-struct the transmission of the Good News which chal-lenges others to be in, deeds what Christ has made them. Perhaps more importantly in our time and place, poverty seeks to remove that public power which actively ob-structs others from determining for themselves their free response to the challenge of the Good News. This mission of the Good News one legitimately .ob-tains and legitimately exercises by the action of the Trin-ity in human history. Let us for convenience designate anyone with the legitimate mission to challenge others with the Good News as one who has Christian authority, but let us call this challenging authority "authority (C)." By this authority (C), a person in encounter~ can legiti-mately challenge others to be consistent with themselves as individual and social persons, but the challenger has no power to determine the others in respect to their values as human persons, because the thrust of one's Christian mission is to leave the others confronted with the Gospel challenge but free to determine themselves, As there is authority (P) which is legitimate power to challenge others by determining to some extent human values for them, so here there is authority (C) ~hich is the mission to transmit a legitimate challenge but with-out any power to determine for the one c.hallenged. Those who live a vow of poverty would seem to want to specialize in ~some continuity of deeds and life style in this Christian authority (C). Of course, it is not impossible for one tO have status property and to exercise the consequent determining power and still,, in addition, to transmit by authority (C) the challenge of the Good News. Christians who do not vow poverty do it every day. But they do not attempt to specialize in a continuity of deeds .which emphasize au-thority (C). 4- "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 985 ÷ ÷ W, L, LaCroix REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 986 Some would argue that those with the vow of. poverty also can utilize the "new property" and its logically con-seqt~ ent authority (P) as a means in their life style. They argue that religious do not rest in this "new property" but can have it and remain true to the thrust of the vow because, for example, they use the "new property" to make professional contacts vital to the universalization of the Good News. Let us reflect here not on the strengths of such a defense, and there are some, bnt on its weaknesses. A. Some would say that religious need the status, which is the wealth of the "new property," in order to contact the important people in a society organized around power status on their own level. From the "new prop-erty" gained by administrative, academic, or other cre-dentials, religious can contact the organizational profes-sions of the clay and influence them. But do religious as status members speak to others as trans-status human beings or as co,possessors of power status? Do religious who contact as holders of "new property" contact the whole person and challenge the other with authority (C)? Must religious not necessarily, if they are fellow "new property" holders, speak to others pronouncedly as fun-damental co-members who are equally bound to the power and th'e fate of the structure in dominance in today's corporate society? Remember, unlike the old property, one never "owns" the "new property;" One is always conditionally and precariously subject to the orga-nizations which generate the active power place. One keeps the p.lace only by somehow contibnting actively to a successful exercise of socio-economic "power to do" and "power over." B. Why was not a parallel argument valid for religious to have the "old" property? If it was not valid, what value did Christians place on the vow of poverty in the past that made it so? Was it simply the release from worry over those things which other people must daily worry about? Certainly not. Christians held [or some rea-son that religious vowed to poverty could give a special continuity to the use of authority (C) lrom the very form their life style gave to all their activities. Religious could give this special continuity to the use of authority (C) if they were not the equals of others as holders of individ-ual possessory property, if they encountered the others not in a role of co-wielders of social power from that property, but radically as persons unconnected with a social function category. Can this thrust be realized if religious with a vow of poverty are equal co-holders of social economic public power from the "new property" of today? It is not easy to answer this with a simple "no." Many seem successful in their mission with the Good News to challenge others t(; be "the persons Christ has made them even though these present challengers, vowed religious, or lay Christians, are co-holders with the chall~n~ged of the "new property." X~'hether such success is limited to this period of transi-tion, wherein few are fully .aware of the i.mplicationS of "new property," is a good question. But whether even such success continues to make a religious vow of poverty meaningful is a better one~ ÷ ÷ ÷ "New Property" VOLUME 30, 1971 987 ROBERT OCHS, S.J. Experiments for Closing the Experience Gap in Prayer ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs is a faculty member of Bellarmine School of Theology; 5't30 South University Avenue; Chicago, Il-linois fi5615. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 988 "Speaking exactly as one friend speaks to another"- these are the words with which Ignatius Loyola character-izes what he calls "colloquies," conversations with the Father, Christ, or Mary which conclude so many of the exercises which make up his Spiritual Exercises. This prayer of conversation, explicitly evoking a personal part-ner, is not the whole of prayer. To try to make it such, to focus on the divine Thou in all our prayer, is a strain which can cut us off from other avenues of divine contact. Trying to force all prayer irito a conversational mold can even short-circuit what it intends to further, by making us hurry past the "impersonal" world of divine power and energy, fire and spirit, not to mention Silence and nothingness. Yet to turn our back on it would be to lose a vital dimension of religious experience. Prayer as conversation, dialogue, or encounter with God has recently become much harder for increasing numbers of Christians, as they have rediscovered God both as transcendent mystery and as immanent Spirit. But, I submit, neither our new awareness of God's tran-scendence or of his immanence is the real cause of our inability to meet God in a face to face encounter. For some reason we are not bold enough, or realistic and imaginative enough, in our use of dialogal prayer. Prayer of colloquy is not nearly "colloquial" enough. Speaking with God "exactly as one friend to another," as Ignatius flatly states it, has yet to be really explored, partly out of a misplaced fear of anthropomorphism, partly because our personal relationships themselves have become so bland that we have forgotten exactly how intimate friends do speak to one another. (I sometimes feel Dr, George Bach's paperback, The Intimate Enemy: How to Fight Fair in Love and Marriage, would be a better aid to prayer nowadays than many books directly on prayer,) Underlying our lack of imagination is a peculiar mind set of ours which renders any boldness in encountering God all but impossible. Until we alter this mind set about where and how God is encountered, about the mediurn of any encounter with God, any modeling of our encounter with God on the model of human encounters will look merely like improved make-believe. The Spiritual Exercises speak a great deal about this medium, what Ignatius calls creatures or .simply "all things." Early in the text~ the so-called "Principle and Foundation" insists on "indifference" to things, using them "in as far as" they help find God. And toward the end, the "Contemplation to Attain Love" reminds us that love manifests itself in deeds and consists in a mutual sharing of goods. Between these two exercises, which span the whole Ignatian retreat, the effort is to make things a vehicle of mutual communication instead .of an obstacle, to make them a locus of encounter and matter for shar-ing. As an introductory school of prayer the Exercises teach us to find God in all things, so that things become the means of exchange for dialogue. The whole effort to encounter God involves us therefore in a vast transforma-tion of our view of things. All this sounds terribly obvious. And yet the shift in point of view we are called on to effect in ourselves is enormous, and if we could do it we could pray. The effort involves, for a Christian who supposedly "already believes in God" but does not yet really live in faith, the overcoming of an attitude about God and things which is perhaps the great obsta_cle to encounter with God in our lives, an attitude I Choose to call Deism. Deism sounds at first a harmless enough term, and that is partly why I have chosen it. Giving a harmless name to what one feels is The Great Obstacle has the advantage that it opens us to look for the obstacle to prayer within ourselves and our own pale Christianity. For much that goes by the name of Christianity is no more than Deism, and Deism is as far removed from Christian faith as ag-nosticism or atheism. At any rate, Deism stands along with agnosticism and atheism on the opposite side of the line dividing belief from unbelief. And it is perhaps more dangerous than those two, because it apes Christianity and obscures it own lack of faith. After all, is it not at least theistic, admitting the existence of God? But it ad-mits a God with whom one does not deal, an inaccessibld God with whom one does not argue or wrestle. From the viewpoint of faith the Deist is worse off than the atheist who seeks an accessible God but cannot find him. It is not true that believing in a Deistic God is better than + ÷ ÷o VOLUME 30, 1971 989 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 990 believing in none at all, because to believe in a God who does not enter into intimate relationships with men im-plies giving him certain personal attributes opposed to such relationships, making him aloof, arbitrary, uncon-cerned. While faith says He is our Father. Deism is far from harmless. It is religion without reli-gious experience, religion without encounter and without prayer. It declares God inaccessible. It views the world of things precisely as providing no access to God. It would be profitable to read Ignatius' "Contemplation to Attain Love" as an overcoming of Deism, seeing God dwelling in creatures, "conducting Himself as one who labors" for us in all creatures on the face of the earth. The "Contempla-tion" is the effort to see deeds as potential manifestations of 10ve and all goods as material for mutual sharing. I somewhat regret having to use the term Deism, be-cause it sounds too exclusively associated with the ages of' enlightenment and rationalism. What I mean by it is less a theological position than a state of mind, one which is still very much with us. Deism is a whole sensibility impeding our prayer. One could almost define it as the opposite of finding God in all things, as finding things and supposedly finding God, but not putting these two together except in an awkward juxtaposition. It is what modern thinkers are trying to overcome when they talk of transcendence in immanence and of encountering God in the world. We are Deists when we find God in religion and' not in secular things, and when we admit that reli-gion is more important but more boring than life. We are Deists in our inability to talk about God without using pale language divorced from life, language made more and not less abstract when it becomes pious. We are Deists when we live out our own human growth Odyssey without relation to our spiritual Odyssey. These are old accusations. We are no doubt overfami-liar with these aspects of our Deism. Accordingly, in the following pages I propose taking a look at certain things in which we are not used to finding God. We do not look for God in these things because we think He is already there. We are already aware of the problem of finding God in matter, in the secular, in the ugly. But the things I want to look into with the reader are, briefly, the will of God, our thoughts (especially our religious thoughts), and our images of God and ourselves as we engage God in dialogue. If we looked more for God in these things, .we would be much more able to pray. The best way to take this look is not by direct description, but by watch-ing our spontaneous reactions provoked by certain thought experiments. This way we can uncover the var-ious Deistic mind sets we are caught up in. We should not be surprised by this procedure. The Exercises them- selves proceed often in this same fashion, asking us, for example to imagine three classes of men or to imagine ourselves at tile hour of deatli, or to enter in fantasy into a gospel scene and then ',reflect On myself." The itinerary through the Exercises proceeds as much by uncovering and then healing attitudes of unbelief as by appropriat-ing attitudes of belief. God Present in the Things .That Are His will The second is that love consists in a mutual sharing of goods, for example the lover give and shares with the be-loved what he possesses, or something of that which he has or is able to give: and vice versa, the beloved shares With the lover. Hence, if one has knowledge, he shares it with the one who does not possess it; and' 'so also if one has honors, or riches. Thus, one always gives to the other.--Spiritual Ex-ercises, n. 231. Let us start hy a look at our will-of-God-talk. There is, in fact, a curious anomaly in much recent will-of, God-talk. This anomaly can be expressed in different ways. For example, we seem to be theists in our discei:ning process, and secularists in our carrying out process (and therefore Pelagian Deists all round: Discern as if every-thing depended upon God; act as if everything depended on you). Our talk of discerning God's will sounds more convincing than our talk of God's will once discerned. We do talk rather convincingly (that is, convincedly; with words that at least sound as if we were convinced of the reality we were talking about) about finding God'S will, but our handling of God's will once we have supposedly found it seems to give the lie to such talk. It is not iust that we fail in performance, that we are slow to fulfill what we think we must do, as Christians have always felt themselves to be. It is that the talk that accompanies our efforts to fulfill the wi.l,1 of God sounds as if we were~less than convinced that there was any such thing as a will of God manifested in discernment. In short, our talk gives the impression that we aim at doing more than merely discerning "What the situation calls for," because we in-sist on giving it a theological dimension. And yet once we have discerned "the will of God," we carry on as if this theological dimension were sheer ideology. Various Symptoms point to this, especially Our vacilla-tion and our regrets (and recriminations). Our vacillation during the process of discernment, weighing and search-ing our motives, 'indicates that we take seriously what we are doing. But vacillation after the moment of deciSion indicates rather the opposite. Again, it is not so much vacillation in performance I am talking about, but a kind of vacillation in the belief which governs the perform-ance. (If you are going to believe in a will-of-God uni-verse, an agnostic observer might say, at least take the ÷ ÷ ÷ Prayer VOLUME 30, 1971 991 ÷ ÷ ÷ Robert Ochs REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 992 advantages as well as the onus of your world view, and taste a bit of the joy and enthusiasm that ought to accom-pany such a belief.) For example, a line of action em-barked upon as a result of discernment will be aban-doned with a lightness incompatible with the discern-ment talk which launched it. The project is not adjusted in the light of new circumstances, discerned anew, as we say, but is changed without recourse to any discernment process at all. A project may be entered upon with some sense of vocation, and then abandoned with neither a sense of infidelity to any call, nor a sense of a new version of the call. If it does not work out, it is simply dropped as a misguided enterprise shot through with human fallibil-ity. After this, curiously enough, the whole discernment process may be started again, with'hopes inexplicably undimmed of finding this time the will-of-God project that will not turn sour. This phenomenon makes one wonder if any genuine discernment was ever done at all, especially when one considers that true discernment does not just provide the knowledge of what to do, but the grace to carry it out, the grace not to forget for long that one is about the Lord's business. Nadal remarks that what struck the early companions about Ignatius was his single-mindedness once he had adopted a course of action through discernment. Ignatius especially deplored the failure of spiritual nerve or what he called courage in difficult enterprises. Another index is regret. We have pursued a course under the aegis of God's will, expended our energies on it, and it does not work out, or works only tolerably well. Hindsight reveals all the deficiencies of our original choice--it looks dated, it is not what we would have chosen if we knew then what we know now. We regret, we recriminate, we think rather quickly .that we have been duped, wasted our efforts, labored under a very human delusion. Even though when we made the deci-sion we claimed to be aware that we had no choice but to choose, further postponement of decision being a worse choice than the one we made, yet we have no sense of accomplishment, no sense of having done God's will or even qf having done our best trying. For another index, let us observe our reactions to the account, in Chapter I of Acts, of the drawing of lots to fill up the vacancy left in the Twelve by Judas' betrayal. Matthias and Barsabba

The norms of legislation concerning activity of local self-government bodies in the sphere of civil protection are considered. The state of the formation of civil protection authorities of big cities, the merging of powers with mobilization units was determined and analyzed. Practical recommendations for changing the normative framework for elimination of the identified problem are given. ; Сьогодні в Україні відбуваються системні зміни систем управління та адміністративно-територіального устрою, що мають на меті оптимізацію роботи державних органів, усунення громіздких та неефективних органів, що мають дублюючі повноваження, наближення до світових стандартів надання державних послуг та захищеності громадян. Одним з основних напрямків цього процесу є удосконалення єдиної державної системи цивільного захисту.Згідно з Законом України «Про місцеве самоврядування в Україні» (Закон) управління містами нашої держави здійснюється територіальними громадами міст через відповідні міські ради та їх виконавчі органи. До делегованих повноважень виконавчих органів міських рад належить цивільний захист населення (Стаття 36 «Повноваження в галузі оборонної роботи»). Пунктом 3 цієї статті передбачено, що виконавчі органи міських ради організують та здійснюють заходи, пов'язані з мобілізаційною підготовкою та цивільним захистом на відповідній території. Об'єднання в одному пункті статті Закону абсолютно різних за своїм значенням завдань призводить до суперечливості вимогам статті 5 Закону України «Про мобілізаційну підготовку та мобілізацію», якою заборонено об'єднання мобілізаційних підрозділів з іншими структурними підрозділами органів влади та сумісництво працівників з питань мобілізаційної роботи, а також покладання на них функцій, які не пов'язані з розв'язанням поточних проблем мобілізаційної підготовки. На практиці таке суміщення має місце.Так, у 4 з 10 найбільших міст - обласних центрів України мобілізаційні підрозділи об'єднані з підрозділами з питань цивільного захисту в одному департаменті (управлінні, відділі) та не підпорядковуються безпосередньо міському голові. Це міста: Харків, Одеса, Дніпро, Вінниця, у яких мешкає 3 799 тис. чоловік, що складає 8,4% населення України.Дослідження вчених досить детально охоплюють системи цивільного захисту багатьох країн світу та України, проте проблеми органів управління заходами цивільного захисту міст, агломерацій та мегаполісів в доступній літературі вивчені недостатньо.Метою статті є розгляд законодавчих підстав формування існуючих структур управління цивільним захистом великих міст України, визначення причин виникнення проблем та надання рекомендацій щодо їх усунення.Існують різні визначення терміну «місто». Академічний тлумачний словник української мови дає таке визначення: «місто» - це великий населений пункт; адміністративний, промисловий, торговий і культурний центр. З. Герасимчук надає уточнення: «місто» - це населений пункт, який «виконує економічну, соціальну, екологічну, інфраструктурну функції з метою забезпечення високої якості життя місцевих жителів шляхом створення нових та нарощення наявних конкурентних переваг». За методологією В. Наконечного під поняттям «велике місто» розуміють міста з населенням від 100 до 250 тис. осіб.З. Герасимчук та К. Бєліков уточнюють, що за чисельністю населення та розвитком промисловості до великих промислових міст відносять ті населені пункти, населення яких нараховує понад 250 тис. осіб та за своєю спеціалізацією належать до промислових центрів.При подальшому розвитку місто дістає статусу мегаполісу. Мегаполіс — група агломерацій населених пунктів. Мегаполіси характерні для країн, у яких на основі територіальної концентрації господарства стихійно формуються високо урбанізовані зони. Мегаполіси можуть об'єднувати десятки мільйонів населення. Їм притаманні переважно лінійно витягнутий характер забудови, поліцентрична структура, порушення екологічної рівноваги навколишнього середовища.Управління містами, як адміністративно-територіальними одиницями, здійснюються органами місцевого самоврядування. На сьогоднішній день «інститут місцевого самоврядування відіграє значну роль в процесі формування громадянського суспільства, оскільки всі громадянські права і масові форми активності громадян, різні позадержавні прояви суспільного життя зароджуються і зрештою реалізуються в місцевих громадах, що створюють базу громадянського суспільства. Саме місцеве самоврядування відіграє вирішальну роль в реалізації одного з головних завдань сучасності – об'єднання в єдине ціле інтересів держави, суспільства і особистості, оскільки сама його сутність полягає в гармонізації прав і свобод людини та громадянина з інтересами держави і суспільства».Під час формування сучасної системи цивільного захисту України поступово поняття «цивільна оборона» було переформатовано у «цивільний захист». Відбулося розширення завдань та функцій систем від суто оборонних до більш загальних питань. У ранніх редакціях статті 36 Закону про місцеве самоврядування в Україні замість «цивільний захист» було зазначено «цивільна оборона». Незважаючи на прийняття у 2004 році Закону України «Про правові засади цивільного захисту», правки до цієї статті були внесені у 2012 році із прийняттям Кодексу цивільного захисту. Цей Кодекс врегулював відносини, пов'язані із захистом населення, територій, навколишнього природного середовища і майна від надзвичайних ситуацій, замінивши собою декілька законів цієї сфери державного управління.Тому, при оптимізації організаційно-штатної структури виконавчих органів деяких міських рад відповідні комісії не беруть до уваги вимоги Кодексу цивільного захисту України, Закону України «Про мобілізаційну підготовку та мобілізацію», обмежуючись перейменуванням та злиттям мало сумісних між собою органів управління.Для того, щоб уникати в подальшому таких порушень, рекомендуємо внести зміни до нормативних актів, а саме:1. Пункт 7 статті 5 Закону України «Про мобілізаційну підготовку та мобілізацію» викласти у наступній редакції: «забороняється об'єднання мобілізаційних підрозділів органів державної влади, інших державних органів, органів місцевого самоврядування з іншими структурними підрозділами цих органів та сумісництво працівників з питань мобілізаційної роботи, а також покладання на них функцій, які не пов'язані з розв'язанням поточних проблем мобілізаційної підготовки».2. Вилучити з пункту 3 статті 36 Закону України «Про місцеве самоврядування в Україні» слова «та цивільним захистом». 3. Додати до статті 38 Закону України «Про місцеве самоврядування в Україні» (Повноваження щодо забезпечення законності, правопорядку, охорони прав, свобод і законних інтересів громадян) в частину 1 до пункту «б» (делеговані повноваження) пункт 9 «виконання повноважень, передбачених «Кодексом цивільного захисту України».

학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 공과대학 기계항공공학부, 2020. 8. 민경덕. ; Abstract The Effect of Turbulent Flow on the Combustion Cyclic Variation in a Spark Ignition Engine using Large-Eddy Simulation Insuk Ko Department of Mechanical and Aerospace Engineering The Graduate School Seoul National University At the present, the problem of worldwide air pollution has emerged as an important issue and many countries are trying to solve the problem. Emission regulations have been tightened around the world in an effort to reduce emissions from internal combustion engine (ICE) vehicles. From 2014, Tier 3 emissions standards in the United States (U.S.) and EURO6 regulations in the European Union (EU) are adopted. Currently, CO2 is also being strongly enforced annually. To meet the tightened CO2 regulations, the development of high efficiency engines is actively being carried out by each vehicle manufacturer. In the development of high efficiency engines, the key point is the increase in thermal efficiency. Many technologies have been developed to increase thermal efficiency and are being applied to mass-production engines. However, there is currently a cycle-to-cycle variation (CCV) of combustion as the biggest obstacle to engine development. Therefore, research on the CCV is also being actively carried out. Because the causes that affect the cycle deviation are various and complex, it is difficult to conduct detailed research on the source of the CCV through experimental studies. Therefore, the 3D simulation is actively carried out as an alternative. In the present study, the CCV phenomenon of combustion was reproduced using large-eddy simulation (LES) approach and the investigation on the source of CCV are conducted. Currently, the engine simulation using LES is immature. Therefore, it is necessary to consider each sub-model for accurate simulation. First, three Sub-grid scale (SGS) turbulence models were evaluated with particle image velocimetry (PIV) data from the single-cylinder transparent combustion chamber (TCC-III) engine. The dynamic structure model (DSM) was adopted for this study, based on the analysis of the flow field and the predicted SGS turbulent velocity compared to the PIV data. Secondly, the G-equation was employed as a combustion model. The model can be used in the corrugated flamelets regime and the thin reaction flamelets regime. The turbulent burning velocity of the model is quite complicated to simulate the turbulent flame included in the two regimes. Therefore, in this study, the combustion regime of the target engine operating condition was found by using Reynolds averaged navier-stokes equation (RANS) approach and was identified to the corrugated flamelets regime. Thus, the G-equation was modified for the corrugated flamelets regime. Thirdly, an ignition model reflecting the characteristics of LES was developed. The lagrangian particles were employed to realize the ignition channel and the secondary electric circuit model was implemented to predict the spark energy, restrikes phenomena and the end of ignition time. The one of the key features of the ignition model developed in this study is that a simplified empirical function is implemented to realize the thermal diffusion during arc phase. After ignition phase, the channel grows by chemical reaction and the flame propagation progresses. The turbulent flame brush thickness term is introduced to predict the transition state between the laminar flame propagation and the turbulent flame propagation. Finally, when the channel is grown sufficiently, flame is propagated in the 3D field by the G-equation Finally, 30 LES cycles were performed to identify the cause of the CCV and validated against the experimental data. The sources of the CCV are mainly from the small scale turbulent flow and the large scale turbulent flow. The small scale turbulent flow effect was investigated and the fact that the small scale turbulent flow is related to the tumble motion is identified. In terms of the large scale turbulent flow, the effect of the local vortex on the flame propagation was found through the detailed analysis of the flow field. In particular, the vortex produced by wall flow on the secondary tumble plane is an important factor. A new piston shape was designed to strengthen the vortex formation by wall flow. The result of new piston case shows the reduced combustion CCV than the base case. This research provides the guide how to investigate the sources of the combustion CCV and how to reduce the combustion CCV for the future engine development Keywords: SI engine, LES, CFD (Computational Fluid Dynamics), CCV (Cycle-to-cycle variation), Ignition model, SGS model Student Number: 2013-20641 ; 국 문 초 록 현재 전 세계 대기오염 문제가 중요한 이슈로 떠오르고 많은 나라들이 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 내연기관 차량의 배기 가스 배출량을 줄이기 위해 전 세계적으로 배출가스 규제가 강화되었다. 2014년부터 미국은 Tier 3 배기배출물 규정을 유럽연합은 EURO 6 규정을 채택하고 있다. 현재 연비 규제인 CO2도 매년 강력하게 강화되고 있다. 강화된 CO2 규정을 충족시키기 위해, 고효율 엔진의 개발은 각 차량 제조사에 의해 활발하게 이루어지고 있다. 고효율 엔진 개발에서 핵심은 열효율 증가이다. 열효율을 높이기 위해 많은 기술이 개발되어 양산 엔진에 적용되고 있다. 그러나 현재 엔진 개발에 가장 큰 장애물로 연소 사이클 간 편차가 있다. 따라서 사이클 편차에 대한 연구도 활발히 진행되고 있다. 사이클 편차에 영향을 미치는 원인은 다양하고 복잡하기 때문에, 실험 연구를 통해 사이클 편차의 근본 원인에 대한 상세한 연구를 실시하기 어렵다. 따라서 대안으로 3D 시뮬레이션을 활용한 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 본 연구에서는, 연소의 사이클 편차 현상을 Large-Eddy Simulation (LES) 유동 해석 방법을 이용하여 재현하고 사이클 편차의 원인에 대한 연구를 진행한다. 현재 LES를 이용한 엔진 시뮬레이션은 아직까지 미숙한 단계이다. 따라서 정확한 시뮬레이션을 위해 각 물리적 현상을 구현할 수 있는 모델을 구현해야 한다. 먼저, 3개의 sub-grid scale (SGS) 난류 모델을 단기통 광학 엔진의 (TCC-III) particle image velocimetry (PIV) 측정 결과로 평가하였다. PIV 데이터와 비교한 유동장 및 예측된 SGS 난류속도에 대한 분석을 바탕으로 본 연구에서는 dynamic structure model (DSM)이 채택되었다. 둘째로, G-equation 모델을 연소 모델로 선택하였다. G-equation 모델은 Pitsch[1]에 의해 LES 적용 가능 하도록 개발되었다. 이 모델은 corrugated flamelets regime과 thin reaction flamelets regime에서 사용될 수 있다. 연소 속도 모델은 두 연소 환경에 포함된 난류 연소를 모사하기 위해 상당히 복잡하다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 RANS 를 이용하여 대상 엔진 작동 조건의 연소 환경을 찾아 내었고, 연소 환경은 corrugated flamelets regime에 속한 것을 확인 하였다. 따라서 기존의 G-equation 연소 모델을 corrugated flamelets regime에 맞도록 변경 하였다. 셋째로, LES의 특성을 반영한 점화 모델이 개발되었다. Lagrangian 개념을 이용하여 점화 채널을 구현하고, 2차 전기 회로 모델을 이용하여 점화 에너지, 리스트라이크, 점화 시간 종료 등을 예측하였다. 본 연구에서 개발된 점화 모델의 주요 특징 중 하나는 아크 페이즈 중 열 팽창 현상을 구현을 위해 간단한 경험 함수를 이용한다는 것이다. 아크 페이즈 후, 점화 해널은 화학 반응에 성장하고 화염 전파가 진행된다. 난류 화염 두께는 층류 화염 전파와 난류 화염 전파 사이의 천이 상태를 예측하기 위해 도입되었다. 마지막으로 점화 채널이 충분히 커지면 G-equation 의해 3D 계산 영역에서 화염 전파가 구현된다. 마지막으로 30개의 LES 사이클을 수행하여 연소의 사이클 편차 원인을 분석하고 실험 데이터를 이용하여 시뮬레이션의 정확도를 검증하였다. 연소의 사이클 편차의 원인은 주로 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에서 나온다. 난류 모델로 구현된 작은 규모의 난류 유동과 큰 규모의 난류 유동에 속한 텀블 값을 같이 분석 하였다. 작은 규모의 난류 유동은 텀블 값과 관계가 있다는 사실을 파악 하였다. 큰 규모 난류 유동 측면에서는 국부적인 유동의 소용돌이가 화염 전파에 미치는 영향을 유동장을 상세히 분석하여 확인되었다. 특히 2차 텀블면에서 벽면 유동에 의해 생성되는 소용돌이가 연소의 사이클 편차에 미치는 중요한 요인임을 밝혀 내었다. 벽면 유동에 의한 소용돌이 형성을 강화하기 위해 새로운 피스톤 현상을 설계 하였다. 새로운 피스톤 형상의 결과는 베이스 피스톤보다 연소의 CCV가 줄어들었다. 본 연구는 향후 엔진 개발을 위해 연소 CCV의 원인을 조사하는 방법과 연소 CCV를 줄이는 방법에 대한 방법론을 제시한다. 주요어: 전기점화 엔진, LES, 전산유체역학, 사이클 편차, 점화모델, 난류모델 학 번: 2013-20641 ; Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Background and Motivation 1 1.2 Literature Review 10 1.2.2 Turbulence Modeling 12 1.2.3 Combustion Modeling 16 1.3 Research Objective 20 1.4 Structure of the Thesis 22 Chapter 2. Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 24 2.1 The Fundamentals of Turbulent Flow 23 2.1.1 The Energy Cascade 23 2.1.2 The Energy Spectrum 27 2.2 Sub-grid Scale Turbulence Model 29 2.2.1 Zero-equation Model 31 2.2.1.1 Smagorinsky Model 31 2.2.1.2 Dynamic Smagorinsky Model 32 2.2.2 One-equation and Non-viscosity Model 34 2.2.2.1 Dynamic Structure Model 34 2.3 Evaluation of Turbulence Models 37 2.3.1 Numerical Configuration 40 2.3.2 Comparison of Sub-grid Scale Model 45 Chapter 3. Modeling of Gasoline Surrogate Fuel 59 3.1 Literature Review 55 3.2 Determination of Surrogate Component 56 Chapter 4. Combustion Model for LES 63 4.1 The Laminar Burning Velocity 59 4.1.1 Literature Review 59 4.1.2 The Correlation for the Laminar Flame Speed 62 4.2 G-equation Model for LES 69 4.3 Sub-filter Turbulent Burning Velocity 73 Chapter 5. Lagrangian Ignition Model 82 5.1 Literature Review 77 5.2 Modeling of Ignition 81 5.2.1 Initialization of Particles 82 5.2.2 Channel elongation 83 5.2.3 Electric circuit model 83 5.2.4 Plasma channel expansion. 88 5.2.5 Ignition channel development 94 5.2.6 Restrike 95 5.2.7 Transition between ignition and flame propagation 96 Chapter 6. Experimental and Numerical Setup 106 6.1 Experimental Setup 99 6.2 Numerical Setup 104 Chapter 7. Simulation Results of Combustion CCV 116 7.1 Validation of Simulation Results 109 7.2 Correlation between Combustion Phase and Peak Pressure 115 7.3 Investigation of turbulent flow effect on CCV 121 7.3.1 Small Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 121 7.3.2 Large Scale Turbulent Flow Effect on CCV 127 7.4 Method for Reduction of CCV 156 7.4.1 Investigation of the Controllable Source of CCV 156 7.4.2 Result of New Designed Piston 166 Chapter 8. Conclusions 182 Chapter 9. Bibliography 186 국 문 초 록 201 ; Doctor

Turkey's demographic and economic transformation has been one of the world's most dramatic, with urban growth and economic growth proceeding hand in hand. Distinguishing Turkey from many other developing countries has been the pace, scale, and geographical diversity of its spatial and economic transformation. Fast-growing secondary cities bring added challenges that define Turkey's second-generation urban agenda. New and differentiated service standards will need to be established across both dense urban built-up areas and small villages and rural settlements within the newly-expanded metropolitan municipality administrative area. These developments make planning, connecting, and financing important policy principles for Turkey's second-generation urban development agenda. This policy brief frames a second-generation urban development agenda to support Turkey's transition from upper middle income to high income.